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  • Lunar Polar Exploration (LUPEX) Mission

    India and Japan are working together on a joint lunar polar exploration (LUPEX) mission that aims to send a lander and rover to the Moon’s the South Pole around 2024.

    Try this PYQ from CSP 2020:

    Q.The experiment will employ a trio of spacecraft flying in formation in the shape of an equilateral triangle that has sides one million km long, with lasers shining between the craft.” the experiment in the question refers to?

    (a) Voyager-2

    (b) New horizons

    (c) LISA pathfinder

    (d) Evolved LISA

    LUPEX Mission

    • The LUPEX is a robotic lunar mission concept by the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA).
    • It would send a lunar rover and lander to explore the South Pole region of the Moon in 2024.
    • JAXA is likely to provide the under-development H3 launch vehicle and the rover, while ISRO would be responsible for the lander.
    • The mission concept has not yet been formally proposed for funding and planning.
    • The Lunar Polar Exploration mission would demonstrate new surface exploration technologies related to vehicular transport and lunar night survival for sustainable lunar exploration in Polar Regions.

  • [pib] 17 States implement One Nation One Ration Card System

    Seventeen (17) States have successfully operationalised the “One Nation One Ration Card system” with Uttarakhand being the latest State to complete the reform.

    Practice question for mains:

    The ‘One nation one ration card ‘scheme would bring perceptible changes to the lives of India’s internal migrant workers. Comment.

    One Nation One Ration Card

    • This scheme aims to ensure all beneficiaries, especially migrants get ration (wheat, rice and other food grains) across the nation from any Public Distribution System (PDS) shop of their own choice.
    • Under the existing system, a ration cardholder can buy food grains only from the fair price shop (FPS) in the locality where he or she lives.
    • It was also launched with the purpose that no poor person should be deprived of getting subsidised food grains under the food security scheme when they shift from one place to another.
    • It aims to reduce instances of corruption by middlemen and fraudulence in ration cards to avail benefits from different states.

    Who is eligible under this scheme?

    • Any citizen, who is declared under the Below Poverty Line (BPL) category, will be eligible to get the benefit of this scheme across the country.
    • The beneficiaries will be identified on the basis of their Aadhar based identification through the electronic point of sale (PoS) device.
    • All the PDS shops will have the facility of electronic PoS devices.

    Impact on states

    • The reform enables the States to better targeting of beneficiaries, elimination bogus/ duplicate/ineligible cardholders resulting in enhanced welfare and reduced leakage.
    • An additional borrowing limit of 0.25 per cent of the Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) is allowed to the States only on completion of both of the following actions:
    1. Aadhar Seeding of all the ration cards and beneficiaries in the State
    2. Automation of all the FPSs in the State.

    Back2Basics: Public distribution system (PDS)

    • The public distribution system (PDS) is an Indian food Security System established under the Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food, and Public Distribution.
    • PDS evolved as a system of management of scarcity through the distribution of food grains at affordable prices.
    • PDS is operated under the joint responsibility of the Central and the State Governments.
    • The Central Government, through the Food Corporation of India (FCI), has assumed the responsibility for procurement, storage, transportation and bulk allocation of food grains to the State Governments.
    • The operational responsibilities including allocation within the State, identification of eligible families, issue of Ration Cards and supervision of the functioning of FPSs etc., rest with the State Governments.
    • Under the PDS, presently the commodities namely wheat, rice, sugar and kerosene are being allocated to the States/UTs for distribution.
    •  Some states/UTs also distribute additional items of mass consumption through PDS outlets such as pulses, edible oils, iodized salt, spices, etc.
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  • A case for a revamped, need-based PDS

    The article highlights the factors governing the food subsidy bill and suggests ways to reduce it.

    Growing food subsidy bill

    • The Economic Survey, tabled in Parliament in January, rightly flagged the issue of a growing food subsidy bill.
    • During 2016-17 to 2019-20, the subsidy amount, clubbed with loans taken by the Food Corporation of India (FCI) under the National Small Savings Fund (NSSF) towards food subsidy, was in the range of ₹1.65-lakh crore to ₹2.2-lakh crore.
    • In future, the annual subsidy bill of the Centre is expected to be about ₹2.5-lakh crore.
    • During the three years, the quantity of food grains drawn by States (annually) hovered around 60 million tonnes to 66 million tonnes.
    • The National Food Security Act (NFSA) 2013, covered two-thirds of the country’s population, this naturally pushed up the States’ drawal.
    • Based on an improved version of the targeted Public Distribution System (PDS), the law requires the authorities to provide to each beneficiary 5 kg of rice or wheat per month.

    How politics influenced the issue price

    • Economic Survey has hinted at an increase in the Central Issue Price (CIP).
    • Central Issue Price has remained at ₹2 per kg for wheat and ₹3 per kg for rice for years, though the NFSA, even in 2013, envisaged a price revision after three years.
    • What makes the subject more complex is the variation in the retail issue prices of rice and wheat, from nil in States such as Karnataka and West Bengal for Priority Households (PHH) and Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) ration card holders.
    • In Tamil Nadu, rice is given free of cost for all categories; this includes non-PHH.
    • A mere increase in the CIPs of rice and wheat without a corresponding rise in the issue prices by the State governments would only increase the burden of States.
    • Political compulsions are perceived to be coming in the way of the Centre and the States increasing the prices.

    Relook at food subsidy system

    • An official committee in January 2015 called for decreasing the quantum of coverage under the law, from the present 67% to around 40%.
    • For all ration cardholders drawing food grains, a “give-up” option, as done in the case of cooking gas cylinders, can be made available.
    •  Even though States have been allowed to frame criteria for the identification of PHH cardholders, the Centre can nudge states into pruning the number of such beneficiaries.
    • As for the prices, the existing arrangement of flat rates should be replaced with a slab system.
    • Barring the needy, other beneficiaries can be made to pay a little more for a higher quantum of food grains.

    Consider the question “There is a pressing need for revamping the food subsidy system. In light of this, suggest the measures to improve the system.”

    Conclusion

    These measures, if properly implemented, can have a salutary effect on retail prices in the open market. A revamped, need-based PDS is required not just for cutting down the subsidy bill but also for reducing the scope for leakages. Political will should not be found wanting.

  • The IT Rules 2021 seek regulatory parity, but threaten to curb creative freedom

    The article argues that IT Rules 2021 far exceeds the rulemaking power granted under Section 69A of the IT Act.

    Censoring online video streaming

    • Online video streaming platforms have marked a new dawn for the Indian entertainment industry.
    • The spectre of government regulation and criminalisation haunts this fledgling industry.
    • There have been various efforts to censor online video streaming platforms by petitioning the courts for a long time.
    • At least 23 petitions were being heard by different high courts on the issue of regulation of online video streaming platforms.
    • The grievances range from wounded religious sentiments to moral outrage against depictions of sexuality but the common thread that unites them is a desire to control what other citizens may watch in the privacy of their homes.
    • In addition to petitions seeking heavy-handed regulation, criminal proceedings have been initiated against employees of companies like Netflix and Amazon Prime.
    • While such FIRs may be in the context of specific films or shows, they cause substantial harassment and threaten the personal liberty of content creators and company executives.

    IT Rules 2021 exceeds the rulemaking power under Section 69A of IT Act

    • The imposition of any kind of criminal liability under the IT Rules 2021 would far exceed the central government’s rule-making power under Section 69A of the IT Act.
    • The existing three-tier regulatory mechanism and content classification system prescribed under the rules are also unconstitutional for the same reason.
    • The following three issues need to be considered while considering the IT Rules 2021.
    • First, the powers under Section 69A can be exercised only in the interest of the sovereignty, defence, security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States or public order or for preventing incitement etc.
    • The implication is that the powers under Section 69A cannot be used to regulate online content which may be obscene or sexually explicit.
    • Second, Section 69A states that the central government may direct “any agency of the Government or intermediary” to block access to online content but online video streaming platforms do not fall into either of these two categories.
    • Companies like Netflix and Amazon Prime commission or license the films and shows available on their platforms, and they are not an “intermediary” under the IT Act.
    • Third, Section 69A only grants the central government the power to “block for access by the public or cause to be blocked for access by the public any information generated, transmitted, received, stored or hosted in any computer resource.”
    • However, the range of powers granted under the IT Rules 2021 is much broader and includes requiring an apology or disclaimer, re-classification of content and deletion or modification of content.
    • As a result, the IT Rules 2021 significantly expand the scope of powers available under Section 69A.

    Issues with the three-tier regulatory framework

    • The three-tier regulatory framework created under the rules suffers from the substantive problem of lack of independence.
    • The third tier, which is the Inter-Departmental Committee, comprises entirely of bureaucrats and there is no guaranteed representation from the judiciary or civil society.
    • The Review Committee constituted under Rule 419A of the Indian Telegraph Rules, 1951 also solely consists of officials belonging to the executive branch.

    Way forward

    • The solution is to start afresh with publication of a white paper which clearly outlines the harms that are sought to be addressed through regulation of online video streaming platforms and meaningful public consultation which is not limited to industry representatives.
    • If regulation is still deemed to be necessary, then it must be implemented through legislation that is debated in Parliament instead of relying upon Section 69A of the IT Act.

    Consider the question “The IT Rules 2021 have been criticised for exceeding the rulemaking power under Section 69A of the IT Act. Examine the scope of the criticism.”

    Conclusion

    Many of the changes that the central government seeks to implement through the IT Rules 2021 may be well-intentioned and desirable. However, constitutional due process cannot be sacrificed at the altar of expediency

  • Farmers produce organisations (FPOs)

    The article analyses the role farmers produce organisations (FPOs) can play in improving the bargaining power of the small farmers and also suggest ways to improve FPOs.

    Declining size of farm holdings

    • The average farm size in India declined from 2.3 hectares (ha) in 1970-71 to 1.08 ha in 2015-16.
    • The share of small and marginal farmers increased from 70 per cent in 1980-81 to 86 per cent in 2015-16.
    • At the state level, the average size of farm holdings in 2015-16 ranged from 3.62 ha in Punjab, 2.73 in Rajasthan and 2.22 in Haryana to 0.75 in Tamil Nadu, 0.73 in Uttar Pradesh, 0.39 in Bihar and 0.18 in Kerala.

    Encouraging FPOs to help small farmers

    • Small farmers face several challenges in getting access to inputs and marketing facilities.
    • In the last decade, the Centre has encouraged farmer producer organisations (FPOs) to help farmers.
    • Since 2011, it has intensively promoted FPOs under the Small Farmers’ Agri-Business Consortium (SFAC), NABARD, state governments and NGOs.
    • The membership of an FPO ranges from 100 to over 1,000 farmers.
    • The ongoing support for FPOs is mainly in the following two forms:
    • 1) A grant of matching equity (cash infusion of up to Rs 10 lakh) to registered FPOs.
    • 2) A credit guarantee cover to lending institutions (maximum guarantee cover 85 per cent of loans not exceeding Rs 100 lakh).
    • The budget for 2018-19 announced supporting measures for FPOs including a five-year tax exemption.
    • The budget for 2019-20 talked of setting up 10,000 more FPOs in the next five years.
    • Some studies show that we need more than one lakh FPOs for a large country like India while we currently have less than 10,000.

    Looking at the performance of FPOs in last decade

    • Experience shows a mixed performance of FPOs in the last decade.
    • Some estimates show that 30 per cent of these are operating viably while 20 per cent are struggling to survive.
    • The remaining 50 per cent are still in the initial phase of mobilisation and business planning.
    • NABARD has undertaken a field study on the benefits of FPOs in Punjab and Madhya Pradesh.
    • The study shows that in nascent FPOs, the proportion of farmer members contributing to FPOs activities is 20-30 per cent while for the emerging and mature FPOs it is higher at about 40-50 per cent.
    • A study by International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) has undertaken a comparative study of FPOs in Maharashtra and Bihar.
    • In Maharashtra, some of the FPOs have organically evolved (OFPOs) when farmers have taken the lead to adopt market-oriented practices, develop cost-effective solutions in production and marketing.
    • In the case of Bihar, almost all FPOs have been promoted (PFPOs).

    Challenges

    • Studies of NABARD show that there are some important challenges for building sustainable FPOs.
    • Some of these are lack of technical skills, inadequate professional management, weak financials, inadequate access to credit, lack of risk mitigation mechanism and inadequate access to market and infrastructure.

    Focusing on 3 issues for the improvement of FPOs

    1) Getting credit

    • Issues such as working capital, marketing, infrastructure have to be addressed while scaling up FPOs.
    • Banks must have structured products for lending to FPOs.
    • These organisations lack professional management and, therefore, need capacity building.

    2) Linking with input companies

    • FPOs have to be linked with input companies, technical service providers, marketing/processing companies, retailers etc.
    • They need a lot of data on markets and prices and other information and competency in information technology.

    3) Augmenting the size of land

    • The FPOs can be used to augment the size of the land by focusing on grouping contiguous tracts of land as far as possible — they should not be a mere grouping of individuals.
    • Women farmers also can be encouraged to group cultivate for getting better returns.
    • FPOs can also encourage consolidation of holdings.

    Consider the question “How FPOs can play an important part in helping the small farmers by improving their bargaining power? What are the challenges faced by the FPOs?”

    Conclusion

    The FPOs have to be encouraged by policy makers and other stakeholders apart from scaling up throughout the country to benefit particularly the small holders.

  • 11th March 2021| Daily Answer Writing Enhancement

    Important Announcement:  Topics to be covered on 12th March-

    GS-1  The Freedom Struggle – its various stages and important contributors/contributions from different parts of the country. 

    GS-4 Case Studies.

    Question 1)

    Out of all the major European powers that came to India, the British were able to establish a long-lasting pan Indian Empire. Examine the factors responsible for it. 10 marks

    Question 2)

    The IT Rules 2021 issued under Section 69A of the IT Act has been criticised for expanding the scope of powers granted under the Section. Examine the scope of the criticism. 10 marks

    Question 3)

    Farmer producer organisations (FPO) can act as an important institutional mechanism to organise small and marginal farmers. In light of this, identify the challenges faced by the FPOs and suggest the measures for their improvement. 10 marks

    Question 4)  

    “Persuasion makes society work smoothly while physical coercion grinds it to a halt”. Giving examples, compare the effectiveness of persuasion as an influence tactic vis-a-vis coercion in bringing change in society. In what ways persuasion can be used by civil servants to remove social evils existing in society? 10 marks

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    Reviews will be provided in a week. (In the order of submission- First come first serve basis). In case the answer is submitted late the review period may get extended to two weeks.

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  • Biden’s Afghanistan Peace Plan

    The Joe Biden administration has proposed a new peace plan to the Afghan government and the Taliban, seeking to bring violence to a halt and form an interim government.

    What is Biden’s proposal?

    • The US has asked the Afghan President to show “urgent leadership in the coming weeks”.

    The proposal included many elements.

    • It has proposed an UN-led conference of representatives of Russia, China, Pakistan, Iran, India and the US to discuss a unified approach to support peace in Afghanistan.
    • It urges both sides including the Taliban to reach a consensus on Afghanistan’s future constitutional and governing arrangements.
    • It asks to find a road map to a new “inclusive government”; and agree on the terms of a “permanent and comprehensive ceasefire”.

    Why the US is making this peace push?

    • The US has pointed out that accelerating the peace process is the best way to advance the shared interests of the US and the Afghan government.
    • According to the agreement the U.S. signed with the Taliban in February 2020, American troops – currently some 2,500 troops are in Afghanistan – are set to vacate by May 1.
    • The Taliban and the Afghan government started peace talks in Doha in September last year but reached no breakthrough.
    • The Biden administration is concerned about the slow pace of the talks.

    Why is the US delaying troops withdrawal?

    • The US assessment is that if American troops are pulled out of Afghanistan, the Taliban would make quick gains.
    • So, the Biden administration’s believes that the Taliban are on the ascent.
    • It hopes that the best way to prevent a complete Taliban takeover is a regional peace process and an interim unity government.
    • The Taliban are yet to respond to America’s proposal.

    What is the Afghan government’s stand?

    • The Ghani administration has consistently been critical of the US’s direct outreach to the Taliban.
    • The Trump administration held direct talks with the Taliban, excluding the government.
    • Later, Washington put pressure on Kabul to release Taliban prisoners as part of an agreement it reached with the insurgents.
    • Even when the Doha talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government were underway, Mr Ghani made it clear that he, as elected President, is the only legitimate representative of the Afghan people.
    • He resisted making concessions to the Taliban.

    India’s position in the process

    • Since the Afghan peace process began two years ago, India’s role in it has been peripheral at best.
    • Our EAM has iterated India’s long-held support for an “Afghan-led, Afghan-owned, and Afghan-controlled” peace process.

    What lies ahead

    • While the Afghan government’s opposition to sharing power with the Taliban is well known, it is not clear whether Mr Ghani could continue to resist American pressure.
    • And if the Biden administration decides to stick to the Taliban deal and withdraw troops by May, Mr Ghani would be in a tougher spot.
    • The people of Afghanistan do not have any good options. If Ghani rejects the American offer, the war will continue forever.
    • The Taliban have already taken over much of the country’s hinterlands and are breathing down the neck of its cities.
    • Either way, the Taliban are set to make gains.

  • What is No-Confidence Motion?

    The no-confidence motion moved against the coalition government in Haryana was defeated.

    Motion of No-Confidence

    • If the government has to demonstrate its strength on the floor of the House, it can have a motion of confidence.
    • However, the opposition parties (or any member) can move a motion expressing want of confidence (no confidence) in the Council of Ministers.
    • The procedure is laid down under Rule 198 of the rules of procedure and conduct of the business of the Lok Sabha.
    • A no-confidence motion need not set out any grounds on which it is based.
    • Even when grounds are mentioned in the notice and read out in the House, they do not form part of the no-confidence motion.

    Try this PYQ:

    Consider the following statements regarding a No-Confidence Motion in India:

    1. There is no mention of a No-Confidence Motion in the Constitution of India.
    2. A Motion of No-Confidence can be introduced in the Lok Sabha only.

    Which of the statements given above is / are correct?

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

    Its procedure

    • A no-confidence motion can be moved by any member of the House.
    • It can be moved only in the Lok Sabha and not Rajya Sabha.
    • Rule 198 of the Rules of Procedure and conduct of Lok Sabha specifies the procedure for moving a no-confidence motion.
    • The member has to give written notice of the motion before 10 am which will be read out by the Speaker in the House.
    • A minimum of 50 members have to accept the motion and accordingly, the Speaker will announce the date for discussion for the motion.
    • The allotted date has to be within 10 days from the day the motion is accepted. Otherwise, the motion fails and the member who moved the motion will be informed about it.
    • If the government is not able to prove its majority in the House, then the government of the day has to resign.

    How is the voting done?

    These are the modes by which voting can be conducted:

    1. Voice vote: In a voice vote, the legislators respond orally.
    2. Division vote: In case of a division vote, voting is done using electronic gadgets, slips or in a ballot box.
    3. Ballot vote: The ballot box is usually a secret vote – just like how people vote during state or parliamentary elections.

    What happens if there is a tie?

    • Following the vote, the person who has the majority will be allowed to form the government.
    • In case there is a tie, the speaker can cast his vote.

  • Kerala HC restrains Centre over new IT Rules

    The Kerala High Court has restrained the Centre from taking coercive action against a legal news portal, for any non-compliance with Part III of the new IT (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021.

    What was the petition?

    Three-tier mechanism

    • The petition said Part III of the rules imposed unconstitutional three-tier complaints and adjudication structure on publishers.
    • This administrative regulation on digital news media would make it virtually impossible for small or medium-sized publishers, such as the petitioner, to function.
    • It would have a chilling effect on such entities, the petition said.
    • The creation of a grievance redressal mechanism, through a governmental oversight body (an inter-departmental committee constituted under Rule 14) amounted to excessive regulation, the petitioner contended.

    Violation of free speech

    • The petitioner pointed out that Rule 4(2), which makes it mandatory for every social media intermediary to enable tracing of originators of information on its platform, violated Article 19(1)(a) (freedom of speech and expression).
    • It also deprived the intermediaries of their “safe-harbour protection” under Section 79 of the IT Act.

    Violation of Right to Privacy

    • The rules obligate messaging intermediaries to alter their infrastructure to “fingerprint” each message on a mass scale for every user to trace the first originator.
    • This was violative of the fundamental right of Internet users to privacy.

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