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GS Paper: Government Scheme/Policies

  • Implications of increasing prices of subsidised LPG on Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY).

    Price increase of subsidised LPG

    • Subsidised LPG prices have increased by a massive 50% in this financial year alone.
    • This would have a significant impact on the government’s flagship scheme, the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY).
    • Since 2016, PMUY has provided LPG connections to 80 million poor households to reduce women’s drudgery and indoor air pollution.
    • Providing an upfront connection subsidy of ₹1,600, PMUY helped expand LPG coverage to more than 85% of households.

    Challenges

    • Large-scale primary surveys by the Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW) suggest that, on average, recent PMUY beneficiaries consumed only about half the LPG compared to long-standing regular consumers.
    • Limited uptake of LPG among poor households has two main reasons.
    • First, the effective price of LPG is not affordable for such households, despite the subsidy.
    • Second, many rural consumers have access to freely available biomass, making it difficult for LPG to displace it.
    • Beyond causing indoor air pollution, biomass use for cooking contributes up to 30% to the ambient PM2.5 at the national level, more than the contribution of transport, crop residue or coal burning.

    Impact of price rise

    • The recent increases in the subsidised LPG price have made it more difficult for the poor to sustain LPG use.
    • As the pandemic set in, the LPG subsidised price began to rise, even when global LPG prices plummeted.
    • Now with LPG prices rising globally, a 50% reduction in the LPG subsidy budget for FY22 (versus FY21) does not bode well.
    • The information about LPG price build-up and subsidy has become more difficult to obtain in recent years.

    Way forward

    • The central government tread should balance between LPG subsidies and sustained clean fuel consumption in poorer households by better targeting of subsidy.
    • One approach for such targeting is to rely on the existing LPG consumption patterns of consumers. 
    • Provide households exhibiting low consumption or a decline in LPG consumption over time with greater subsidy per cylinder to sustain health gains.
    • Further, the subsidy levels could be dynamic with different slabs reflecting the previous year’s consumption.
    • Alongside, the de-duplication efforts must continue to avoid subsidy leakages.

    Consider the question “What is the social impact of the Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY)? What are the challenges in its success.”

    Conclusion

    In the post-pandemic rebuilding, the continued support to the economically poor for sustaining LPG use is not merely a fiscal subsidy but also a social investment to free-up women’s productive time and reduce India’s public health burden.

  • What we must consider before digitising India’s healthcare

    As India seeks to create digital health infrastructure, it must consider several issues.

    Integrated digital health infrastructure

    • The National Digital Health Mission aims to develop the backbone needed for the integrated digital health infrastructure of India.
    • This can help not only with diagnostics and management of health episodes, but also with broader public health monitoring, socio-economic studies, epidemiology, research, prioritising resource allocation and policy interventions. 
    • However, before we start designing databases and APIs and drafting laws, we must be mindful of certain considerations for design choices and policies to achieve the desired social objectives.

    Factors to be considered

    1) Carefully developing pathway to public good

    • There must be a careful examination of how exactly digitisation may facilitate better diagnosis and management, and an understanding of the data structures required for effective epidemiology.
    • We must articulate how we may use digitisation and data to understand and alleviate health problems such as malnutrition and child stunting.
    • We need the precise data we require to better understand crucial maternal- and childcare-related problems.

    2) Balancing between public good and individual rights

    • The potential tensions between public good and individual rights must be examined, as must the suitable ways to navigate them.
    • Moreover, for the balancing to be sound and for determining the level of due diligence required, it is imperative to clearly define the operational standards for privacy management.
    • Conflating privacy with security, as is typical in careless approaches, will invariably lead to problematic solutions.
    • In fact, most attempts at building health data infrastructures worldwide — including in the UK, Sweden, Australia, the US and several other countries — have led to serious privacy-related controversies and have not yet been completely successful.

    3) Managing the sector specific identities

    • Even if we define and use a sector-specific identity, the question of when and how to link it with that of other sectors remains.
    • For example, with banking or insurance for financial transactions, or with welfare and education for transactions and analytics.
    • Indiscriminate linking may break silos and create a digital panopticon, whereas not linking at all will result in not realising the full powers of data analytics and inference.

    4) Working out the operational requirement of data infrastructure

    • We need to work out the operational requirements of the data infrastructure in ways that are informed by, and consonant with, the previous points.
    • In other words, the design of the operationalisation elements must follow the deliberations on above points, and not run ahead of them.
    • This requires identifying the diverse data sources and their complexity — which may include immunisation records, birth and death records, informal health care workers, dispensaries etc.
    • It also requires an understanding of their frequency of generation, error models, access rights, interoperability, sharing and other operational requirements.
    • There also are the complex issues of research and non-profit uses of data, and of data economics for private sector medical research.

    5) Issue of due process

    • Finally, “due process” has always been a weak point in India, particularly for technological interventions.
    • Building an effective system that can engender people’s trust not only requires managing the floor of the Parliament and passing a just and proportional law, but also building a transparent process of design and refinement through openness and public consultations.
    • In particular, technologists and technocrats should take care to not define “public good” as what they can conveniently deliver, and instead understand what is actually required.
    • While we can understand the urge to move forward quickly, given the urgent need to improve health outcomes in the country, deliberate care is needed.

    Consider the question “While seeking to develop digital health infrastructure through the National Digital Health Mission, we should be mindful of certain considerations for design choices and policies to achieve the desired social objectives. Comment.”

    Conclusion

    Developing a comprehensive understanding of the considerations related to health data infrastructure may also inform the general concerns of e-governance and administrative digitisation in India, which have not been all smooth sailing.

  • Women’s needs are key to Swachh Bharat success

    The article highlights the central role of women in the success of the Swacch Bharat Mission.

    Recognising the gender dimensions of sanitation in India

    • The Swachh Bharat Grameen Phase I guidelines (2017) state that requirements and sensitivities related to gender are to be taken into account at all stages of sanitation programmes.
    • Planning, procurement, infrastructure creation, and monitoring are the basic tenets of implementation in Swachh Bharat and the guidelines for the first phase of the mission called for strengthening the role of women.
    • The states were accordingly expected to ensure adequate representation of women in the village water and sanitation committees (VWSCs), leading to optimal gender outcomes.
    • The department of Drinking Water and Sanitation released the guidelines, recognising the gender dimensions of sanitation in India.
    • Swachh Bharat Mission 2 .0 speaks of sustained behavioural change while embarking on the newer agendas of sustainable solid waste management and safe disposal of wastewater and reuse.
    • Besides the government, the role of non-state actors like the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, Unicef and several NGOs, must be lauded as we pursue sustainable sanitation using a powerful gender lens.

    Challenges and solutions

    • There were inevitably cases where women were fronts for spouses.
    • This capturing has happened in panchayat seats as well but research has shown that over time, women do pick up the challenge, and if voted back are likely to assume charge.
    • The government has also very effectively used over 8 lakh swachhagrahis, mainly women, who for small honorariums work to push through behavioural change at the community level.
    • There are no quick solutions other than adopting concerted approaches to ensure the survival and protection of the girl child through good health from sanitation and nutrition.
    • Information, education, and communication, which aims at behaviour change of the masses, is key to the success of the swachhta mission 2.0.
    • Changes in SBM messaging reflects major transformations attempting to popularise and portray stories of women groups and successful women swachhta champions.

    Need for monitoring and evaluation system

    • A national monitoring and evaluation system to track and measure gender outcomes in SBM is necessary.
    • Several researchers in this space have commented that gender analysis frameworks have a long history in development practice.
    • We can learn from these frameworks to support design, implementation, and measurement.

    Conclusion

    There is no doubt that women can help to drive change and bring about lasting change as the jan andolan for swachhta, health and sanitation gains momentum.

  • The perils of domicile-based preferential policies

    The Haryana government is considering a Bill that provides for 75 per cent reservation to the residents of the state. This article discusses the challenge such policies poses.

    Domicile-based preferential policies on rise

    • The Haryana government’s State Employment of Local Candidates Bill 2020 reserves 75 per cent of new jobs in private establishments for Haryana residents.
    • Andhra Pradesh has mandated 75 per cent reservation for locals.
    • Karnataka is considering reserving all blue-collar jobs for locals.
    • Madhya Pradesh has announced that public employment in the state be reserved for state residents.

    Constitutionality of such policies

    • The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on place of birth.
    • The right to move freely in the country and reside and settle in any part of it, the right to carry out any trade or profession, are all established rights.
    • Article 16(3) does, in principle, enable Parliament [ not state legislature] to provide for domicile-based preferential treatment in public employment.

    Judicial scrutiny

    • The constitutionality of domicile-based employment preferences (unlike preferences in education) has never been frontally tested.
    • But almost all the existing case law that impinges on the matter clearly indicates such laws are unconstitutional.
    • In Pradeep Jain vs Union of India, the court had indicated this direction; in Kailash Chandra Sharma vs State of Rajasthan, the court had warned against parochialism.
    • The Andhra Pradesh Bill is sub judice in the high court.

    Issues with the policies

    • The Supreme Court will hopefully rule on the constitutionality of the  Haryana government’s Bill.
    • But the Bill has ramifications beyond constitutionality.
    • First, because this kind of constitutional cynicism is now not an exception but has become a contagion.
    • Second, even if the Bill is struck down, such a high wire act is meant to fuel the flames of localism.
    • Third, the Bill now exposes the bad faith of political parties on private sector reservation more generally.
    • Fourth, these bills will open up a new form of competitive ethnic politics.
    • It is odd that a state like Haryana which has benefitted from being part of a cosmopolitan zone like NCR should unilaterally impose reservations.
    • Fifth, there is patent class discrimination: If you are rich, privileged or highly skilled, there are no entry barriers in accessing any labour market.
    • But we shall put entry barriers on lower skilled migrants; our own internal version of an H-1B visa.
    • The greatest damage the Bill does is to increase the discretionary power of the state, almost taking us back to a license permit raj, where companies will have to bargain, or worse, bribe the state for exemptions.
    • This is the antithesis of regulatory reform.

    Consider the question “There have been growing tendencies among the states to pursue domicile-based preferential policies. What are the issues related to such policies?”

    Conclusion

    But the fact that states feel the need to enact these bills is an indictment of the economy as a whole: They suggest a pessimism about both education and job creation. So we have returned to a world of zero sum thinking.

  • India’s migrant workers need better policies

    The article analyses the draft policy document for migrant labourers prepared by the NITI Aayog.

    Draft policy by NITI Aayog

    • The Niti Aayog, on the request of the Ministry of Labour and Employment, has prepared an umbrella policy document for migrant labourers, including informal sector workers.
    • The draft policy makes significant strides in providing a perspective on recognising the magnitude and role of migrant workers, their problems and vulnerabilities, and the role and responsibilities of various stakeholders in addressing these.
    •  It states that a sound policy must be viewed from a “human rights, property rights, economic, social development, and foreign policy lens”.
    • It reiterates that policy should lead to the fulfilment of ILO commitments and the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly SDG 8.8 on the protection of labour rights and providing a safe and secure working environment for all workers, particularly migrants.

    Portability of social protection to address vulnerabilities

    • The policy describes many sources of vulnerabilities of migrant labourers, ranging from their invisibility and political and social exclusion to informal work arrangements, exploitation and denial of labour rights, lack of collective voice, exclusion from social protection arrangements, formal skills, health, education, and housing.
    • Following from this, it identifies portability of social protection, voting rights, right to the city (the collective ownership and participation of citizens in cities they have helped build) and health, education and housing facilities as key issues to be dealt with.
    • It also reflects on the need for pro-poor development and provision of livelihoods in the source areas.

    Governance structure

    • The draft policy proposes a governance structure with the Ministry of Labour as the nodal ministry and a dedicated unit under it which will act as a focal point for inter-ministerial and Centre-state coordination.
    • It also proposes mechanisms for coordinating the effort on inter-state migration, especially on principal migration corridors.
    • The policy document creates a framework under which migrant workers and their families can access entitlements and possibly work in a safer and better environment.

    Issues need to be addressed

    1) Failure to address cause of migration of labour

    • The National Commission for Rural Labour argued way back in 1991 that unequal development was the main cause of labour migration.
    • In the last three decades, disparities in development and inequalities have grown ceaselessly, calling for deep correctives.
    • Without such correction, migration and the adverse inclusion of migrants in labour markets is bound to grow unchecked.
    • The report falls short of acknowledging this.

    2) Exclusion of migrants urban local governments

    • While the report correctly pinpoints the exclusion of migrants by urban local governments in the provision of basic entitlements, it fails to acknowledge the root cause of the lopsided urban development strategy.
    • The urban strategy has catered to national and global capital and the urban middle classes, marginalising the poor, particularly the migrants.

    3) Denial of social security

    • The report also makes a false dichotomy between approaches which rely on cash transfers and special dispensations and a second approach which enhances the agency and capability of migrants and removes constraints on these.
    • The denial of the first approach has led the report to brush aside the migrants’ and informal workers’ right to social security.
    • Social security is acknowledged as a universal human right in international covenants to which India is a signatory and is given due place in the Constitution.
    • The National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) showed in 2006 that providing a minimum level of universal social security was financially and administratively feasible.
    • The Commission also recommended a universal registration system and issuance of smart social security cards, but its recommendations have unfortunately remained a dead letter.

    4) Approach towards labour rights and labour policy

    • By putting grievance and legal redressal above regulation and enforcement on which it remains silent, the report puts the cart before the horse.
    • Surprisingly, the report does not take stock of the new labour codes, mentioning only the defunct laws that were subsumed by them.
    • The Codes accentuate the very problems — informality, precarity, the role of contractors and the lack of organisation — which the report itself describes.
    • The Codes, in promoting ease of business, have tilted the balance firmly in favour of capital.

    Conclusion

    In essence, the draft policy framework identifies the problems but fails to address the policy distortions which lie at their root. Hopefully, however, the draft will be opened up for further discussions and feedback to enrich and complete what is already a significant beginning.

  • [pib] Better Than Cash Alliance

    The Government of India, FICCI, and the Better Than Cash Alliance has come under the partnership to achieve the industry level commitment of responsible digitization of merchants.

    Make a note here that it is a BTCA is a global partnership with diverse funding, a UN office as its secretariat and Indian being its member.

    Better Than Cash Alliance

    • The Better Than Cash Alliance is a global partnership of 75 governments, companies, and international organizations that accelerates the transition from cash to digital payments in order to reduce poverty and drive inclusive growth.
    • It was created in September 2012 by the United Nations Capital Development Fund (Secretariat), the US Agency for International Development, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and Visa Inc. among others.
    • Based at the UN, the Alliance has over 50 members, works closely with other global organizations, and is an implementing partner for the G20 Global Partnership for Financial Inclusion.
    • India became a member of the alliance in 2015 to digitize payments to achieve financial inclusion and to share success stories from PM Jan Dhan Yojana, the world’s largest financial inclusion program.

    Working method

    The Better Than Cash Alliance partners with governments, companies, and international organizations that are the key drivers behind the transition to make digital payments widely available by:

    1. Advocating for the transition from cash to digital payments in a way that advances financial inclusion and promotes responsible digital finance.
    2. Conducting research and sharing the experiences of our members to inform strategies for making the transition.
    3. Catalyzing the development of inclusive digital payments ecosystems in member countries to reduce costs, increase transparency, advance financial inclusion– particularly for women– and drive inclusive growth.

  • Federalism and India’s human capital

    The article argues for recognising the correlation between human capital and decentralisation in India.

    Low human capital indicators

    • In the World Bank’s Human Capital Index, the country ranked 116th.
    • The National Family Health Survey-5 for 2019-20 shows that malnutrition indicators stagnated or declined in most States.
    • The National Achievement Survey 2017 and the Annual Status of Education Report 2018 show poor learning outcomes.
    • In addition, there is little convergence across States.
    • India spends just 4% of its GDP as public expenditure on human capital:1% and 3% on health and education respectively— one of the lowest among its peers.

    Initiatives to address these issues

    • Investing in human capital through interventions in nutrition, health, and education is critical for sustainable growth.
    • The National Health Policy of 2017 highlighted the need for interventions to address malnutrition.
    • On the basis of NITI Aayog’s National Nutrition Strategy, the Poshan Abhiyaan was launched, as part of the Umbrella Integrated Child Development Scheme.
    • The latest Union Budget has announced a ‘Mission Poshan 2.0’ and the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan has been the Centre’s flagship education scheme since 2018.

    Relation between decentralisation and human capital

    • International experience suggests that one reason why these interventions are not leading to better outcomes may be India’s record with decentralisation.
    • Globally, there has been a gradual shift in the distribution of expenditures and revenue towards sub-national governments.
    • These trends are backed by studies demonstrating a positive correlation between decentralisation and human capital.

    Issues with decentralisation in India

    1) Letting states decide the way of empowerment

    • The 73rd and 74th Amendments bolstered decentralisation by constitutionally recognising panchayats and municipalities as the third tier.
    • The Amendment also added the Eleventh and Twelfth schedules containing the functions of panchayats and municipalities.
    • These include education, health and sanitation, and social welfare for panchayats, and public health and socio-economic development planning for municipalities.
    • However, the Constitution lets States determine how they are empowered.
    • In effect, three tiers of government are envisaged in the Constitution it divides powers between the first two tiers — the Centre and the States
    • This has resulted in vast disparities in the roles played by third-tier governments.

    2) Centralised nature of fiscal architecture

    • While the Constitution assigns the bulk of expenditure responsibilities to States, the Centre has major revenue sources.
    • To address this vertical imbalance, the Constitution provides for fiscal transfers through tax devolution and grants-in-aid.
    • In addition, the Centre can make ‘grants for any public purpose’ under Article 282 of the Constitution.
    • While fiscal transfers that are part of tax devolution are unconditional, transfers under grants-in-aid or Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSSs) can be conditional.
    • Therefore, the increase in the States’ share of tax devolution represents more meaningful decentralisation.
    • Despite some shifts towards greater State autonomy in many spheres, the centralised nature of India’s fiscal architecture has persisted. 
    • Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) have formed a sizeable chunk of intergovernmental fiscal transfers over the years, comprising almost 23% of transfers to States in 2021-22.
    • But its outsized role strays from the intentions of the Constitution.
    • There are issues in the design of CSSs as well, with the conditions being overly prescriptive and, typically, input-based.
    • Against this, international experience reveals that schemes with output-based conditions are more effective.
    • Moreover, CSSs typically have a cost-sharing model, thereby pre-empting the States’ fiscal space.

    3) Lack of fiscal empowerment

    • Third-tier governments are not fiscally empowered.
    • The collection of property tax, a major source of revenue for third-tier governments, is under 0.2% of GDP in India, compared to 3% of GDP in some other nations.
    • The Constitution envisages State Finance Commissions (SFCs) to make recommendations for matters such as tax devolution and grants-in-aid to the third tier.
    • However, many States have not constituted or completed these commissions on time.

    Solution

    • The Centre should play an enabling role, for instance, encouraging knowledge-sharing between States.
    • For States to play a bigger role in human capital interventions, they need adequate fiscal resources.
    • To this end, States should rationalise their priorities to focus on human capital development.
    • The Centre should refrain from offsetting tax devolution by altering cost-sharing ratios of CSSs and increasing cesses.
    • Concomitantly, the heavy reliance on CSSs should be reduced, and tax devolution and grants-in-aid should be the primary sources of vertical fiscal transfers.
    • Panchayats and municipalities need to be vested with the functions listed in the Eleventh and Twelfth Schedules.

    Consider the question “There is a positive correlation between decentralisation and human capital. This in part explains India’s low human capital indicators. In light of this, examine the issues with the decentralisation in India and suggest the measures to deal with it.”

    Conclusion

    Leveraging the true potential of our multi-level federal system represents the best way forward towards developing human capital.

     

     

  • [pib] PM-KISAN Scheme Completes Two Years

    The PM-Kisan scheme, launched with an aim to ensure a life of dignity and prosperity for farmers has completed two years of successful implementation.

    PM-KISAN

    • Under this programme, vulnerable landholding farmer families, having cultivable land upto 2 hectares, will be provided direct income support at the rate of Rs. 6,000 per year.
    • This income support will be transferred directly into the bank accounts of beneficiary farmers, in three equal instalments of Rs. 2,000 each.
    • This programme will be entirely funded by the Government of India.

    Note: Aadhaar was made optional for availing the first instalment (December 2018 – March 2019). But now it is mandatory.

    Exclusion categories

    The following categories of beneficiaries of higher economic status shall not be eligible for benefit under the scheme.

    1. All Institutional Landholders
    2. Farmer families in which one or more of its members belong to the following categories
    • Former and present holders of constitutional posts
    • Former and present Ministers/ MP/MLAs/Mayors /Chairpersons of District Panchayats
    • All serving or retired officers and employees of Central/ State Government Ministries (Excluding Multi Tasking Staff /Class IV/Group D employees)
    • All superannuated/retired pensioners whose monthly pension is ₹10,000/-or more (Excluding Multi Tasking Staff / Class IV/Group D employees) of the above category
    • All Persons who paid Income Tax in the last assessment year
    • Professionals like Doctors, Engineers, Lawyers, Chartered Accountants, and Architects registered with Professional bodies and carrying out the profession by undertaking practices.

    Do you know?

    West Bengal is yet to implement the PM-KISAN scheme while the farmers have completed their registrations!

  • Why does India need Conclusive Land Titling?

     

    Land ownership in India

    • In India, land ownership is determined through various records such as sale deeds that are registered, property tax documents, government survey records, etc.
    • Land ownership is broadly defined by access to a land title.  Land Title is a document that determines the ownership of land or immovable property.
    • Having a clear land title protects the rights of the titleholder against other claims made by anyone else to the property.

    What is the news?

    • In 2020, even as laws for farm reform and labour code reform were being enacted, the government’s think tank, NITI Aayog, took steps to initiate land reforms.
    • A Model Bill on Conclusive Land Titling was sent to States and Union Territories last June seeking their comments.
    • In September, after many States failed to send in their feedback, the Centre warned that their agreement would be presumed.

    What is Conclusive Land Titling?

    • In a conclusive titling system, the government provides guaranteed titles and compensation in case of any ownership disputes.
    • Achieving this will require shifting to a system of registered property titles (as opposed to sale deeds) as the primary evidence of ownership, and having clear and updated land records.

    How does the current system work?

    • India currently follows a system of presumptive land titling.
    • This means that land records are maintained, with information on possession, which is determined through details of past transactions.
    • Ownership, then, is established on the basis of current possession. Registration of land is actually a registration of transactions, such as sale deeds, records of inheritance, mortgage and lease.
    • Holding registration papers does not actually involve the government or the legal framework guaranteeing the ownership title of the land.

    What will change in the new system?

    • On the other hand, under a conclusive land titling system, land records designate actual ownership.
    • The title is granted by the government, which takes the responsibility for accuracy.
    • Once a title is granted, any other claimant will have to settle disputes with the government, not the titleholder.

    Why is conclusive land titling needed?

    • The main advantage is that a conclusive system will drastically lower litigation related to land.
    • According to a 2007 World Bank study on ‘Land Policies for growth and poverty reduction’, land-related disputes accounted for two-thirds of all pending court cases in India.
    • A NITI Aayog study on strengthening arbitration estimated that disputes on land or real estate take an average time of 20 years in the courts to be resolved.

    A move for EODB

    • Right now, because land titles are based on transactions, people have to keep the entire chain of transaction records, and a dispute on any link in that chain causes ambiguity in ownership.
    • Once conclusive titling is in place, investors who want to purchase land for business activities will be able to do so without facing the constant risk that their owners may be questioned and their entire investment may go to waste.
    • Land disputes and unclear titling also create hurdles for infrastructure development and housing construction, leading to costly delays and inefficiency.

    Multiple benefits

    • In cities, urban local bodies depend on property taxes that can be levied properly only if there is clear ownership data available.
    • In rural areas, the need is even more acute. Access to agricultural credit is dependent on the ability to use the land as collateral.
    • Without being able to prove their ownership of land and access formal credit from banks, small and marginal farmers are often left at the mercy of unscrupulous moneylenders.

    What does the model Bill propose?

    • The Bill circulated by the NITI Aayog in 2020 calls for Land Authorities to be set up by each State government, which will appoint a Title Registration Officer (TRO),
    • TRO will prepare and publish a draft list of land titles based on existing records and documents.
    • This will be considered a valid notice to all potential claimants interested in the property, who will have to file their claims or objections within a set period of time.
    • If disputing claims are received, the TRO will verify all the relevant documents and refer the case to a Land Dispute Resolution Officer (LDRO) for resolution.

    Major hurdles

    • The biggest challenge is that land records have not been updated for decades, especially in rural and semi-urban areas.
    • Land records are often in the name of the grandparents of the current owner, with no proof of inheritance.
    • Unless they are based on updated records, conclusive land titles could create even more problems.
    • Comprehensive village-level surveys with community involvement are a necessary precursor to the land titling process.
    • Relying on current records or even satellite imagery will not provide the same accuracy as actual, on-the-ground, local surveys.

  • Big tech regulation and problems

    Article highlights the issues with the growing dominance of social media giants and challenges involved in regulating them.

    Issues to consider

    1) Conflict of interest

    • Many of the big tech companies were not, as they claimed, mere platforms.
    • This is because they began to curate and generate their own content, creating possible conflicts of interest.

    2) Monopoly power

    • There is a suspicion that big tech companies were acquiring more monopoly power leading to lack of free competition.
    • There is a conjunction of technology and finance here.
    • The more companies were valued, the more they needed monopoly rent extraction to be able to justify those valuations.

    3) Lack of accountability in algorithms

    • There was an irony in an opaque algorithm being the instrument of a free, open and equitable society.

    4) Mixed implications for distribution of wealth

    • While the companies had immense economic impact, their distributive implications were more mixed.
    • They empowered new players, but they also seem to destroy lots of businesses.
    • These companies themselves became the symbol of inequality of economic and political power.

    5) Lack of accountability and standards in regulating free speech

    • Big tech companies set themselves up almost as a sovereign power.
    • This was most evident in the way they regulated speech, posing as arbiters of permissible speech without any real accountability or consistency of standards.
    • The prospect of a CEO exercising almost untrammelled authority over an elected president only served to highlight the inordinate power  these companies could exercise.

    6) Effects of big tech on democracy and democratisation

    •  The social legitimacy of California Libertarianism came from the promise of a new age of democratic empowerment.
    • But as democracies became more polarised, free speech more weaponised, and the information order more manipulated, greater suspicion was going to be cast on this model.
    • All democracies are grappling with this dilemma.

    Big tech in Indian context

    • India will justifiably worry about its own economic interests.
    • India will be one of the largest bases of internet and data users in the world.
    • The argument will be that this should be leveraged to create iconic Indian companies and Indian value addition.
    • India can create competition and be more self-reliant in this space.
    • Pushing back against big tech is not protectionism, because this pushback is to curb the unfair advantages they use to exploit an open Indian market.
    • India can also justifiably point out that in China keeping out tech companies did not make much of a difference to financial flows or investment in other areas.

    The real challenge

    • It will be important to distinguish between regulations that are solving some real problems created due to Big tech, and regulation that is using this larger context to exercise more control.
    • It will be easier to address those issues if the government showed a principled commitment to liberty, commitment to root out crony capitalism, an investment in science and technology commensurate with India’s challenges, and a general regulatory independence and credibility.

    Consider the question “What are the challenges posed by the dominance of social media giants? Suggest the measures to deal with these challenges.”

    Conclusion

    We should not assume that just because big tech is being made to kneel, the alternative will be any better.