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  • BRICS [PIB Backgrounder]

    PIB class: PIB Backgrounder. Unit: PIB feature unit.

    Why in News

    PIB published a thematic Backgrounder on BRICS, the intergovernmental grouping.

    Core facts (static, definitional)

    1. BRICS is an intergovernmental grouping. The founding members are Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.
    2. Origin: The term BRIC began as an economic grouping in 2006. South Africa joined in 2010, making it BRICS.
    3. Expansion: The grouping admitted new members from January 2024. Indonesia became a full member in January 2025 and is the first Southeast Asian state in the bloc.
    4. Institutions: The New Development Bank (NDB) finances infrastructure and sustainable development projects. The Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) is a currency swap framework for balance of payments support.

    Static Context

    1. The New Development Bank (NDB) was established in 2015 and is headquartered in Shanghai. Founding members subscribed equal capital, so no single member dominates its voting.
    2. The Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) is a treaty based safety net. It lets members access foreign currency during short term liquidity pressure.
    3. BRICS positions itself as a voice of the Global South. It presses for reform of the United Nations Security Council and of the Bretton Woods institutions.
    4. The 16th BRICS Summit was held at Kazan, Russia in 2024 under the Russian chairship. Its theme concerned strengthening multilateralism for just global development and security.

    Prelims angle

    Founding versus new members. The NDB headquarters at Shanghai and its equal capital structure. The CRA as a swap arrangement. Latest summit host and chair. Indonesia as the first Southeast Asian member.

    Mains angle

    GS2, global groupings affecting India’s interests. BRICS as a counterweight in global governance and a platform for the Global South, weighed against internal divergence among members.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2025] Consider the following statements with regard to BRICS: I. The 16th BRICS Summit was held under the Chairship of Russia in Kazan. II. Indonesia has become a full member of BRICS. III. The theme of the 16th BRICS Summit was Strengthening Multiculturalism for Just Global Development and Security. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) I and II (b) II and III (c) I and III (d) I only. Answer: (a)”

    “[2026, GS2, 10 marks] BRICS acts as a powerful counterweight in global governance, actively amplifying the voice and influence of the Global South. Explain the role of BRICS in projecting itself as an alternative to other groupings.”

  • Small Hydro Power positioned as distinctive in the clean energy transition [MENTION]

    PIB class: Press Release. Ministry: Ministry of New and Renewable Energy.

    Why in News

    The renewable energy ministry stated that Small Hydro Power (SHP) holds a distinctive role in India’s clean energy transition.

    Static Context (the exam value sits here)

    1. Small Hydro Power (SHP) is defined by installed capacity up to 25 megawatts in India. The nodal ministry is the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE).
    2. The capacity classes are standardised. Micro is up to 100 kilowatts. Mini is 100 kilowatts to 2 megawatts. Small is 2 to 25 megawatts.
    3. SHP is a run of river resource in most Indian sites. It needs no large reservoir, so its submergence and displacement footprint is small.
    4. SHP counts inside India’s non fossil capacity target. It supports decentralised generation in hill and remote areas.

    Prelims angle

    The 25 megawatt ceiling that defines SHP in India. The nodal ministry MNRE. SHP as a renewable source distinct from large hydro, which the power ministry handles. Run of river design.

    Mains angle

    GS3, infrastructure and energy. Role of decentralised renewable sources in the energy transition and in hill state electrification.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2013, GS3, 5 marks] What do you understand by run of the river hydroelectricity project? How is it different from any other hydroelectricity project?”

  • National Statistical Office releases first ever district level output for the unincorporated non farm sector

    PIB class: Press Release. Ministry: Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation.

    Why in News

    The National Statistical Office (NSO) released, for the first time, output estimates for the unincorporated non farm sector at the district level.

    Core facts

    1. What it covers: The unincorporated sector means enterprises that are not registered as companies. It spans manufacturing, trade and other services run as household or proprietary units outside agriculture.
    2. Institution: The National Statistical Office (NSO) sits under the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI). It compiles national accounts and conducts the large sample surveys.
    3. Significance stated in the headline: District level granularity is a new level of disaggregation. Earlier estimates for this sector stopped at the state and national level.
    4. Figures: Release specific counts and values were not verifiable this run and are therefore omitted.

    Static Context

    1. The unincorporated non farm segment is the statistical face of the informal economy. It employs the bulk of the non farm workforce and contributes a large share of jobs outside agriculture.
    2. The survey vehicle is the Annual Survey of Unincorporated Sector Enterprises (ASUSE). It records employment, output and value added for these units. It replaced the earlier periodic enterprise surveys of the erstwhile National Sample Survey Office.
    3. National accounts use these estimates. Value added from the unincorporated sector feeds the Gross Value Added computation for services and unregistered manufacturing.

    Prelims angle

    The parent body NSO and its ministry MoSPI. The distinction between incorporated and unincorporated enterprises. The survey name ASUSE. The place of unincorporated output inside Gross Value Added and Gross Domestic Product.

    Mains angle

    GS3, Indian economy, mobilization of resources, growth and employment. Better informal sector data supports district level planning and targeted formalisation. Frame around measurement gaps in the informal economy and the policy value of disaggregated data.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    No direct PYQ on unincorporated sector statistics was traced in the provided files. Closest tracked Microtheme is the manufacturing and micro, small and medium enterprise economy.

    “[2023, GS3, 10 marks] Faster economic growth requires increased share of the manufacturing sector in GDP, particularly of MSMEs. Comment on the present policies of the Government in this regard.”

  • Bihar flooded despite rainfall deficit; Nepal isn’t the reason

    Why in the News

    Bihar has flooded in a season of deficit rainfall. The State received 601.1 mm of rain between 1 June and 8 September, 27% below normal, and the Disaster Management Department recorded 2,157 villages across 14 districts affected. The Water Resources Minister has said this year’s flood pattern differed from previous years, with the Ganga rising first rather than the rivers that enter Bihar from Nepal. Discharge at the Valmikinagar Barrage on the Gandak stayed below what officials had expected, and the flooding continued anyway. The explanation offered is a backwater effect, so the immediate cause sits downstream in the main river rather than upstream across the border.

    What is a backwater effect?

    1. How a tributary drains: A tributary can discharge into a main river only for as long as the water level in the main river stays below its own.
    2. What happens when the main stem rises: A high stage in the main river holds the tributary’s water back and spreads it across the tributary’s own floodplain, with no additional rain falling there.

    Why did Bihar flood on a rainfall deficit?

    1. The seasonal shortfall: Rainfall from 1 June to 8 September was 601.1 mm, 27% below normal, and the deficit stood at 30% as late as 1 September.
    2. The month ran the other way: Rainfall during September itself was 31% above normal, so the cumulative figure conceals the period when the flooding worsened.
    3. Localised extremes: Individual rain events delivered 214.92 mm in East Champaran and 154.55 mm in Sitamarhi.
    4. The recorded damage: By 9 September the Disaster Management Department reported 2,157 villages in 14 districts affected and about 40.51 lakh people hit.
    5. Seasonal totals are the wrong measure: A flood is produced by the intensity and timing of rain and by upstream discharge, not by the season’s aggregate.

    How was this year’s flood sequence different?

    1. The usual order: The Bagmati, Kamla, Kosi and Gandak, which enter Bihar from Nepal, normally rise first, and the Ganga follows.
    2. What happened instead: The Ganga became the first source of concern this year, which inverted the sequence the State’s flood response is built around.
    3. The catchment is not local: The Ganga’s catchment extends far beyond Bihar, so it carries water generated by rainfall upstream, including in Uttar Pradesh.
    4. The stated drivers: The Disaster Management Department’s Principal Secretary identified rainfall around the Allahabad and Varanasi region and the resulting downstream discharge as important factors, with discharge from neighbouring States a major factor for the other rivers too.

    Why did opening the Valmikinagar Barrage not settle the Gandak?

    1. The gates were opened early: When floods hit Nepal on 26 August, Bihar opened all 36 gates of the Valmikinagar Barrage on the Gandak, which was then below its normal levels.
    2. The peak came in under expectation: Discharge at the barrage reached 1,50,200 cusecs (cubic feet per second, the volume of water passing a point each second) and then declined, below what officials had expected.
    3. Flooding continued regardless: The Gandak and the Punpun could not drain once the Ganga had swelled, which is the backwater effect at work.
    4. A second local input: The Punpun was also carrying heavy rainfall from Jharkhand.
    5. A flood travels: A river flood is a moving event, so a peak recorded at one gauge is transferred downstream and the flooded area is far larger than the area that recorded the heaviest rain.

    What do Bihar’s embankments do, and what do they not do?

    1. The length built: The State has built more than 3,730 km of river embankments.
    2. What they have protected: These structures have historically shielded around 3,600 sq km of land during floods.
    3. The limit of the structure: Embankments do not remove the underlying vulnerability of one of India’s flattest and most sediment heavy alluvial landscapes.
    4. Sediment raises the bed: The Ganga, Gandak, Kosi and Bagmati carry enormous quantities of sediment, and accumulation within a channel lifts the riverbed relative to the land beside it. Silt is a permanent condition of Bihar’s rivers rather than an event.

    Why has the Farakka Barrage entered the flood argument?

    1. The State’s contention: State leaders hold that the Farakka Barrage has trapped large volumes of silt along the Ganga over the five decades since it was built.
    2. The claimed consequence: That accumulation has made the riverbed shallower, so even normal seasonal monsoon flows now spill over the banks and produce annual flooding across the plains.
    3. A treaty deadline gives it timing: The 1996 India Bangladesh Farakka Treaty expires in December 2026, and demands in Bihar are for a review of the pact.

    What in Bihar’s own geography keeps exposure high?

    1. The rivers move: The Ganga, Gandak and Kosi constantly reshape their channels, so the land at risk is not fixed from one year to the next.
    2. People live at the water’s edge: High population density means many communities are settled close to rivers, and a rise in level turns into an evacuation rather than an inconvenience.

    Challenges to Bihar’s flood management

    1. An embankment concentrates risk at its weakest point: A breach releases water at high velocity onto land that the structure had kept dry for decades, so the damage is deeper than an unprotected flood. Eg. The Kosi breach at Kusaha in 2008 shifted the river’s course and displaced over three million people in Bihar.
      The Fix: Hold a pre positioned stock of boulders and geobags at identified weak reaches before each monsoon rather than mobilising material after a breach.
    2. Land behind the line cannot drain itself: An area sealed off from the river also loses the outlet for its own rainfall, so ground protected from flooding turns permanently waterlogged. Eg. Large tracts in the Kosi and Bagmati belts of north Bihar have gone out of cultivation from persistent waterlogging.
      The Fix: Build and maintain sluices and drainage channels through the embankment line with a fixed operating protocol for the monsoon months.
    3. Flood moderation depends on storage that does not exist: Peak attenuation on the Kosi and the Gandak requires reservoirs upstream in Nepal that have never been constructed. Eg. A high dam at Barahkshetra on the Kosi has been under discussion since the 1950s without being built.
      The Fix: Separate real time data sharing and joint forecasting from the dam negotiation, so warning improves without waiting on construction.
    4. Warnings are issued off levels already recorded: Forecasts rest on gauge readings at the moment of the peak, which leaves little lead time on terrain where water spreads sideways for tens of kilometres. Eg. A level based warning gives downstream districts only hours once an upstream gauge has crossed its danger mark.
      The Fix: Build district level inundation forecasts from upstream rainfall and barrage release data rather than from gauge readings alone.

    Conclusion

    Bihar’s flood risk is no longer set mainly by how much rain falls inside the State. It is set by the level of the main river the State has to drain into, and by channels whose beds have risen relative to the land beside them. The unresolved tension is that the structures protecting settled land also hold in the sediment that raises those beds, so each decade of protection shortens the next decade’s margin. What to watch is whether flood planning shifts from adding embankment length to sediment management, drainage behind the line and forecasting built on upstream data.

    Back2Basics: Farakka Barrage

    1. What it is and where: A barrage on the Ganga in Murshidabad district of West Bengal, commissioned in 1975, a short distance upstream of the border with Bangladesh.
    2. Why it was built: It diverts a part of the Ganga’s flow into a feeder canal to the Bhagirathi and Hooghly, to flush silt and maintain navigability for the port of Kolkata.
    3. A barrage, not a dam: It regulates and diverts flow through gates rather than impounding a large storage reservoir behind it.
    4. The water sharing arrangement: An agreement between India and Bangladesh shares the dry season flow measured at the barrage in ten day cycles between 1 January and 31 May.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2024, GS3, 15 marks] What is disaster resilience? How is it determined? Describe various elements of a resilience framework. Also mention the global targets of the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (2015-2030).”

  • Govt. backing ‘ecocide’ by going ahead with Tara coal block auction: Congress

    Why in the News

    The Tara (Revised) coal block in the Hasdeo Aranya region of Chhattisgarh has been auctioned and allocated. The block covers about 5,000 acres, of which over 4,000 acres is dense forest. The auction reverses a settled position on the region: the State Assembly had resolved against further coal allocation there, the State told the Supreme Court that no new mines were needed, and the Union Coal Ministry had denotified the block from the auction process. Local Gram Sabhas have opposed mining in the region for nearly 15 years. The principal Opposition party has described the auction as “ecocide”. The contest is between a commercial coal allocation and both the ecological value of a contiguous forest and the recorded consent position of the communities inside it.

    What does the Tara block auction involve on the ground?

    1. Area and forest share: The block covers about 5,000 acres, of which over 4,000 acres is dense forest in a biodiversity rich ecosystem.
    2. Scale of felling: Working the block would require the clear felling of more than 10 lakh trees.
    3. A renaming, not a redesign: The block was renamed Tara (Revised), which does not materially alter what is being mined or where.
    4. Who won it: The successful bidder is CG Syn Gas and Chemicals Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Mundra Synenergy Limited, itself wholly owned by Adani Enterprises Limited.

    Which earlier decisions does the auction reverse?

    1. A unanimous legislative resolution: The Chhattisgarh Assembly resolved unanimously in July 2022 that no further coal blocks should be allocated or auctioned in Hasdeo Aranya.
    2. The State’s position before the Supreme Court: The State government filed an affidavit in July 2023 stating that there was no need to allocate or develop any new mines in the region.
    3. The State’s request to the Centre: The State wrote to the Union Coal Ministry in June 2023 seeking the exclusion of nine coal blocks, including this one, from the auction.
    4. The Centre’s own earlier step: The Union Coal Ministry denotified 40 coal blocks, including this one, from the auction process in October 2023.

    What are the ecological stakes beyond the loss of trees?

    1. An elephant corridor runs through it: Mining around the Lemru Elephant Reserve would disrupt the movement corridor that elephant herds use through the region.
    2. Species at the sharper end: Other species in the same landscape, including critically endangered ones, would be placed at further risk.
    3. Replacement planting is contested: Compensatory afforestation replaces a diverted natural forest with a plantation raised elsewhere, and the objection is that no such planting can substitute for the loss of a contiguous mature forest of this size.

    How have the affected communities recorded their opposition?

    1. A fifteen year record of refusal: Adivasi and other local communities have opposed mining in Hasdeo Aranya for close to 15 years.
    2. The formal route used: Opposition has been recorded through Gram Sabha resolutions, the village assembly decisions that the forest diversion process is required to consider.
    3. Beyond the paperwork: The same communities have run public campaigns, sit ins and protest marches, including in Raipur.

    Challenges to auctioning coal blocks under dense forest

    1. The bid parameter does not price the forest: A commercial coal block is won on the revenue share offered to the State, so a block under dense forest competes on the same financial terms as one under farmland. Eg. Commercial auctions are decided on the percentage of revenue a bidder offers, with no ecological weighting in the bid.
      The Fix: Make a graded forest quality threshold a qualifying condition, so blocks above it never enter the auction list.
    2. Allocation happens before clearance is decided: A block is sold before forest and environmental clearance is settled, which converts a later refusal into the cancellation of an existing commercial commitment. Eg. The Parsa East and Kete Basan blocks in the same forest received clearance only after allocation and years of litigation.
      The Fix: Complete the forest diversion decision for a block before it is offered, so the auction follows the environmental appraisal rather than preceding it.
    3. Recorded consent is weakly verified: Consent is captured as a Gram Sabha resolution at the diversion stage, and a refusal has repeatedly been overridden or replaced by a fresh resolution. Eg. Gram Sabhas in Hasdeo Aranya alleged in 2022 that consent recorded for a neighbouring block had been forged.
      The Fix: Require independent verification of every consent resolution and publication of the minutes before diversion is recommended.
    4. Impact is appraised one block at a time: Each clearance assesses a single block, so the combined effect of several mines inside one contiguous forest is never evaluated as a whole. Eg. Hasdeo Aranya holds multiple allocated coal blocks within a single forest stretch and a shared river catchment.
      The Fix: Require a cumulative impact assessment for the entire coalfield before any further block inside it is auctioned.

    Conclusion

    The block has been allocated, and the operative decisions now move to the forest diversion and clearance stage, where the State and the Centre must each take a position again. The unresolved tension is that a legislature and a State executive have recorded one view of the region. The auction machinery has proceeded on another, with no mechanism that reconciles the two. What to watch is whether the recorded refusals are treated as binding inputs at the diversion stage, and whether the dispute returns to court before mining begins.

    Back2Basics: Elephant Reserves

    1. What the designation is: An elephant reserve is an area declared by a State government to protect elephant populations and the corridors between their habitats.
    2. The programme behind it: Reserves are declared under Project Elephant, launched by the Union environment ministry in 1992 to support elephant range States.
    3. Its legal weight: The designation is administrative, and it carries none of the statutory bar on land use that applies inside a national park or wildlife sanctuary.
    4. The species status: The Asian elephant is listed as Endangered on the IUCN Red List and in Schedule I of the Wild Life (Protection) Act, 1972.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2025, GS3, 15 marks] Mineral resources are fundamental to the country economy and these are exploited by mining. Why is mining considered an environmental hazard? Explain the remedial measures required to reduce the environmental hazard due to mining.”

  • The challenges for BRICS

    Why in the News

    India hosts the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi on 12 and 13 September, twenty years after the grouping was formalised in 2006. The grouping now accounts for a larger share of world output than the G7 and has grown from four members to eleven. Expansion has made agreement harder rather than easier. The foreign ministers’ meeting earlier in 2026 closed without a joint declaration after two members on opposite sides of an active conflict clashed. The economic project shows the same gap, with the idea of a single BRICS currency shelved in favour of settling bilateral trade in national currencies.

    How did BRICS grow from a four country dialogue into an eleven member bloc?

    1. Origin in a growth forecast: BRIC began in 2006 with Brazil, Russia, India and China, following a Goldman Sachs projection identifying these economies as future engines of global growth.
    2. From ministers to leaders: The format moved from a foreign ministers’ dialogue to a leaders’ forum, and the first summit was held at Yekaterinburg in Russia in 2009.
    3. First enlargement: South Africa joined in 2010, and the grouping took its present name.
    4. Second enlargement: Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE were added in 2024, and Indonesia became the eleventh full member in January 2025.

    How does BRICS now compare with the G7 in economic weight?

    1. The position in 2000: The four original members together accounted for roughly 23% of global GDP on a purchasing power parity (PPP) basis, which compares economies using what a currency actually buys at home rather than at market exchange rates. The G7 held nearly 52%.
    2. The position in 2024: The eleven member grouping accounted for approximately 36.8% of global GDP (PPP), and the G7 share fell below 29%.
    3. Growth differential: BRICS economies are projected to grow by an average 3.8% in 2025 and 3.7% in 2026, more than three times the G7 average.
    4. Prosperity tells a different story: Per capita GDP averages around $53,000 in the G7 against roughly $8,200 in BRICS.
    5. What drives the aggregate: The bloc’s weight comes from population and resource scale rather than from individual prosperity.

    Why has the grouping’s original grievance survived twenty years?

    1. The founding complaint: Global institutions have not kept pace with the redistribution of economic and political power.
    2. What the first summit asked for: Reform of the international financial institutions and of the United Nations, greater energy security, and a more democratic multipolar world order.
    3. Still unmet: Those demands remain the grouping’s central agenda two decades later, which is why an economic forum has turned into a geopolitical one presenting itself as a voice of the Global South.

    What does BRICS do for India’s strategy of multi alignment?

    1. Membership without alliance: India participates simultaneously in BRICS, the G20, the Quad and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) without accepting alliance commitments.
    2. The purpose of that spread: Multi alignment rests on strategic autonomy and is about creating room for manoeuvre rather than choosing between competing power centres.
    3. The grouping is not anti Western by origin: BRICS emerged during an early phase of convergence between India and the United States on strategic questions.
    4. India’s institutional contribution: India proposed a development bank at the 2012 New Delhi summit, and that proposal became the New Development Bank (NDB).
    5. What the bank has done: By mid 2026 the NDB had approved approximately $44 billion across 141 projects.

    What divides the members over what BRICS is for?

    1. The Chinese and Russian reading: Both increasingly position the grouping as a counterweight to Western dominance and a platform to challenge United States led institutions and the dollar’s hegemony.
    2. Beijing’s stake in size: China drove the enlargement, treating a larger grouping as a vehicle to project leadership of the Global South.
    3. Moscow’s stake in survival: Excluded from the SWIFT messaging network that banks use to send cross border payment instructions, and facing sweeping sanctions, Russia treats BRICS as an economic lifeline.
    4. The Indian and Brazilian reading: Both view BRICS primarily as an economic and reform oriented grouping.
    5. Where the divergence became explicit: Russia demanded in 2023 that India pay for oil in yuan, and India refused, insisting on dollars or rupees only.

    Why has expansion made consensus harder to reach?

    1. The visible fault line: The BRICS Foreign Ministers’ meeting in New Delhi in May 2026 failed to agree on a joint declaration.
    2. What caused the breakdown: Two member states on opposite sides of an active conflict, Iran and the UAE, confronted each other directly.
    3. What the chair issued instead: India recorded a chair’s statement acknowledging “differing views among some members regarding the situation in West Asia”.
    4. The structural point: BRICS operates on consensus, and every added member adds another veto on any text touching a geopolitical crisis.

    What has replaced the idea of a single BRICS currency?

    1. The currency idea is shelved: The United States President has threatened 100% tariffs on BRICS nations if they created a new currency or backed another currency to replace the dollar, and a single BRICS currency has largely been dropped.
    2. Bilateral settlement instead: Members have moved to settling trade in national currencies, a decentralised route that needs no common institution. Russia and China now settle over 90% of their bilateral trade in ruble and yuan.
    3. The India cases: Roughly 90% of direct payments between Russia and India have moved to national currencies through Special Rupee Vostro Accounts, which are rupee accounts that a foreign bank holds with an Indian bank, authorised by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI). India has run a rupee and dirham settlement system with the UAE since July 2023 and a rupee and rupiah framework with Indonesia since July 2026.
    4. A payments layer, not a currency: BRICS Pay, to be unveiled at the 2026 summit, links national payment rails including Russia’s SPFS, China’s CIPS, India’s UPI and Brazil’s Pix, so members can settle trade without routing through dollar correspondent banks.
    5. India’s own preference: India pushes interoperable central bank digital currencies (CBDCs), meaning sovereign digital money that can move across systems, rather than a supranational currency.

    How far has the dollar’s position actually weakened?

    1. Reserve holdings barely moved: The dollar still accounted for 57.13% of global central bank reserves in the first quarter of 2026.
    2. No member is building an alternative reserve: No BRICS member is accumulating rupee, yuan or rand reserves at meaningful scale.
    3. The Western assessment: Western countries treat the grouping not as an immediate replacement for the existing international order, but as a platform capable of gradually reshaping the distribution of geopolitical power.

    Challenges to BRICS

    1. No permanent secretariat or charter: The grouping has no treaty, no standing staff and no institutional memory, so follow up on a summit commitment depends on whichever member holds the rotating chair. Eg. Implementation is tracked through each chair’s own sherpa arrangements rather than by a standing body.
      The Fix: Create a small permanent secretariat with a published implementation review against each summit declaration.
    2. Unsettled disputes between members cap cooperation: India and China remain in an unresolved boundary dispute, which limits how far either will accept the other’s leadership of the bloc. Eg. The Galwan Valley clash of 2020 froze wider cooperation between the two for years.
      The Fix: Ring fence bilateral disputes into a separate channel so bloc business is not suspended whenever a member pair falls out.
    3. The bank depends on the market it wants to bypass: The NDB raises much of its capital in dollar markets, so lending to a sanctioned member threatens its own credit standing and funding cost. Eg. The bank suspended new transactions in Russia in 2022 to protect its market access.
      The Fix: Expand local currency lending and local currency bond issuance so project finance does not rest on dollar funding.
    4. Enlargement without an entry standard: Membership now spans oil exporters, sanctioned economies and aid recipients with little shared trade interest, which weakens any common negotiating position. Eg. Argentina abandoned its accession after being invited to join in 2023.
      The Fix: Publish objective accession criteria covering intra bloc trade share and acceptance of the reform agenda before any further enlargement.

    Conclusion

    BRICS has accumulated weight faster than it has accumulated agreement. Its economic case is largely settled and its political case is not. The marker to watch at the New Delhi summit is whether the chair closes with a text every member has signed or with a statement of its own. A second marker is whether the payments platform moves from launch to measurable settlement volume, since that is where the grouping’s stated ambition meets the actual behaviour of its members.

    Back2Basics: New Development Bank

    1. Founding instrument: The bank was established by an agreement signed at the 2014 BRICS summit in Fortaleza, Brazil, and began operations in 2015.
    2. Headquarters: It is based in Shanghai, with its first regional office in Johannesburg.
    3. Voting design: The five founding members hold equal shareholding, unlike the weighted voting used in the Bretton Woods institutions.
    4. Membership beyond the founders: Bangladesh, the UAE, Egypt and Algeria have been admitted as members, so the bank’s membership is wider than the grouping itself.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026, GS2, 10 marks] “BRICS acts as a powerful counterweight in global governance, actively amplifying the voice and influence of the Global South.” Explain the role of BRICS in projecting itself as an alternative to other groupings.”

  • Good governance is when state, society and markets deliver together

    Why in the News

    Cities ranked highest in the Swachhata Sarvekshan cleanliness survey attribute their results to the same two things, decentralised community action and collaborative governance. The argument built on that record is that six factors, rather than additional schemes, decide whether outcomes improve at scale, and that the state, society and markets have to deliver together. The sectors where delivery still fails are described as “wicked problems”, meaning problems with too many interacting variables for one agency to control on its own. The claim that follows runs against the way the system is organised. Centralisation is the default in precisely those sectors, and the reform that would displace it, an elected authority below the ward with funds and functionaries attached, has not been made.

    What is a wicked problem, and what do they look like in practice?

    1. A problem with no settled definition: A wicked problem is one where the parties cannot even agree what the problem is, because how it is framed already implies who is responsible and what the fix should be. Malnutrition framed as a food shortage produces a ration; framed as a sanitation and maternal health failure it produces something else entirely.
    2. Too many interacting variables for one agency: The causes sit across departments that each control one lever and none of the others, so no single authority can act on the problem as a whole. Eg. School learning outcomes turn on teacher deployment, nutrition, household income and distance to school at once.
    3. No stopping rule and no clean test of success: Work ends when money or attention runs out rather than when the problem is solved, and every intervention changes the situation it was measuring.
    4. The sectors the article places here: School education, health and nutrition, the systems it says have been expanded and must now be opened to citizen centric governance.

    Why do wicked problems resist conventional governance?

    1. Administrative structure cuts the problem into pieces: A department is built to deliver one function well and is accountable for that function alone, so a problem spanning four departments has no owner and four partial answers.
    2. Centralisation removes the people who can see the whole: The variables interact locally and differently in each place, and the tier that can observe that interaction is the one furthest from the decision.
    3. The measurement system rewards the wrong thing: Targets are set on what a single department can count, meaning inputs and coverage, so a scheme reports success while the outcome it was meant to move does not shift.
    4. Standard delivery assumes a known solution: Conventional administration is organised to execute a fix that is already decided, and a wicked problem has no such fix to execute, which is why the article argues for decentralised action and collaboration rather than a better scheme.

    Which six factors decide whether outcomes change at scale?

    1. Decentralised community action: Delivery improves where planning and management move down to the smallest viable unit, reaching below the block to the cluster level.
    2. Collaborative governance: The state, community organisations and market actors work on one outcome together rather than through parallel programmes.
    3. Women’s agency: Women’s collectives supply the standing local presence that holds a public service to account between elections.
    4. Technology as enabler: Digital systems are treated as support for local decision making rather than as a substitute for it.
    5. Accountability and public trust: Results improve where citizens hold a consensual decision making role and where data is validated by the community it describes.
    6. Professionals and community resource persons: Trained professionals and locally resident resource persons together carry the technical load that elected representatives cannot.

    What does the delivery record show, and why have social indicators moved slowly?

    1. The largest instance: The National Rural Livelihood Mission organised a hundred million women into 10 million self help groups, with decentralised management running down to the cluster level below blocks.
    2. Administrators converge on one explanation: Over a hundred chief executive officers of zila parishads gave the same answer as the research, that decentralised community action and collaborative governance deliver better where a problem carries too many variables for quality outcomes.
    3. Where the approach has already worked: The Green and White revolutions, the Rural Livelihoods Mission, the Swachh Bharat Mission Grameen, the total literacy campaigns, and collaborative work in watershed development and livelihoods diversification all rest on professionals combined with citizen centric accountability.
    4. The States that show the gains: Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Himachal Pradesh, Goa and Sikkim report improvements in multidimensional poverty and human development indicators where local governments and women’s collectives work together.
    5. Poverty fell without becoming durable: Extreme poverty declined sharply over the past two decades, and many households remain vulnerable to slipping back into it.
    6. The quality of work is the gap: Productivity gains and wages of dignity have been elusive in many employment opportunities, which slows the rate of improvement in social indicators.
    7. The new rails are in place: Digital public infrastructure, women’s bank accounts, direct benefit transfers and access to retail credit have all created new opportunities for growth and development.
    8. Rails are not outcomes: The persistent wicked problem sectors have not responded to those gains, which is what makes a different approach necessary rather than optional.

    Why does centralisation remain the default, and what is the binding constraint now?

    1. Electoral compulsions: The demands of democratic electoral processes push decisions upward to the level where visible credit is assigned.
    2. A bureaucracy built for other work: The administrative machinery is not geared to the qualitative outcomes these sectors require.
    3. Institutions and processes that do not function: Systems of institutions and management processes are inadequate, and in places dysfunctional.
    4. Accountability without community validation: Accountability stays weak wherever data is never validated by the community it purports to describe.
    5. The first task is largely complete: The heavy lifting of community mobilisation and social capital has been achieved in most parts of rural India.
    6. What is needed next: Higher order education and skills that raise productivity and allow the effort to scale.
    7. The systems now to be opened up: School, health and nutrition systems have been expanded, with real gains in social participation, and are the ones to be subjected to citizen centric impactful governance.
    8. What makes that possible locally: Untied and adequate funds, professionals posted below the block level alongside local governments, and a large body of community resource persons.
    9. The countervailing presence: Local government institutions standing alongside women’s collectives and their social capital create the conditions for accountable governance.
    10. A cadre that changed its own role: ASHA workers, the accredited social health activists based in villages, have made primary healthcare facilities more accountable, and improvements in their capabilities have moved many of them toward the work of community health workers.
    11. The transferable lesson: Accountable public systems need well trained frontline workers who live in the locality they serve.
    12. The effect on hired expertise: Where community resource persons exist, professionals recruited from the market also become more accountable and gain the scale to implement new approaches.

    What would change with an elected tier and full devolution?

    1. An elected tier below the ward: Direct elections at the basti level, below the large ward level, would create a legitimate accountable authority close to the community.
    2. Authority without resources fails: Those who carry the responsibility must also hold the resources.
    3. Collectives working with elected leaders: Women’s and youth collectives working with elected basti level leaders can provide accountable governance at the doorstep, with funds, functions and functionaries in place.
    4. Interconnected sectors need one authority: Given the interconnectedness of the wicked problem sectors, the responsibilities listed for local governments in the Eleventh and Twelfth Schedules should be accepted in full.
    5. The effect it produces: Such an adoption generates community convergent action from below rather than convergence ordered from above.
    6. A ranking already exists: The Panchayat Advancement Index, which ranks local governments, can be made better by community validation of every outcome it records.
    7. Financing should follow the deficit: The financing of local governance must be commensurate with the size and the shape of the deficit the Index reveals.

    Challenges to collaborative governance

    1. Devolution stops at the list: States accept the schedules in name and retain the functions in practice. Eg. Fewer than ten States have transferred all 29 subjects listed for panchayats, and the overall devolution index stands at about 44 percent.
      The Fix: Require activity mapping for every transferred subject, naming the tier that plans, the tier that spends and the tier that answers for the result.
    2. There is nobody below the block to collaborate with: Local governments lack the staff to hold a professional cadre to account. Eg. Panchayats average well under one secretary each, and in some large States the figure is close to a third of one per panchayat.
      The Fix: Create a dedicated local government cadre, recruited and paid at district level, with untied funds attached to each sanctioned post.
    3. Elected city leadership has no executive power: Urban collaboration fails where the elected head is ceremonial and the executive is appointed by the State. Eg. Parastatal agencies run water supply and transport in most large cities, leaving the municipal body answerable for services it does not control.
      The Fix: Transfer parastatal functions to municipal bodies together with the staff and the revenue streams that fund them.
    4. Community validation is missing where it matters most: Accountability tools collapse where the community never sees the record made in its name. Eg. Ward committees and area sabhas are non functional or absent in most States, and only a handful have legally mandated participatory bodies.
      The Fix: Make a social audit by the gram sabha or area sabha a condition for releasing the next tranche of performance linked grants.

    Conclusion

    The gap in these sectors is not a shortage of programmes or of community capacity. It is the absence of an elected authority small enough to be answerable and resourced enough to act, sitting next to the people who use the service. Every proposal in this space arrives at the same precondition, that a State has to give up functions, funds and staff it currently holds, and no State has yet faced a cost for declining to. What to watch is whether any fiscal transfer to a State is ever made conditional on measured devolution to its local governments, since nothing else makes retention expensive.

    Participatory Governance in India

    1. What it means: Governance is participatory where citizens hold a decision making role in planning, execution and audit, rather than only receiving a service designed elsewhere.
    2. The two values it rests on: Local institutions are justified on efficiency in public service delivery and on the deepening of democracy through proximity to citizens.
    3. The architecture on the community side: Self help groups are federated upward into village organisations and then into cluster level federations at panchayat or block level, which gives very small groups scale.
    4. The scale of women’s representation: Over 14.5 lakh elected women representatives sit in local bodies, and 21 States provide 50 percent reservation for women.

    Constitutional Framework Governing Local Self Government

    1. Article 243G: Empowers a State legislature to endow panchayats with the powers and authority to function as institutions of self government, with reference to the subjects listed in the Eleventh Schedule.
    2. Article 243W: Does the same for municipalities, with reference to the subjects listed in the Twelfth Schedule.
    3. Article 243I and Article 243Y: Require a State Finance Commission every five years to review the financial position of panchayats and municipalities and recommend the devolution of taxes, duties and grants.
    4. Article 243ZD: Provides for a District Planning Committee to consolidate the plans of panchayats and municipalities into a draft development plan for the district.

    Government Initiatives for Community Institutions

    1. Lakhpati Didi: Aims to enable 3 crore women members of self help groups to earn over ₹1 lakh a year through livelihood diversification, skilling and enterprise scaling.
    2. Namo Drone Didi: Provides drones to women’s self help groups for agricultural rental services, creating a new income stream and a route into technology use.
    3. Kudumbashree, Kerala: A State network of over 45 lakh members in more than 3 lakh groups, integrated with local self government and treated internationally as a benchmark.

    Key Facts about Participatory Governance

    1. The bank linkage programme: The Self Help Group Bank Linkage Programme was launched in 1992 and was pioneered by the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD).
    2. Its standing: It is the world’s largest microfinance programme by volume, with a loan repayment rate above 96 percent.
    3. The People’s Plan Campaign: Kerala’s campaign gives local bodies control over roughly 40 percent of the State’s plan budget.

    Challenges in Community Institutions

    1. Most groups never reach credit: A majority remain at the savings stage, and full credit linkage stays incomplete decades after bank linkage began. Eg. A significant share of groups are recorded as defunct, formed but inactive in meetings, savings and lending.
      The Fix: Make bank linkage, rather than group formation, the reported output against which a district’s performance is assessed.
    2. Weak market linkage caps incomes: Products lack quality, branding, packaging and access to organised markets, so most groups sell only locally. Eg. Public procurement routes such as the Womaniya initiative on the Government e Marketplace reach only a small share of producers.
      The Fix: Attach branding, logistics and quality certification support to cluster level federations rather than to individual groups.
    3. Entry capital is too small to build an enterprise: The revolving fund and community investment fund provided at formation cannot finance a business beyond subsistence. Eg. A revolving fund of ₹20,000 to ₹30,000 per group is the standard starting support.
      The Fix: Move to a credit plus model that adds technical consultancy and business incubation instead of only enlarging the loan.
    4. Women’s time is the unpriced constraint: Domestic responsibility limits the hours available for meetings and for enterprise work. Eg. Women spend upward of seven hours a day on unpaid domestic work against roughly one and a half hours for men.
      The Fix: Fund childcare and drudgery reducing shared infrastructure at federation level as part of livelihood spending rather than as welfare.

    Back2Basics: Panchayat Advancement Index

    1. Who publishes it: The Ministry of Panchayati Raj.
    2. What it ranks: Gram panchayats, on measured progress toward development outcomes rather than on expenditure incurred.
    3. How it is built: It is organised around nine themes of the Localised Sustainable Development Goals, covering poverty, health, water, infrastructure, social justice and governance among others.
    4. How panchayats are graded: Each is placed in a performance category, ranging from Achiever at the top down to Beginner.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2023] Consider the following statements: 1. The Self-Help Group (SHG) Programme was originally initiated by the State Bank of India by providing microcredit to the financial deprived. 2. In an SHG, all members of a group take responsibility for a loan that an individual member takes. 3. The Regional Rural Banks and Scheduled Commercial Banks support SHGs. How many of the above statements are correct? (a) Only one (b) Only two (c) All three (d) None ANSWER: (b)”

  • After DGCA cracks whip, dope tests begin on all pilots of Indian airlines

    Why in the News

    The Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA), the civil aviation regulator, has ordered every Indian airline to conduct a one time test for psychoactive substances on all its pilots by July next year. The direction was issued in August and testing has already begun. Indian airlines are estimated to employ close to 14,000 pilots. The order follows an Air India pilot testing positive for drugs after the aircraft he was commanding lost altitude suddenly on a Phuket to Delhi flight. The standing requirement is annual random testing of 10% of pilots, so the response to a single detected case is a census rather than a tighter sample.

    How does a psychoactive substance test work?

    1. The sample is split at collection: The employee’s urine sample is divided and stored in two separate containers.
    2. The first container is screened at once: A screening test is run on that sample immediately after it is collected.
    3. A non negative screening result grounds the pilot: A result indicating the presence of psychoactive substances takes the pilot off flying duty immediately, pending the confirmatory result.
    4. The second container decides the case: It is sent to a designated laboratory for a confirmatory test using high complexity instrumentation, because screening can return false positives from certain medications, food items and technical errors.

    What happens after a confirmed positive?

    1. A medical review comes first: The organisation’s medical in charge must consult a medical review officer to establish whether the result arose from legitimate therapeutic treatment or another innocuous source rather than from drug abuse. Eg. Pain relief medication containing codeine can trigger a positive result for opiates.
    2. A first offence is treated as a health problem: The employee is referred by the organisation to a specialist doctor, counsellor or de addiction centre for a rehabilitation programme.
    3. Return to duty is conditional: The employee must undergo fresh testing, obtain a negative report, and obtain a fitness certificate from the organisation’s medical in charge.
    4. The ladder then turns punitive: A positive result after return to duty suspends the licence for three years. A third positive result leads to cancellation of the licence.

    Why has the regulator moved from a sample to a census?

    1. The rule it is working around: The Civil Aviation Requirements on testing for psychoactive substances, effected in January 2022, make annual random testing of a tenth of pilots and air traffic controllers mandatory.
    2. The ministry asked for more: The Ministry of Civil Aviation suggested to the regulator that every pilot undergo a test once a year in place of the random sample.
    3. The revision was already under way: Consultations to revise the rules on testing aviation personnel were in progress when the incident occurred, and the incident produced calls for a stricter testing protocol and stricter disciplinary action in proven cases of drug abuse.
    4. The census is an interim step: With consultations still open, the regulator chose to put all airline pilots through a single test spread over nearly 12 months. A draft of the new and more stringent norms is expected by the end of this month, per the Union Civil Aviation Minister.

    Who else does the testing regime cover?

    1. Air traffic controllers sit alongside pilots: The existing rules treat both groups as the primary focus segments for testing, and the one time census covers pilots alone.
    2. The rules reach further than the cockpit: Aircraft maintenance engineers and certifying staff, trainee pilots, and instructors and examiners are all covered as personnel engaged in safety sensitive functions.
    3. Their testing is event based: That wider group is tested at the time of hiring or after specific incidents rather than on an annual cycle.

    What did the airline do before the regulator acted?

    1. A voluntary round came first: The Air India Group had already initiated one time random drug tests on an estimated 5,000 pilots employed by Air India and Air India Express, before the regulator’s direction was issued.
    2. Dismissal followed the investigator’s disclosure: Hours after the Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau flagged the positive drug test of the pilot in command of that flight, the airline said it had terminated the pilot’s employment.

    Challenges to psychoactive substance testing of aviation personnel

    1. A one time census tests a date, not a habit: A single sweep across a year detects use in a narrow window and creates a predictable gap on either side of it. Eg. A pilot already tested knows that no further test is due until the revised norms take effect.
      The Fix: Move to unannounced random testing at a high annual coverage rate, so the probability of being tested stays constant instead of being exhausted.
    2. A test detects consumption, not impairment in the cockpit: A positive result establishes that a substance was consumed and does not establish that performance was degraded on a particular flight. Eg. Alcohol is handled separately through pre flight breath analyser checks, precisely because impairment there is measured at the point of duty.
      The Fix: Link the regime to flight data monitoring, so a recorded performance anomaly triggers a test as readily as a test triggers an inquiry.
    3. A punitive ladder suppresses self reporting: A regime in which a repeat finding costs the licence discourages a pilot from disclosing a dependency or a prescribed medication. Eg. Aviation medicine practice elsewhere pairs testing with a confidential peer support route back to the cockpit.
      The Fix: Create a protected disclosure channel with treatment and monitored return, entered voluntarily rather than after a failed test.
    4. Laboratory and custody capacity is the binding constraint: Confirmatory testing needs accredited laboratories and an unbroken chain of custody, and a census multiplies both demands at the same time. Eg. A mishandled sample cannot be tested again, so a disputed result becomes unresolvable for the employee and the regulator alike.
      The Fix: Notify the designated laboratories with their assessed capacity, and audit custody records rather than only test outcomes.

    Conclusion

    The regulator has answered a detection failure with coverage. Testing everyone once establishes a baseline, and it does not change the odds a user faces on any given day, which is what actually deters use. The substantive decisions sit in the rules still being drafted, namely the annual coverage rate, whether testing is unannounced, and whether a pilot who comes forward is treated as a patient or as a case. Those three choices, and not the size of the first sweep, will decide whether the regime catches impairment before a flight rather than after one.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2015, GS2, 12 marks] For achieving the desired objectives, it is necessary to ensure that the regulatory institutions remain independent and autonomous. Discuss in the light of the experiences in recent past.”

  • Draft SIR poll roll: names flagged for 11 ‘logical’ discrepancies in Delhi

    Why in the News

    Over a third of the electorate included in Delhi’s newly published draft electoral roll is being served notices to verify documents and attend hearings. The drive is part of the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the roll. The Election Commission’s software flagged 19.33 lakh electors under 11 different “logical discrepancies”, and they form the bulk of the 33.1 lakh voters now facing scrutiny. A software flag is an inference drawn from a mismatch between two databases, not a finding that an entry is false. The elector nonetheless carries the burden of answering it within a fixed calendar.

    What is a Special Intensive Revision?

    1. What it revises: It is a full re enumeration of the electoral roll, in which every existing elector is covered afresh rather than only additions, deletions and corrections being processed.
    2. How it differs from the routine exercise: A summary revision updates an existing roll on the basis of applications received from citizens. An intensive revision rebuilds the roll through house to house enumeration.
    3. What it produces: A draft roll is published first, a period for claims and objections follows, and a final roll is published at the end.

    What do the 11 discrepancies actually test?

    1. The first category, relationships inside a household: Flags arise where more than six children are linked to one parent, where the age gap between a child and a parent is under 15 or over 50 years, where the gap between a child and a grandparent is under 40 years, or where two children are less than nine months apart.
    2. The first category also covers changed relative details: Flags arise on mismatched parent names, on a change of relative type from father to mother, and on a shift from “father” to “husband” between the current and the previous SIR rolls.
    3. The second category, age inconsistency: Electors were flagged where the age difference between the current and the last SIR does not reconcile.
    4. The third category, name mismatch: Flags arise from a discrepancy in either the elector’s own name or the father’s name between the two rolls.

    How large is the verification load, and where does it fall?

    1. The base: Delhi has a total electorate of 1.45 crore registered voters.
    2. What the draft actually carries: The draft roll published on 31 August holds around 97.5 lakh voters whose enumeration forms were successfully digitised.
    3. A second and larger category of notices: Over 13.79 lakh electors remain “unmapped” on the draft roll and face notices for lacking mapping details from previous rolls.
    4. Concentration by district: North East district will see the highest volume of action, with over 3 lakh voters set to receive notices.

    What does the calendar allow at each stage?

    1. For those left out of the draft: Claims and objections can be filed until 30 September.
    2. For those included in the draft: All notices must be served, and all claims and objections disposed of, by 29 October.
    3. The end point: The final electoral roll is scheduled for publication on 4 November.

    Why is the flagged elector at a disadvantage?

    1. The list is not public: The full list of flagged electors has not been uploaded publicly. Booth Level Officers, the field staff who maintain a polling station’s roll, can see the names through their own application.
    2. The documentary standard is discretionary: Where none of the 11 prescribed documents is available, the matter rests on the satisfaction of the Electoral Registration Officer, the officer who decides inclusion for an assembly constituency, and varies with the anomaly involved.
    3. Flexibility cuts both ways: A standard looser than the one applied to unmapped electors is also a standard that is not written down, so two electors with the same gap in records can be treated differently.

    Challenges to the Special Intensive Revision

    1. Field capacity decides accuracy: A house to house exercise rests on a single Booth Level Officer covering an entire polling station inside a fixed calendar. Eg. In the revision carried out in Bihar in 2025, officers were reported completing enumeration forms themselves where households were not found at home.
      The Fix: Publish the workload per officer, cap it, and sanction temporary staff wherever a polling station exceeds the cap.
    2. Mobile and migrant electors are the likeliest to be dropped: A person absent from the registered address during enumeration has no way to be counted in place. Eg. Tenants and daily wage migrants in urban constituencies routinely hold a roll entry at one address and live at another.
      The Fix: Allow a flagged elector to complete verification at any electoral office in the State, and through a documented online submission.
    3. A software flag carries no reasoning the elector can rebut: A person told that an entry is inconsistent is not told which record produced the inconsistency. Eg. Transliteration of one name across two scripts generates mismatches between rolls without anything about the person having changed.
      The Fix: Serve the specific field and the two conflicting values with every notice, so the reply can address the actual mismatch.
    4. The remedy is slower than the roll: Appeals against exclusion run to the District Magistrate and then to the Chief Electoral Officer, on a timeline unconnected to the election calendar. Eg. An elector wrongly excluded shortly before a poll regains the entry only after that poll is over.
      The Fix: Fix outer time limits for the first and second appeal that close before the final roll is published, not after it.

    Conclusion

    The revision has quietly reversed the default. An entry on the roll is now provisional until the elector re establishes it, and what triggers that is a mismatch between two databases rather than an objection raised by a person. A cleaner roll may well result, and it does so by moving the cost of administrative error onto the individual least equipped to absorb it. What to watch is the disposal record, specifically how many flagged electors were restored and on what proof, because that ratio is the only measure of whether the drive corrected the roll or shrank it.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026, GS2, 10 marks] Is the right to vote a fundamental right? Discuss the position of the Election Commission of India while undertaking the revision of electoral rolls. Can it also examine the question of citizenship of voters?”

  • SC seeks clarity on FSSAI’s warning label norms

    Why in the News

    The Supreme Court has questioned the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI), the statutory food regulator, on how it proposes to determine whether a packaged food is “high” in sugar, salt or fat for the purpose of front of pack warning labels. The regulator had proposed such labels a month earlier, after the Court questioned its reluctance to introduce them. Its affidavit sets the thresholds by reference to the Dietary Guidelines for Indians, 2024 issued by the ICMR National Institute of Nutrition, without stating the triggering level itself. The Court described food safety as a cause of “national interest” and said it would pass a detailed order seeking further information from stakeholders. A warning label operates entirely through the number that switches it on, and that number is the one part of the proposal not yet on record.

    What is a front of pack warning label?

    1. Where it sits, and why that matters: It is a mark printed on the front of a package rather than inside the nutrition panel on the back, so a purchaser sees the risk before choosing to read anything.
    2. The form proposed: A red hexagonal warning would appear on the front of the pack.
    3. The trigger proposed: It would apply where a product is found to be high in two or more of the specified nutrients of concern, namely added fat, added sugar and salt.

    What did the Court ask that the affidavit does not answer?

    1. The threshold question: A two judge Bench asked how the regulator would fix the level beyond which a packaged food is classified as high in sugar, salt or fat.
    2. Whether any standard exists at all: The Bench asked directly whether guidelines had been laid down for making that determination.
    3. The answer on record: The Additional Solicitor General, appearing for the Centre and the regulator, said the regulator was adhering to the guidelines issued by the ICMR National Institute of Nutrition.
    4. A dietary guideline is not a labelling standard: Those guidelines advise individuals on what to eat. A labelling rule needs a numeric limit stated per unit of food, which a manufacturer can apply and an inspector can test.

    How did the case reach this point?

    1. The petition behind it: The proceeding is a public interest litigation filed by non profit organisations seeking warning labels that indicate high levels of salt, sugar and saturated fats.
    2. The regulator moved only under scrutiny: The proposal for prominent red warnings marked a regulatory pivot, and it arrived after judicial questioning rather than from the regulator’s own standard setting cycle.
    3. The Court’s stated ground: The Bench said it had undertaken its own study, asked the regulator to treat its directions seriously, and grounded its concern in the health of the population and of growing children in particular.

    Challenges to front of pack warning labels

    1. The threshold decides the policy, and it is the contested part: Industry attention concentrates on the cut off rather than on the label, because a lenient limit leaves most products unmarked. Eg. An earlier Indian proposal offered an Indian Nutrition Rating awarding stars, which public health bodies criticised for rewarding marginal reformulation instead of warning about risk.
      The Fix: Notify numeric limits per 100 g for solids and per 100 ml for liquids, separately for each nutrient, so the standard is testable rather than advisory.
    2. A two nutrient trigger lets single nutrient products pass: A food extremely high in one nutrient alone would carry no mark at all. Eg. A sugar sweetened beverage low in fat and salt escapes a label that requires two breaches.
      The Fix: Apply one warning mark for each nutrient breached, so the label scales with the risk rather than with the count of risks.
    3. Enforcement reaches only the packaged segment: Loose and unbranded food sold without a package falls outside any labelling rule. Eg. Fried snacks and sweets sold by weight carry no nutrition declaration whatsoever.
      The Fix: Pair the label with mandatory menu and point of sale declarations for chain food outlets, where the product is standardised and traceable.
    4. A label changes purchase only if it is understood: Nutrient information fails where the reader cannot convert a figure into a judgement. Eg. Chile adopted a black octagonal mark carrying the words “high in” in 2016 precisely because numeric panels were going unread.
      The Fix: Test the mark for comprehension among low literacy consumers before notification, and pair it with restrictions on marketing such products to children.

    Conclusion

    The regulator has conceded the principle and left the operative part open. A warning is a binary statement, so it cannot be issued out of advice about balanced diets, it needs a limit written per unit of food. What follows is that the useful output of this litigation is not a further affidavit accepting labels but a notified numeric standard, with a compliance date and a named enforcement authority behind it. Until that exists, the label is a design and not a rule.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2016] With reference to pre-packaged items in India, it is mandatory to the manufacturer to put which of the following information on the main label, as per the Food Safety and Standards (Packaging and Labelling) Regulations, 2011? 1. List of ingredients including additives 2. Nutrition information 3. Recommendation, if any, made by the medical profession about the possibility of any allergic reactions 4. Vegetarian/non-vegetarian Select the correct answer using the code given below. (a) 1, 2 and 3 (b) 2, 3 and 4 (c) 1, 2 and 4 (d) 1 and 4 only ANSWER: (c)”