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GS Paper: GS2-05.Comparison of Indian constitutional scheme with other countries

  • Parliamentary Standing Committees

    Parliamentary CommitteesContext

    • In the recent monsoon session of Parliament (July-August) the Competition (Amendment) Bill, 2022 and the Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2022 sent to the Parliamentary Committees for detailed examination and a report thereon.

    Background

    • Parliament had only limited legislative time this session and could pass only five pieces of legislation
    • Oppositions stand: opposition alleging that the Government has been trying to steamroll various pieces of legislation in the last few sessions.
    • Governments stand: Government worries that so much time is lost in disruptions in Parliament that the legislative process, as it is, becomes unduly delayed and therefore, referring the bills to the Standing Committees.

    Parliamentary CommitteesParliamentary Committees

    • Need of parliamentary committees: The functions of the Parliament are varied, complex and voluminous. Moreover, it has neither the adequate time nor necessary expertise to make a detailed scrutiny of all legislative measures.
    • Function: To assist parliament to discharge of its duties.
    • Mandate: To examine various legislations referred to it, the budget proposals of different Ministries, and also to do policy thinking on the vision, mission and future direction of the Ministries concerned.
    • Composition: Members of the Parliament of both the LokSabha and the RajyaSabha in the ratio 2:1,
    • Authority: constituted by the Speaker of the LokSabha and the Chairman of the RajyaSabha, jointly.
    • Classification: Broadly, two kinds–Standing Committees and Ad Hoc Standing Committees are permanent (constituted every year or periodically) and work on a continuous basis, while Ad Hoc Committees are temporary and cease to exist on completion of the task assigned to them.
    • Parliament has 24 Department Related Parliamentary Standing Committees (DRSC).

    Relevance of parliamentary committees

    • Withdrawal of farm law bills shows that if bills are not discussed thoroughly, these laws are just bizarre pieces of legislation from point of view consumers and stakeholders.
    • Parliamentary committee’s discussions are held closed door. Members can express their opinion freely.
    • Members of DRSC always try reach to consensus despite political differences. Such practices are essential for healthy democracy.
    • To strengthen the relevance of parliamentarians the parliamentary committees are crucial tools.

    Parliamentary CommitteesHow to improve Efficacy of committees?

    • Compulsory process: The Speaker of the Lok Sabha and the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha have powers to refer Bills to a DRSC of Parliament. Making the process of reference of Bills to these committees compulsory/an automatic process will be useful. An exemption could be made with the specific approval of the Speaker/ Chairman after detailed reasons for the same.
    • No whip: All discussions in the Parliamentary Standing Committee should be frank and free. No whip of the party would apply to them during the discussion.
    • Time bound: fixed timeline to come up with the recommendation and present its report which can be decided by the Speaker/Chairman. In case the committee if fails to give its recommendation within the approved/extended time, the Bill may be put up before the House concerned directly.
    • Inviting filed Expertise: To ensure quality work in the committees, experts in the field may be invited who could bring with them the necessary domain knowledge and also help introduce the latest developments and trends in that field from Some subject matter experts/young researchers could be associated with the committee for a short period would be fruitful.
    • Authority: The Speaker/Chairman should have the right to fix a time limit, sometimes even stringent, if the government of the day asks for it and the demand is found to be reasonable by the Speaker/Chairman.
    • Organized work in the gap: Between two sessions, there is generally enough time to organise committee meetings for discussions on Bills in the parliamentary committees. It is important for the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs in collaboration with the committee chairmen to get these parliamentary works organized during the intersessional period, in advance.
    • Other than Budget Proposals: The committees should not limit themselves to discussing just the budget proposals and endorsing them with a few qualifications here or amendments there. They should also come up with suggestions for the Ministry to take up new initiatives and people friendly measures.

    Conclusion

    • Discussion is not a stumbling block but an indispensable preliminary of any wise actions.
    • Discussion is soul of democracy.
    • Parliamentary committees are truly democratic institutions in India due to its consensus and bonhomie while functioning.
    • Government of the day should take step to strengthen DRSC and refer more bills to committees. 

    Other related information

    Parliamentary sessions

    • The president from time to time summons each House of Parliament to meet.
    • The maximum gap between two sessions of Parliament cannot be more than six months.
    • In other words, the Parliament should meet at least twice a year.
    • There are usually three sessions in a year: 1. The Budget Session (February to May); 2. The Monsoon Session (July to September); and 3. The Winter Session (November to December).

    Competition Commission of India (CCI)

    • CCI is the chief national competition regulatorin India.
    • The commission was established on 14 October 2003. It became fully functional in May 2009
    • It is a statutory body within the Ministry of Corporate Affairs
    • Responsibility: To enforce the Competition Act, 2002 to promote competition and to prevent activities that effects negatively on competition in India.
    • The CCI looks into cases and investigates them if the same has a negative impact on competition.
    • CCI also approves combination under the act so that two merging entities do not overtake the market.

    Mains Question Q.

    Evaluate the significance of parliamentary standing committee in parliamentary democracy. Suggest the steps to strengthen the parliamentary committees.

     

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  • Democratic Backsliding in America

    Context

    With the US Supreme Court’s overturning of abortion as a constitutionally guaranteed right, America has taken another step towards democratic backsliding.

    Background of the Roe v Wade case

    • Bodily autonomy: Roe, the 1973 outcome of an unmarried woman’s crusade for bodily autonomy, had declared overbroad, and consequently unconstitutional, a provision of the Texas Penal Code which permitted only those abortions that were “procured or attempted by medical advice to save the life of the mother”.
    • Right to abortion: While locating the right of privacy within the guarantee of personal liberty enshrined in the fourteenth amendment of the American constitution, Roe embodies a supervening constitutional right to abortion emanating from this right of privacy.
    • The right to abort was held to be a constitutionally protected right within the right of privacy.
    • Recognition of states’ rights: The decision simultaneously recognised the state’s interest in protecting the life of the foetus as also the life of the mother. 
    • Roe is not only relevant as a progressive trailblazer for reproductive rights in the United States but is also fundamental to constitutional jurisprudence globally for the interpretative tools it employed.

    Overturning of Roe Vs Wade case

    • The US Supreme Court on June 24 overturned a half-century-old right to abortion, granted by a 1973 Supreme Court decision in the Roe vs Wade case.
    • No nationwide right to abortion: With a 5-4 majority, the court has said that American women have no nationwide right to abortion.
    • Rather, state legislatures should decide whether women can have that right in their respective states.
    • Concerns about the life of the unbors: In the court’s opinion, the right to privacy stemming from the 14th Amendment is not relevant, for abortion concerns not only the pregnant woman but also the life of the unborn.
    • Not mentioned in the 1787 constitution: Moreover, the court said, abortion is neither “enumerated” as a right in the original 1787 constitution nor is it consistent with American history and tradition.
    • Taking away the right once granted: In a democracy, can a right once granted be taken away?
    • As the world’s oldest surviving democracy, the United States has figured prominently in this debate.
    • With the overturning of Roe vs Wade, this debate has now become wider.

    Was the right to abortion constitutionally justified?

    • Protection of liberty and privacy: The 1973 court decision allowing the right to abortion was based on the 14th Constitutional Amendment (1868).
    • Even though abortion was not mentioned in the 1787 US Constitution, abortion’s defence was derived from the 1868 Amendment
    • This Amendment, the court said, allowed protection of liberty and privacy, something the state could not impinge upon.
    • Not absolute right: The 1973 court also argued that this right was not absolute, limited as it would be by considerations of “protecting potential life”.

    Issues with the overturning of Roe Vs. Wade case

    • 1] No constitution can anticipate the evolution of rights:  Abortion was not mentioned in the 1787 constitution, nor explicitly in the 1868 amendment.
    • That is because women were not autonomous political agents at that time.
    • Until they were given the right to vote in 1920, they were not a constitutional category in the US, as was true virtually everywhere in the world.
    • Women are autonomous agents today. Norms change; rights evolve.
    • 2] Ignores rape and incest:  As the court’s dissent note puts it, this majority decision ignore rape and incest.
    • If abortion as a right is dissolved, women can be forced to give such unwanted births.
    • The majority decision of the court is silent on this important matter.
    • 3] Against the right to participate equally in economic and social life: Having a child is not simply a deeply moral obligation to the unborn.
    • It is also a decision that affects “the ability of women to participate equally in (the nation’s) economic and social life”.
    • These words are from a later decision, known as Casey (1992), when the US Supreme Court added the concept of “undue burdens” to support the idea of abortion.
    • 4] Right over body ignored: Men don’t have to deal physically with pregnancy, whereas the foetus grows inside a woman’s body for nine months.
    •  If men have the right over their bodies, which can’t be taken away by the government,then women should also have autonomy over their bodies as well.
    •  Maternity must be a voluntary choice.
    • There is no going back to the notion of rights as they were viewed in the 18th century — unequal, unneutral, unbalanced.

    Conclusion

    Typically, as they evolve and deepen, democracies allow the arc of rights to broaden further, not retreat. After this judgment in the US, the stakes have become much higher and the democratic challenges bigger.

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  • The ‘Roe’ draft ruling could affect other civil rights

    Context

    The leaked Roe vs Wade draft opinion has been in the news for its possible impact on abortion rights, but it also paves the way for the erosion of gay rights in America.

    Background of abortion rights cases in the U.S.

    •  Almost 50 years earlier, the U.S. Supreme Court held in Roe vs Wade(1973) that it was unconstitutional for states to ban or restrict abortions before fetal viability.
    • Later, Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania vs Casey (1992) reaffirmed Roe’s central holding on viability.
    • In December 2021, the U.S. Supreme Court concluded oral arguments in Dobbs vs Jackson Women’s Health Organization, an ongoing case that looks at a 2018 Mississippi law (The Gestational Age Act) that bans most abortions after 15 weeks.
    • Keeping Roe and Casey in mind, lower courts permanently enjoined the Mississippi law, but the case eventually moved up to the Supreme Court, with the following question: are all pre-viability prohibitions on elective abortions unconstitutional?
    • This question (and the court’s acceptance to answer it) is at the heart of Roe and Casey because the Roe court had already decided that answer in the affirmative back in 1973; and this was re-affirmed in 1992 by the Casey court.
    • The leaked first draft of the court’s majority decision in Dobbs, however, departs from precedent and signals a completely different turn.

    Originalist reading of the US Constitution

    • A running theme in this first draft of the Dobbs judgment was the court’s emphasis on originalism.
    • The very first page of the draft says that “the constitution makes no mention of abortion”.
    • On page 9 it reads “the abortion right, which is not mentioned in the Constitution, is part of a right to privacy, which is also not mentioned.
    • An originalist reading of the Constitution and an application of similar reasoning as the one applied in this draft opinion (minus the emphasis on protecting “life or ‘potential life”) could invalidate all rights for gay and lesbian Americans.

    Implications for other rights

    • Gay rights do not have any place in American history and tradition; it is quite the opposite with American history.
    •  Simply put, a rollback of Roe and Casey could allow state legislatures across the country to re-instate bans or restrictions on gay rights such as limitations on same-sex couple adoptions or sexuality education in schools.
    • Moreover, because the Constitution makes no explicit mention of “privacy”, “sexual orientation”, “gay”, “lesbian”, or “gay rights” anywhere, these rights could be challenged further.
    • The constitutional recognition of same-sex marriage is, after all, only a recent phenomenon, both globally and nationally.
    •  In 1992, the Casey court affirmed what was already decided two decades ago in Roe — namely, that women in America had the “liberty” to an abortion under the Fourteenth Amendment.
    • However, the Dobbs draft ruling discards this right to “liberty” just as it does the right to “privacy”.
    •  By specifically re-defining “liberty” and calling into question its applicability in the case of abortions, the court paves the way for potentially reviewing other “liberty” rights not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution — such as the right to travel ( Kent vs Dulles, 1958), the right to inter-racial marriage ( Loving vs Virginia, 1967), and the right to engage in same-sex activity in private ( Lawrence vs Texas, 2003), among others.

    Conclusion

    The bottom line is that if 50 year-old constitutionally guaranteed rights could be revoked today, then more recent and similarly, situated rights could also be revoked under an originalist reading of the Constitution.

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  • Public opinion cannot influence jurisprudence

    Context

    On May 5, 2022, the current affairs site politico.com obtained the draft opinion of Justice Samuel Alito, apparently speaking for the majority of the judges of the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) overruling Roe v Wade (1973) and Planned Parenthood v Casey (1992). These two previously decided cases enable women in the US to access abortions, albeit with some restrictions.

    Background of the US Supreme Court

    • SCOTUS was established on March 4, 1789.
    • The almost 225-year-old court, founded to interpret the American constitution that was adopted in 1789, has a long history of being an ideologically divided court, hearing deeply contentious political issues.
    • Within both the polity and law in the US, no issue is as emotive and divisive as matters related to abortion.
    • At present there is the 6-3 divide in the SCOTUS, with the conservatives constituting the majority.
    • Paying attention to the public opinion: Conservative judges also frame the regulation of abortion as a state legislative rights issue, giving enormous weight to the apparent public opinion within those states.

    Paying attention to the public opinion

    • In the draft opinion that was leaked, after being circulated to the other eight judges of SCOTUS, Justice Alito writes “We hold that Roe and Casey must be overruled,” adding, “it is time to heed the Constitution and return the issue of abortion to the people’s elected representatives.
    • Here is how the issue is initially framed: Legislatures in states must be able to adopt laws on abortion as they see fit.
    • The justification offered is in the context of the legitimacy of such laws being made by the will of the people, through their representatives.
    •  Justice Alito clearly sees this an issue for the legislature to decide based on the will of the voters.

    Why public opinion is not a legitimate parameter for adjudicating issues of rights

    • Against the separation of power: Across jurisdictions, in the constitutional scheme of separation of powers, the executive, legislature and judiciary are expected to play different roles.
    • The executive to govern using the rule of law, the legislature to make law and the judiciary to ensure that those laws are in consonance with constitutional values.
    • The introduction of public opinion and deference to the legislature as a valid basis for adjudication by constitutional courts leads to extraordinary conclusions.
    • The virtue of constitutional courts is that they are expected to be insulated from public opinion.
    • In that regard, they are freed from the vagaries of the will of the voters and enjoy the quiet introspection and justification through legal reasoning that the law creates space for.

    Conclusion

    The notion that constitutional courts should take  the will of voters into account is at odds with the understanding of courts elsewhere, like in India.

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  • Absence of Roe v Wade won’t just impact the US

    Context

    The leak of an initial draft majority opinion of the US Supreme Court voting to overturn the decision in Roe v Wade has sent shockwaves across liberal and conservative quarters alike, globally.

    Background of the Roe v Wade case

    • Right to abortion: While locating the right of privacy within the guarantee of personal liberty enshrined in the fourteenth amendment of the American constitution, Roe embodies a supervening constitutional right to abortion emanating from this right of privacy.
    • The right to abort was held to be a constitutionally protected right within the right of privacy.
    • Roe, the 1973 outcome of an unmarried woman’s crusade for bodily autonomy, had declared overbroad, and consequently unconstitutional, a provision of the Texas Penal Code which permitted only those abortions that were “procured or attempted by medical advice to save the life of the mother”.
    • The decision simultaneously recognised the state’s interest in protecting the life of the foetus as also the life of the mother. 
    • Roe is not only relevant as a progressive trailblazer for reproductive rights in the United States but is also fundamental to constitutional jurisprudence globally for the interpretative tools it employed.

    Implications of overturning Roe v Wade

    • Political considerations vs judicial responsibility: The overturning of Roe is more than the mere abdication of the judicial responsibility to protect individual rights — it signals a dangerous trend of courts making long-standing determinations of legal rights based on transient political considerations.
    • Incursion into women’s right to abort: It would also mean legitimisation of state incursions into women’s right to abort and consequently their right to bodily autonomy and liberty, in addition to forcing them to move to states with enabling laws to procure abortions, leading to issues of access and affordability of abortions.
    • While the impact of Roe’s absence would most profoundly be felt in the US, it is likely to embolden conservative anti-abortion voices across the world.
    • Limits of judicial activism: It will inevitably also raise fundamental questions on the limits of judicial activism aimed at protecting the rights of persons and classes, which do not find explicit mention within a country’s constitutional framework.
    • Possibility of a conservative approach to abortion cases: In 2021, the abortion laws in India underwent substantial changes, with the introduction of the Medical Termination for Pregnancy (Amendment) Act, 2021 which, in addition to destigmatising pregnancies outside marriage by introducing the nomenclature of “any woman or her partner”, also increased the upper gestational limits within which pregnancies are legally terminable.
    • The Act, however, carries ambiguities and leaves room for both judicial and executive interpretation.
    • As cases of subjective determination arise, the Indian judiciary will be called upon to reconcile the right to privacy recognised in Puttaswamy with the permissible limits of abortion in the Act.

    How does Roe v Wade apply in the Indian context?

    • In KS Puttaswamy v Union of India, Justice Chandrachud referred to Roe and Planned Parenthood while reading the right to privacy into the existing framework of constitutionally protected fundamental rights subject to “just, reasonable and fair” restrictions.
    • Recognising derivative rights: In the lifetime of the Indian Supreme Court, recognising derivative rights within the existing framework of fundamental rights has been regularly witnessed — be it rights during arrest and detention, the right to express one’s sexual and gender identity, or rights against harassment at the workplace, to cite a few.
    • Setback to transformative constitutionalism: In the Indian context, the overturning could be seen as a setback to the celebrated doctrine of transformative constitutionalism, which sees the Indian Constitution as a “living document” that moulds, adapts and responds to changing times and circumstances.

    Conclusion

    The likelihood of the overturning of Roe leading to more conservative approaches to judicial interpretation in abortion rights cases, cannot be ruled out.

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  • SC to hear plea against Electoral Bonds Scheme

    The CJI N will soon take up a long-pending challenge against the government’s electoral bonds scheme.

    What are Electoral Bonds?

    • Electoral bonds are banking instruments that can be purchased by any citizen or company to make donations to political parties, without the donor’s identity being disclosed.
    • It is like a promissory note that can be bought by any Indian citizen or company incorporated in India from select branches of State Bank of India.
    • The citizen or corporate can then donate the same to any eligible political party of his/her choice.
    • An individual or party will be allowed to purchase these bonds digitally or through cheque.

    About the scheme

    • A citizen of India or a body incorporated in India will be eligible to purchase the bond
    • Such bonds can be purchased for any value in multiples of ₹1,000, ₹10,000, ₹10 lakh, and ₹1 crore from any of the specified branches of the State Bank of India
    • The purchaser will be allowed to buy electoral bonds only on due fulfillment of all the extant KYC norms and by making payment from a bank account
    • The bonds will have a life of 15 days (15 days time has been prescribed for the bonds to ensure that they do not become a parallel currency).
    • Donors who contribute less than ₹20,000 to political parties through purchase of electoral bonds need not provide their identity details, such as Permanent Account Number (PAN).

    Objective of the scheme

    • Transparency in political funding: To ensure that the funds being collected by the political parties is accounted money or clean money.

    Who can redeem such bonds?

    • The Electoral Bonds shall be encashed by an eligible Political Party only through a Bank account with the Authorized Bank.
    • Only the Political Parties registered under Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 (43 of 1951) and which secured not less than one per cent of the votes polled in the last General Election to the Lok Sabha or the State Legislative Assembly, shall be eligible to receive the Electoral Bonds.

    Restrictions that are done away

    • Earlier, no foreign company could donate to any political party under the Companies Act
    • A firm could donate a maximum of 7.5 per cent of its average three year net profit as political donations according to Section 182 of the Companies Act.
    • As per the same section of the Act, companies had to disclose details of their political donations in their annual statement of accounts.
    • The government moved an amendment in the Finance Bill to ensure that this proviso would not be applicable to companies in case of electoral bonds.
    • Thus, Indian, foreign and even shell companies can now donate to political parties without having to inform anyone of the contribution.

    Issues with the Scheme

    • Opaque funding: While the identity of the donor is captured, it is not revealed to the party or public. So transparency is not enhanced for the voter.
    • No IT break: Also income tax breaks may not be available for donations through electoral bonds. This pushes the donor to choose between remaining anonymous and saving on taxes.
    • No anonymity for donors: The privacy of the donor is compromised as the bank will know their identity.
    • Differential benefits: These bonds will help any party that is in power because the government can know who donated what money and to whom.
    • Unlimited donations: The electoral bonds scheme and amendments in the Finance Act of 2017 allows for “unlimited donations from individuals and foreign companies to political parties without any record of the sources of funding”.

    Way ahead

    • The worries over the electoral bond scheme, however, go beyond its patent unconstitutionality.
    • The concern about the possibility of misuse of funds is very pertinent.
    • The EC has been demanding that a law be passed to make political parties liable to get their accounts audited by an auditor from a panel suggested by the CAG or EC. This should get prominence.
    • Another feasible option is to establish a National Election Fund to which all donations could be directed.
    • This would take care of the imaginary fear of political reprisal of the donors.

     

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  • Comparing the mandates of election commissions of India and the U.S.

    In the recently concluded presidential election in the U.S., the delay in announcing the result and issue of denial of the election results by the incumbent has brought into focus the role played by flaws in the Americal democratic system in the conduct of the election. This article compares the powers of the elections bodies in the U.S. and India.

    Powers of ECI

    • Indian Constitution has given the ECI enormous power to be exercised during the course of elections, and strictly on other election-related matters.
    • By virtue of being the custodian of the electoral roll, all matters related to keeping the roll updated, fall under the ECI’s domain.
    • Even the higher judiciary does not interfere during the course of the election process.
    • Our Constitution’s fathers decided to limit the role of the judiciary in India to the post-election period, when election petitions may be filed.
    • This was done to avoid the impeding of the election process and delay election results interminably.

    Comparing the powers

    • The U.S. Federal Election Commission has a much narrower mandate than its Indian equivalent-Election Commission of India.
    • The Federal Election Commission was established comparatively recently — 1975, with the special mandate to regulate campaign finance issues.
    • As a watchdog, it is meant to disclose campaign finance information, to enforce the law regarding campaign contributions, and oversee public funding of the presidential election.
    • The Federal Election Commission is led by six Commissioners.
    • These six posts are supposed to be equally shared by Democrats and Republicans, and too have to be confirmed by the Senate.
    • This leads to decision making divided on partisan lines.

    What India can learn From the election process in the U.S.

    • In the 2016 U.S. election, almost a quarter of the votes counted arose from postal and early balloting.
    • In India we have confined postal ballots to only a few categories, of largely government staff (for example those on election duty) as well as the police or armed forces.
    • In these difficult times of the novel coronavirus pandemic, we need to widen this base to include all senior citizens and anyone else who may find it convenient to cast their vote early.

    Consider the question “Powers of the Election Commission of India are wider when compared with its counterpart in the U.S. In light of this, compare the powers of the two bodies and how these wide powers have enabled smooth power transfers in India.” 

    Conclusion

    In its functioning, Election Commission of India has broad powers as compared to its counterpart in the U.S. which has helped India see a smooth power transfer from the first election in India in 1951-52 and every single election since.

  • Free speech in France

    The article analyses the secularism in France and its its implications for the French society.

    Education about secularism in France

    • In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, state school teachers were responsible for converting young people in rural France away from the heavy hand of Catholic dogma, and they spearheaded efforts to “educate” and “civilise” indigenous peoples in the French colonies.
    • In recent decades, teachers have been charged with trying to “integrate” France’s myriad ethnic minority communities.
    • Of the many things that teachers are expected to do, one of the most important is to embody the principles of laïcité.
    • Often translated as ‘secularism’, laïcité is better understood as a project of social cohesion and a key component of French citizenship.
    • It encompass the formal separation of Church and State, but also the evacuation of religious values from the public space and their replacement with secular values such as liberty, equality, and fraternity.

    How should France respond to terrorist attacks in name of Islam

    1) Compromise

    • This compromise would involve acknowledging that laïcité alone cannot fix the country’s social and political problems.
    • It would also require the French state to recognise that France has — almost without realising it — become part of the Muslim world.
    • It cannot stand apart from conflicts over religious practice that have affected countries with much larger Muslim populations, from Morocco to Indonesia.

    2) Emphasize the French values

    • Another way would be to double down on French “values”.
    • This is the path that President Emmanuel Macron has chosen.
    • He and his cabinet have spent a lot of time in recent weeks emphasising the importance of laïcité and denouncing all those who are seen to threaten it.
    • But this strategy is a risky one.
    • For a start, it is almost guaranteed to elicit a hostile response from leaders of Muslim-majority countries, many of whom are keen to find an international issue that can distract from their own domestic problems.

    Conclusion

    So, while it might seem like a good strategy to use the idea of laïcité as a shield against an amorphous Muslim threat, the danger is that this will strip it of its most positive elements and render it useless as an instrument of social integration. That, more than any terror attack, would be a tragedy for all French people.

  • Case for presidential system

    The article brings out the flaws in the parliamentary system of government in India and makes the case for the parliamentary system.

    Problems with our parliamentary system

    • Our parliamentary system has created a unique breed of legislator, largely unqualified to legislate.
    • Those legislators has sought election only in order to wield executive power.
    • It has produced governments dependent on a fickle legislative majority.
    • Fickle majority leads the government to focus more on politics than on policy or performance.
    • Current system has distorted the voting preferences of an electorate that knows which individuals it wants to vote for but not necessarily which parties.
    • It has given rise to parties that are shifting alliances of selfish individual interests, not vehicles of coherent sets of ideas.
    • It has forced governments to concentrate less on governing than on staying in office, and obliged them to cater to the lowest common denominator of their coalitions.

    Problems with party system in India

    •  Parliamentary system, devised in Britain — is based on traditions which simply do not exist in India.
    • The parties in England are clearly defined, each with a coherent set of policies and preferences that distinguish it from the next.
    • In India, a party is all-too-often a label of convenience which a politician adopts and discards frequently.
    • So, a politician changing a party is not treated as an unusual event in India.
    • In the absence of a real party system, the voter chooses not between parties but between individuals.
    • The candidates are usually chosen on the basis of their caste, their public image or other personal qualities.
    • So, voters vote for a legislature not to legislate but in order to form the executive.

    4 Problems with choosing executive from Parliament

    • 1) It limits executive posts to those who are electable rather than to those who are able.
    • Though he can bring some members in through the Rajya Sabha, but it too has been largely the preserve of full-time politicians, so the talent pool has not been significantly widened.
    • 2) It puts a premium on defections and horse-trading. The anti-defection Act of 1985 has failed to cure the problem.
    • 3) Legislation suffers. Most laws are drafted by the executive — in practice by the bureaucracy.
    • The ruling party inevitably issues a whip to its members in order to ensure unimpeded passage of a bill.
    • The parliamentary system does not permit the existence of a legislature distinct from the executive.
    • Accountability of the government to the people, through their elected representatives, is weakened.
    • 4) For those parties who do not get into government Parliament or Assembly serves as a theatre for the demonstration of their power to disrupt.

    Case for presidential system

    • A directly elected chief executive at Centre and State would be free from vulnerabilities of coalition support politics, would have the stability of tenure free from a legislative whim.
    • He/she will be able to appoint a cabinet of talents, be able to devote his or her energies to governance, and not just to government.
    • The Indian voter will be able to vote directly for the individual he or she wants to be ruled by.
    • The president will truly be able to claim to speak for a majority of Indians rather than a majority of MPs.

    The risk of dictatorship

    • The only serious objection to the presidential system is that it carries with it the risk of dictatorship.
    • The fear is of an imperious president, immune to parliamentary defeat and impervious to public opinion, ruling the country by fiat.
    • But under the current parliamentary system, a leader with absolute majority and subservient legislature could act in the same manner.

    Consider the question “Examine the differences between the presidential system and the parliamentary system of government. Do you think that the parliamentary system has served well in the Indian context?”

    Conclusion

    With the needs and challenges of one-sixth of humanity before our leaders, we must have a democracy that delivers progress to our people.