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GS Paper: GS2-10.Government Policies & Interventions for development of various sectors (issues in their design, implementation)

  • Disabled citizens and the future of AI

    Why in the News

    Artificial intelligence (AI) is moving into government services, recruitment and health care, and the Centre is courting $200 billion in AI investment over the next two years. Disabled citizens, who stand to gain most, are being brought into the debate late, and accessibility law remains weakly enforced.

    Why does AI matter to disabled citizens, and what does the law promise?

    1. What AI offers: AI can read documents, describe photos and open forms that a screen reader (software reading text aloud) cannot. It works like a sighted helper on call.
    2. Accessibility as a right: In Rajive Raturi v. Union of India (November 2024), a three judge Supreme Court Bench held accessibility part of the fundamental right to life and dignity.
    3. Toothless rules: The Court found the rules mere suggestions, not the binding standards the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (RPwD) Act, 2016 intended. It ordered mandatory standards within three months.
    4. The takeaway: AI is the newest system that disabled people are made to adapt to after it has been built without them.

    Has the accessibility mandate been enforced?

    1. Back in court: Nearly two years on, the petitioners have returned to the Court because too little has changed.
    2. Penalised establishments: The Chief Commissioner for Persons with Disabilities has penalised 155 establishments, government ministries among them, for websites and apps that disabled citizens cannot use.
    3. Digital duty ignored: The 2016 Act has required accessible digital services since 2019, yet compliance remains the exception.

    How does AI carry bias against disabled users?

    1. Language models: On AccessEval, a standard test covering nine kinds of disability, 21 language models made more errors, turned negative and stereotyped once disability entered the question.
    2. Image recognition: The image model CLIP was 15 percentage points less accurate on blind and low-vision users’ photos. Its training data showed white canes up to 17 times less often.
    3. Pity in place of help: A blind user asking a chatbot about a software career is often told “I’m sorry you’re blind”.
    4. NClude survey: Of 2,462 users surveyed by the NClude platform, which helps disabled people fill job and government forms, 1,313 completed a task once closed to them.
    5. Human help still needed: Only 543 managed it through AI alone; the rest needed a staff member.

    Why do data centres raise a disability concern?

    1. Infrastructure race: India’s data-centre capacity is projected to more than quadruple to 6.5 gigawatts or more by 2030, with new power lines to match.
    2. Weaker green conditions: States lure projects with power subsidies and duty waivers. Maharashtra cut its renewable energy requirement for data centres from 100% to 51%.
    3. Unasked questions: Few ask what this load does to a grid at summer peaks, or what server heat adds to hot cities.
    4. Disabled people most exposed: Some rely on powered wheelchairs or oxygen machines that cannot stop when the grid strains, and many are first stranded by outages or inaccessible alerts.
    5. Not a case against AI: Disabled people should not be asked to give up tools they depend on in the name of sustainability.

    Challenges

    1. Penalties without repair: Fines do not compel a redesign, so inaccessible sites persist.
    2. No bias audit: Government AI deployment carries no required test for disability bias.
    3. Undercounted population: Census 2011 counted about 2.21% of Indians as disabled, before the RPwD Act widened the list of disabilities.

    Way Forward

    1. Bias testing: Test every AI system the government deploys for disability bias before use.
    2. Consented data: Build training datasets with genuine disability representation, gathered with consent.
    3. Conditional incentives: Tie State incentives for data centres to renewable sourcing and to grid and heat impact.
    4. Binding standards: The Centre should notify the ordered mandatory standards, covering AI interfaces.

    Conclusion

    AI can widen independence for disabled Indians only if it is built and powered with them in mind, not adapted afterwards. Whether the Centre notifies binding standards before the Supreme Court hears the case again is the next test.

    Government initiatives for persons with disabilities

    1. Accessible India Campaign (Sugamya Bharat Abhiyan): A national campaign for universal accessibility in buildings, transport and information and communication technology.
    2. Unique Disability ID (UDID): A national database that issues a single disability identity card for access to benefits.
    3. Scheme for Implementation of the RPwD Act (SIPDA): Gives financial and technical aid to implement the 2016 Act.
    4. Divyang Sahara Yojana (2026): Funds AI-driven, indigenous assistive technology.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026] Which of the following statements with regard to the persons with disabilities in India is/are correct? 1. The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, an Act passed by the Parliament of India in 2018, mandates reservation in education and employment, places a legal duty on Governments to ensure accessibility and non-discrimination. 2. The Sugamya Bharat Abhiyan focuses on achieving universal accessibility for Persons with Disabilities across three key domains — built infrastructure, transport systems and information and communication technology. 3. The National Divyangjan Finance and Development Corporation (NDFDC) is a public sector organisation set up by the Ministry of Corporate Affairs as a not-for-profit company to promote entrepreneurship among Persons with Disabilities (PwDs). Select the answer using the code given below: (a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 only (c) 1 and 3 (d) 1 only ANSWER: B”

  • From India to Global South, a Gujarat water-governance model

    Why in the News

    New Delhi has hosted the ninth India International Water Week on climate-resilient water management. A new case study says India’s reforms, first tested in Gujarat, offer the Global South (developing countries) four lessons: lead with governance, manage resource and service together, root action in communities, and build for scale.

    What does the case study find about water security?

    1. What water governance is: Water governance is the leaders, budgets, institutions and communities deciding how water is shared and maintained. Like a school, it needs teachers, not just a building.
    2. The study: ‘From Gujarat to India: Water Lessons for the World’ traces water reforms from 2001 to 2026 using official data and practitioner consultations.
    3. Central finding: Water security is as much a challenge of governance and institutions as of engineering.
    4. Gujarat as laboratory: Gujarat’s initiatives from 2001 to 2014, under then Chief Minister Narendra Modi, piloted later national programmes:
      • Swachh Bharat Mission (sanitation) and Namami Gange (cleaning the Ganga);
      • Jal Jeevan Mission (JJM) (household tap water) and Jal Shakti Abhiyan (water conservation);
      • Atal Bhujal Yojana (community groundwater management) and Per Drop More Crop (efficient farm irrigation).
    5. The takeaway: India’s shift from suffering climate shocks to preparing for floods and droughts rests on institutions, not hardware.

    What are the ‘4 Ps’ of leading with governance?

    1. Delhi Declaration: The Prime Minister and the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General set out the ‘4 Ps’ in the Delhi Declaration of October 2018.
    2. Political leadership: Leaders keep water a priority. Eg. Universal tap water and a cleaner Ganga.
    3. Public financing: Public and private money funds both the capital costs of building systems and the recurring costs of running them.
    4. Partnerships: Governments at all levels work with community groups, knowledge bodies and multilateral development banks (lenders owned by many countries) such as the World Bank.
    5. People’s participation: Communities take local water decisions. Eg. Villages resolving to become open-defecation free or preparing village water security plans.

    Why manage the water resource and the service together?

    1. Source and supply linked: Taps and canals fail if water does not flow, so sources and services must be developed together.
    2. Plan before demand: Fast-growing African cities will soon need more water, and planning now costs less than retrofitting.
    3. Water reuse: Treated used water can meet non-potable (non-drinking) needs of data centres and semiconductor fabrication units.
    4. Reuse market: India’s annual sales of treated used water are projected to reach about ₹73,000 crore by 2047, at current prices.

    How do communities and scale complete the model?

    1. Community ownership: Access improves where Pani Samitis (village water committees) run a reliable service with local funds and outside support.
    2. Chintan Shivirs: Gujarat’s deliberation camps tied water policy to community needs. The Ministry of Jal Shakti repeated this through a Departmental Summit on Water in September 2026.
    3. Global shortfall: The world is off track on Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 6, safe water and sanitation for all. It needs about $500 billion more investment a year.
    4. Scale shown by JJM: JJM’s nationwide rollout shows India can plan and deliver at scale.

    Challenges

    1. Fragmented institutions: The Central Ground Water Board (CGWB) for groundwater, the Central Water Commission (CWC) for surface water and local bodies overlap in function.
    2. Low recycling: India treats and recycles only about 30% of its wastewater. Eg. Israel recycles about 90%.
    3. Transferability: The model leans on top-level political priority, which weaker administrations struggle to replicate.

    Way Forward

    1. Unified water body: Merge CWC and CGWB functions into a National Water Commission, as the Mihir Shah Committee (2016) recommended.
    2. Reuse mandates: States should make new data centres and factories use treated water for non-potable needs.
    3. Funded village committees: Give Pani Samitis assured funds and power to levy user charges for upkeep.

    Conclusion

    India’s water gains came from treating water as a governance priority, not an engineering task alone. Its future depends on keeping taps flowing, recycling far more used water, and being adapted rather than copied abroad.

    Water stress in India

    1. Freshwater share: India has 18% of the world’s population but only 4% of its freshwater resources.
    2. Falling availability: Per capita water availability has fallen to about 1,486 cubic metres a year, below the 1,700 cubic metre threshold of the Falkenmark Water Index.
    3. People affected: Around 600 million people face high to extreme water stress.
    4. Constitutional position: Water is a State subject under Entry 17 of the State List, subject to Union regulation of inter-State rivers under Entry 56 of the Union List.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026, GS1, 10 marks] “Water resources are both an asset and a source of conflict in South Asia.” Examine this statement giving examples.”

  • Team depth to individual gaps: India’s Asian Games report card for LA 2028

    Why in the News

    India’s flagship elite sports fund is meant to back future champions, yet only about 2% of its spending since the 2022 Hangzhou Asian Games went to athletes who won gold at Nagoya. India finished fourth at the Aichi-Nagoya Asian Games, and the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports has announced a performance review focused on the Los Angeles 2028 Olympics.

    What is TOPS, and how is elite sport funded?

    1. What it is: The Target Olympic Podium Scheme (TOPS) is the Sports Ministry’s flagship fund for Olympic hopefuls. Like a scholarship, it pays for chosen athletes’ customised training, foreign exposure, coaches and equipment.
    2. Who gets in: A TOPS team monitors athletes and inducts them into a Development Group or a Core Group, based on performance, potential and medal prospects.
    3. Wider funding: The Annual Calendar for Training and Competitions (ACTC) funds camps, tournaments, coaches’ salaries and other competition expenses across federations.
    4. What went wrong: Most of this money missed the athletes who finally won gold, so the system spots winners late.
    5. The takeaway: Funding that arrives after an athlete has broken through cannot build the next generation of champions.

    What did Nagoya reveal about where the money went?

    1. TOPS spending: Of ₹97.84 crore spent under TOPS since Hangzhou, only ₹2.05 crore went to athletes who won gold at Nagoya.
    2. ACTC spending: Only one-eighth of ACTC spending since 2023 was linked to Nagoya golds.
    3. Kumkum Mohod: She became India’s first individual Asian Games champion in women’s recurve archery without being part of TOPS.
    4. Shooting golds: Mixed team champion Suruchi Singh joined TOPS only recently, and partner Kamaljeet Singh is not on it. Trap champion Neeru Dhanda remains in the developmental group.
    5. Three golds, little support: The archery and two shooting golds above together drew only ₹3.5 lakh of TOPS funding.

    What do team and individual results show?

    1. Team depth: 13 of 21 golds came in team events, some of which are not Olympic events. Eg. Cricket, kabaddi, hockey, archery, athletics relays and shooting.
    2. Individual gap: 19 of 27 silvers came in individual events, from athletes who reached finals but could not convert silver into gold.
    3. Strongholds slipping: Badminton won no individual medal for the first time in 12 years. Weightlifter Mirabai Chanu’s silver was India’s first weightlifting medal at the Games since 1998, with no obvious successor.
    4. Bright spots: The women’s recurve archery team ended South Korea’s 28-year run as champion. Women’s hockey, after specialised penalty-corner and goalkeeping clinics, beat China for gold and qualified for Los Angeles.
    5. Combat sports: Aman Sehrawat and Sujeet Kalkal won wrestling gold, and boxing returned to the top of the podium.

    Is the problem talent spotting or medal counting?

    1. Talent identification: The same pattern appeared at the Paris Olympics. The question is whether the system spots future winners early enough for money to reach them before they win.
    2. Ministry’s position: The Ministry calls the performance encouraging and says TOPS follows “a dynamic and continuous evaluation process”. Its review will identify gaps where results fell short.
    3. Medals as the wrong yardstick: The Athletics Federation of India (AFI) argued that improvement in performance, not the medal count alone, should guide Olympic preparation.

    Challenges

    1. Late selection: Funding follows proven results, so emerging athletes go unsupported during their breakthrough years.
    2. Non-Olympic medals: Team golds in non-Olympic events flatter the tally ahead of Los Angeles.
    3. Silver-to-gold gap: Individual athletes reach finals but lack the edge to win them.

    Way Forward

    1. Wider Development Group: The Sports Ministry should induct junior and national-level medallists into TOPS earlier, using performance trends, not only podium finishes.
    2. Spending audit: Track TOPS and ACTC spending against results by athlete and discipline.
    3. Final-stage coaching: Fund specialised mental and technical coaching for athletes who repeatedly finish second.
    4. Replicate clinics: Extend the women’s hockey model of foreign expert clinics and injury rehabilitation to other sports.

    Conclusion

    India’s Asian Games result shows a funding system that rewards athletes after they rise, not before. The Ministry’s review will show whether TOPS selection shifts toward spotting talent earlier.

    Key numbers

    1. Medal tally: 21 gold, 27 silver, 37 bronze (85 in all).
    2. Against targets: Short of the 100-medal target, and 21 medals below the record Hangzhou 2022 haul.
    3. ACTC spending since 2023: ₹702.86 crore, of which 12.5% was linked to Nagoya golds.
    4. Athletics and shooting: 39 medals (athletics 24, shooting 15), down from 51 at Hangzhou.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2024] Consider the following statements regarding ‘Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam’: 1. Provisions will come into effect from the 18th Lok Sabha. 2. This will be in force for 15 years after becoming an Act. 3. There are provisions for the reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes Women within the quota reserved for the Scheduled Castes. Which of the statements given above are correct? (a) 1, 2 and 3 (b) 1 and 2 only (c) 2 and 3 only* (d) 1 and 3 only Answer: C”

  • SC bars licence renewal for motorists with unpaid fines

    Why in the News

    Unpaid traffic fines have moved from dues motorists could ignore to a bar on licence renewal, vehicle sale and other services until they are cleared. A two judge Supreme Court Bench issued these directions in a long running road safety case, as unpaid e-challans far exceed the amount recovered.

    What has the court ordered against defaulters?

    1. What an e-challan is: An e-challan is an electronic traffic fine, issued by a camera or an officer’s device. It works like a digital ticket tied to the vehicle’s registration.
    2. Services blocked: States and Union Territories (UTs) must block online and vehicle services for motorists with pending fines:
      • registration renewal;
      • fitness certificates, which prove a vehicle is roadworthy, and pollution under control certificates;
      • ownership transfer;
      • driving licence renewal.
    3. Blacklisting on Parivahan: Vehicles with unpaid e-challans will be blacklisted on the Central Parivahan portal, the national online register of vehicles and licences. They cannot be sold or transferred until dues are cleared.
    4. Repeat violators and impounding: For multiple violations, licence renewal is withheld and existing licences suspended. Random checks may lead to a vehicle being impounded, meaning seized by the authorities.
    5. The takeaway: A fine now follows the vehicle into every transaction, so ignoring it is no longer cheaper than paying it.

    How is electronic enforcement meant to work?

    1. Legal basis: Electronic monitoring and enforcement of traffic rules rests on two provisions:
      • Section 136A of the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988;
      • Rule 167A of the Central Motor Vehicles Rules, 1989.
    2. The SOP: States must immediately implement the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP), a step by step enforcement rulebook, framed by the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH) on October 28, 2025.
    3. Detection by devices: Violations are to be detected through CCTV cameras, speed cameras and speed guns.
    4. State duties: States must notify enforcement locations. They must also buy and install the equipment and calibrate it, meaning check that it measures accurately.
    5. Public dashboard: MoRTH must set up a public dashboard showing how electronic enforcement is being implemented.

    Why does the court keep supervising road safety?

    1. Unpaid dues: E-challans worth about ₹49,194 crore remain unpaid nationally, almost double the ₹26,175 crore recovered.
    2. Ground realities: The Bench told authorities to enforce the rules at the ground level, having regard to ground realities, the actual conditions where rules are applied.
    3. Long supervision: The case dates to 2012, and the court has monitored implementation of the Act and its Rules for nearly 14 years.
    4. Delhi pedestrian safety: The Bench sought the Delhi government’s compliance with its September 15 directions on Mathura Road, including synchronised traffic lights.
    5. Amicus curiae’s letter: The amicus curiae, a lawyer assisting the court, wrote to the Delhi Chief Secretary on compliance but received no response.

    Challenges

    1. Wrong challans: Camera errors or cloned number plates can block services for an innocent owner.
    2. Equipment gaps: Many States have yet to procure and calibrate devices, so detection stays uneven.
    3. Data integration: State challan systems must sync with Parivahan, or blacklisting fails.
    4. Due process: Licence suspension through software risks a penalty without a hearing.
    5. Livelihood impact: Blocked fitness certificates can idle the trucks and taxis their owners depend on.

    Way Forward

    1. Online dispute window: MoRTH should allow a time bound online appeal before any vehicle is blacklisted.
    2. Calibration audits: States should publish calibration certificates for every enforcement device.
    3. Settlement drives: States should clear old challans through Lok Adalats, the people’s courts for settling disputes.
    4. Outcome metrics: The dashboard should report detection, recovery and accident trends State wise.

    Conclusion

    The court has turned clearing traffic fines into a condition for every vehicle service and ordered States to adopt electronic enforcement at once. No compliance date is stated, so whether States actually install and calibrate the equipment before the next hearing is what to watch.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026] Which of the following statements about a Zero First Information Report (Zero FIR) under the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023 is/are correct? 1. A Zero FIR can be lodged at a police station, even though the place of commission of a cognizable/non-cognizable offence is outside the territorial jurisdiction of that police station. 2. The Officer-in-Charge of the police station where a Zero FIR has been lodged may, with the permission of the competent authority, initiate a preliminary enquiry. 3. Under Zero FIR, it is obligatory for the informant to furnish information electronically. Select the answer using the code given below: (a) 1, 2 and 3 (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 only (d) 2 only Answer: D”

  • The pitfalls of mandatory FIRs

    Why in the News

    A mandatory First Information Report (FIR) for every missing “person” carries a presumption of abduction or trafficking, built for missing children, into cases where adults leave home by choice. The Supreme Court has reiterated that police must register one on any such report, for every person, not only a child.

    What does the missing person FIR rule require?

    1. What an FIR is: An FIR is the first written police record of an offence, like opening a case file police must then pursue.
    2. No preliminary enquiry: The Court’s May directions in G. Ganesh v. State of Tamil Nadu and Others bar a preliminary enquiry, a short check of whether any offence occurred. Nor can police leave the family to search first.
    3. Supporting directions: The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) must run a trafficking portal, and district anti human trafficking units (AHTUs) must be active. Recovered children are restored after Aadhaar verification.
    4. The takeaway: A safeguard built so no missing child is ignored now forces a criminal case for every missing adult.

    Where did the presumption of abduction come from?

    1. Bachpan Bachao Andolan v. Union of India (2013): The G. Ganesh directions repeat this case, which concerned only missing children. It made FIRs mandatory so police begin tracing at once.
    2. Presumption of a crime: Madhya Pradesh asked how the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 (CrPC), now the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023 (BNSS), applied. The Court held a missing child is presumed abducted or trafficked until investigation shows otherwise.
    3. Child specific machinery: The directions also required:
      • each State sets up Special Juvenile Police Units;
      • each station has a trained Juvenile Welfare Officer;
      • a child untraced after four months goes to the AHTU.
    4. Why it fits children: A child’s consent has no legal relevance, so treating a disappearance as a cognisable offence, one police investigate without a court order, is justified.

    Why does the presumption fail for adults?

    1. Adult agency: Many adults leave home to live together or marry without parental consent, yet each is first reported missing.
    2. Tracing becomes a duty: A mandatory FIR obliges police to trace even an adult who left a note of consent.
    3. Honour killings: Some couples, once found, have been killed in the name of family honour, with or without police help.
    4. Presumption without evidence: A blanket presumption of kidnapping for every missing adult, without evidence, runs against the spirit of the statute.

    How did a child’s case reach adults?

    1. The G. Ganesh facts: A toddler missing from Chennai stayed untraced for 14 years. The petitioner alleged police ignored the MHA’s 2013 guidelines.
    2. Adults never in issue: The case gave the Court no occasion to take up missing adults on its own motion (suo motu).
    3. States not heard: The May judgment does not show that the States, which run the police, were heard.

    Challenges

    1. Diverted investigators: Tracing adults who left by choice pulls police off genuine cases.
    2. Right to choose a partner: Forced tracing intrudes on adult autonomy. Eg. Shafin Jahan v. Asokan K.M. (2018).
    3. Real trafficking risk: Any filter for adult cases must not delay genuine trafficking cases.

    Way Forward

    1. Time bound preliminary enquiry: Allow police a week or a fortnight to filter out adult cases credibly showing no abduction or trafficking.
    2. Review of the direction: The Court should review its mandatory FIR direction for adults after hearing the States.
    3. Couple protection protocol: Police should record a found adult’s consent and withhold their location, per Shakti Vahini v. Union of India (2018).

    Conclusion

    The Court has turned a child protection rule into a presumption of crime against every adult who leaves home. The question to watch is whether police may verify an adult’s choice before treating it as a crime.

    Key numbers

    1. Information on cognisable offences: Section 154 CrPC, now Section 173 BNSS.
    2. Juvenile Welfare Officer: Section 63, Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000.
    3. BNSS preliminary enquiry window: Up to 14 days.

    What is the FIR registration regime?

    1. About: A non cognisable offence gets only a diary entry, and police need a Magistrate’s order to investigate it.
    2. Lalita Kumari v. Government of Uttar Pradesh (2013): A five judge Constitution Bench made FIRs mandatory, allowing preliminary enquiry only in narrow categories such as matrimonial disputes.
    3. Statutory preliminary enquiry: For offences punishable with three to seven years, the BNSS permits a preliminary enquiry with a senior officer’s permission.
    4. Zero FIR: An FIR can be lodged at any station and transferred to the right one.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026] Which of the following statements about a Zero First Information Report (Zero FIR) under the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023 is/are correct? 1. A Zero FIR can be lodged at a police station, even though the place of commission of a cognizable/non-cognizable offence is outside the territorial jurisdiction of that police station. 2. The Officer-in-Charge of the police station where a Zero FIR has been lodged may, with the permission of the competent authority, initiate a preliminary enquiry. 3. Under Zero FIR, it is obligatory for the informant to furnish information electronically. Select the answer using the code given below: (a) 1, 2 and 3 (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 only (d) 2 only Answer: D”

  • PBSHABD: Prasar Bharati’s Trusted News for India’s Newsrooms

    PBSHABD: Prasar Bharati’s Trusted News for India’s Newsrooms

    Why in the News?

    • PBSHABD is Prasar Bharati’s free, multimedia news feed service, launched on 13 March 2024 by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (MIB).
    • It provides registered media organisations with ready-to-use news content in 15 Indian languages and five formats.

    Key Highlights

    • PBSHABD stands for Prasar Bharati – Shared Audio-Visuals for Broadcast and Dissemination.
    • Launched: 13 March 2024, New Delhi.
    • Free access extended up to March 2027.
    • User base: 3,600 media organisations.
    • Content available in: Text, Video, Audio, Photographs, and Infographics
    • Content available in 15 Indian languages and nearly 50 news categories.
    • Users include media organisations, digital publishers and content creators.
    • Content can be used without a Prasar Bharati logo or credit line.

    Prasar Bharati

    • Prasar Bharati is India’s public service broadcaster.
    • Created under the Prasar Bharati Act, 1990.
    • Corporation came into existence on 23 November 1997.
    • Its two constituents are:
      • Akashvani
      • Doordarshan
    • Its mandate includes a fair and balanced flow of information in the public interest.

    Evolution: PBNS to PBSHABD

    • PBNS (Prasar Bharati News Service) initially functioned as an internal news wire for Prasar Bharati’s editorial teams.
    • In March 2024, PBSHABD expanded this infrastructure into a multimedia news-sharing platform.
    • PBSHABD provides ready-to-use content to external registered media organisations.
    • PBSHABD 2.0 is planned with new product lines and improved delivery.

    News Gathering and Editorial Network

    • More than 1,500 reporters, correspondents and stringers contribute to the news pipeline.
    • 60 dedicated editorial desks operate round the clock.
    • Akashvani News:
      • 46 Regional News Units + 1 Headquarters
      • 607 bulletins daily in 92 languages and dialects.
    • Doordarshan News:
      • 31 Regional News Units + 1 Headquarters
      • 145+ bulletins in more than 22 languages and dialects.

    Editorial Verification

    • PBSHABD uses multiple layers of editorial checks before dissemination.
    • The service maintains safeguards against:
      • Fake content
      • Morphed content
      • Manipulated content
      • Unverified online material
    • Stories are timestamped, datelined and captioned to identify when and where developments occurred.

    Who Can Register?

    • Newspapers and journals: Valid RNI certificate.
    • Television and radio stations: Valid uplink and downlink certificates.
    • Digital publishers: Copy of PAN.
    • Each organisation receives one login, which can be shared within its newsroom.

    Prelims Quick Revision

    • Prasar Bharati Act: 1990.
    • Prasar Bharati came into existence: 23 November 1997.
    • Constituents: Akashvani and Doordarshan.
    • PBSHABD launched: 13 March 2024.
    • PBSHABD provides 5 content formats in 15 Indian languages.
    • Current user base: 3,600 media organisations.
    • Free access extended up to March 2027.
    • News network: 1,500+ field personnel and 60 editorial desks.
    • PBSHABD 2.0 is planned for expanded products and improved delivery.

    UPSC Prelims Trap

    • Prasar Bharati Act was enacted in 1990, but Prasar Bharati came into existence in 1997.
    • PBNS was primarily an internal news wire, whereas PBSHABD is a multimedia news-sharing platform for registered external media users.
    • PBSHABD is not limited to text news: it provides text, video, audio, photographs and infographics.
    • PBSHABD was launched in 2024, not 1997. Prasar Bharati itself dates to 1997.
  • Smartphone screen protectors under BIS

    Why in the News

    The Centre has mandated compulsory Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) certification for smartphone screen protectors. An entity must now secure regulatory approval before selling such products in India. The mandate takes effect from 1 April 2027. The move answers the circulation of low-quality screen protectors in a market estimated at 400 million tempered glass pieces in 2025. The stated aim is a quality floor for consumers and a level playing field for local manufacturers and global firms. The open question is enforcement, since a pre-market approval requirement has to reach every seller in a market of that size.

    What does the compulsory certification order require?

    1. Approval before sale: Certification is a pre-market requirement, so an entity must hold BIS approval before it sells a smartphone screen protector in India.
    2. Product scope: The mandate covers smartphone screen protectors as a product category, including the tempered glass segment that dominates the market.

    How large is the market the order applies to?

    1. Retail value of the segment: The local market for tempered glass screen protectors carried a retail value of Rs 20,000 crore in 2025.
    2. Prevalence of substandard stock: The order is expected to curb sales of low-quality smartphone screen protectors.

    Who does the order affect?

    1. Domestic manufacturers: The mandate is expected to help firms that have begun manufacturing in India. Eg. Optiemus Infracom has started production of screen protectors in India.
    2. Level playing field for all sellers: The requirement applies alike to local manufacturers and global firms, according to the mobile device makers’ body ICEA. The industry position is that a common certification floor removes the advantage of uncertified stock.
    3. Consumers: The stated consumer benefit is protection from substandard products.

    Challenges to mandatory certification for screen protectors

    1. Enforcement across a dispersed retail market: Certification binds the entity selling the product, and a market of hundreds of millions of pieces is spread across a very large number of sellers. Eg. The tempered glass segment ran to 400 million pieces in 2025.
      The Fix: Require every retail and marketplace listing to display the certification number, so enforcement operates at the point of sale rather than only at the factory.
    2. Compliance cost before the effective date: Approval must be secured before a product can be sold, so a seller carries testing and certification cost ahead of any revenue from the certified line. Eg. The mandate takes effect on 1 April 2027.
      The Fix: Publish the testing protocol and the list of recognised laboratories early, so the approval queue does not concentrate immediately before the deadline.
    3. Imports outside the certification net: The level playing field the order promises depends on uncertified consignments being stopped at the border rather than after they reach the market. Eg. The order’s stated purpose includes equal treatment of local manufacturers and global firms.
      The Fix: Tie customs clearance of screen protector consignments to a verified certification record for the importing entity.

    Conclusion

    Compulsory certification for this accessory category is settled in principle and open in execution. Its effect depends on how much of a very large and dispersed seller base is actually brought inside the certification net, rather than on the standard itself. The milestone to watch is the date the mandate takes effect, since uncertified stock may not lawfully be sold after it.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2017] Consider the following statements: 1. The Standard Mark of Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) is mandatory for automotive tyres and tubes. 2. AGMARK is a quality Certification Mark issued by the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 (a)”

  • I&B Ministry notifies new film certification guidelines for CBFC

    Why in the News

    The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (I&B) has notified revised film certification guidelines for the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC). The guidelines retain every aspect of the detailed 1991 version and add exactly two points. One requires a disclaimer or statutory warning in scenes depicting or involving the use, consumption or trafficking of narcotic drugs or psychotropic substances. The other brings in the three new age markers under the UA (Unrestricted Public Exhibition With Parental Guidance) certificate, created by the Cinematograph Rules, 2024. The certification standards a film is judged against therefore remain those framed in 1991, while the certificate categories themselves were rewritten in 2024.

    What does the Central Board of Film Certification do?

    1. Its statutory basis: It is a statutory body under the Cinematograph Act, 1952, functioning under the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.
    2. What it certifies: No film may be publicly exhibited in India unless it has been certified by the Board, so certification is a condition of release rather than an advisory rating.
    3. What the certificate decides: The Board may certify a film for unrestricted public exhibition, restrict it by age, restrict it to specialised audiences, or refuse certification, and it may require cuts as a condition of a category.
    4. What guides the decision: The Board applies guidelines notified by the central government under the Act, which is the instrument that has now been revised.

    What are the two additions to the guidelines?

    1. The narcotics warning: Scenes depicting or involving the use, consumption or trafficking of narcotic drugs or psychotropic substances must now carry the warning “Illicit Narcotics Destroy Health and Guarantees Imprisonment, Say No to Drugs.”
    2. The age markers: The guidelines now specify the three categories within the UA certificate, UA 7+, UA 13+ and UA 16+, marking content suitable for children aged seven, 13 and 16 respectively.
    3. What triggers an age marker: Where the Board considers it necessary to caution a parent or guardian on whether a ward may be allowed to see a film, it certifies the film for unrestricted public exhibition with an endorsement to that effect.

    What do the retained 1991 standards require?

    1. Crime and violence: The Board is to ensure that anti social activities and violence are not glorified or justified.
    2. Operational detail of crime: The modus operandi of criminals, and visuals or words likely to incite the commission of an offence, are not to be depicted.
    3. Alcohol: Scenes justifying or glorifying drinking are to be avoided.
    4. Children: Scenes showing children in violence as victims, perpetrators or forced witnesses, or subjected to any form of child abuse, are not to be presented needlessly.
    5. Disability and animals: The Board is to discourage scenes showing abuse or ridicule of persons with disabilities, and scenes showing cruelty to or abuse of animals.

    Why does the alignment with the 2024 categories matter?

    1. The gap it closes: The age bands were created in the Rules in 2024, while the guidelines the Board actually applies continued to describe a single undifferentiated UA category until this notification.
    2. What a graded band changes for a film: A film that would previously have carried one UA label now carries an age specific one, so the same content can be placed at a different point on the scale rather than cut to reach a category.
    3. Where the burden shifts: An age marker transfers the decision on viewing to the parent or guardian, since a UA film remains open to unrestricted public exhibition whatever the band.
    4. What the Board has asked of the industry: The Board’s Chairperson has asked filmmakers to study the revised guidelines before submitting applications, and asked film associations to circulate them within the industry.

    Challenges to the film certification framework

    1. Certification operates as prior restraint: A film cannot be exhibited at all until the Board clears it, so the delay in a decision has the same effect as a refusal for a film with a fixed release date. Eg. The Supreme Court upheld pre censorship of films in K.A. Abbas v. Union of India (1970), on the ground that film affects audiences differently from other media.
      The Fix: Fix a binding outer limit for the Board’s decision and treat expiry of that limit as deemed certification in the applied category.
    2. Standards are open ended in application: Terms such as glorification of violence or anti social activity are matters of judgement, so identical content can be treated differently across examining committees. Eg. The Cinematograph Act, 1952 grounds refusal in the reasonable restrictions of Article 19(2), which are broad heads rather than stated tests.
      The Fix: Publish the reasoned orders of examining and revising committees, so a standard is visible from decided cases rather than from the text alone.
    3. Extra statutory pressure after certification: A certified film still faces protest, litigation and State level obstruction, so certification does not settle the right to exhibit. Eg. In Prakash Jha Productions v. Union of India (2011) the Supreme Court held that a State cannot ban a certified film on law and order grounds and must maintain order instead.
      The Fix: Require a State suspending exhibition of a certified film to record reasons and obtain judicial confirmation within a fixed period.
    4. A single framework for unequal platforms: Films require certification while streaming content is governed by self regulation, so the same content faces different scrutiny by mode of release. Eg. Online curated content runs under the self classification and three tier grievance structure of the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021.
      The Fix: Align the age classification bands used in film certification with those used for online curated content, so one scale runs across platforms.
    5. Warnings substitute for classification: A mandatory on screen disclaimer is easy to add and easy to disregard, so it does little where the depiction itself is the concern. Eg. The statutory anti tobacco warning has run in Indian films for years alongside continued depiction of smoking.
      The Fix: Attach the depiction of narcotics to a defined age band in the classification scale, rather than treating the warning as the whole remedy.

    Conclusion

    The certification standards and the certificate categories were revised a generation apart, and this notification is the step that brings them into one document. The substantive tests a film is judged against remain those of 1991, so the change is one of classification rather than of standards. The guidelines are notified and in force, and the Board has asked the industry to study them before filing applications. The thing to watch is how the three UA bands are applied in practice, since a graded scale only changes outcomes if films are placed across it rather than clustered in one band.

    Back2Basics: Cinematograph (Amendment) Act, 2023

    1. What it introduced on piracy: It created offences for unauthorised recording and exhibition of films, with imprisonment of three months to three years and a fine.
    2. Age based categories: It replaced the single UA category with age based sub categories, which the Cinematograph Rules, 2024 then specified as UA 7+, UA 13+ and UA 16+.
    3. Validity of a certificate: It made a certificate valid perpetually, removing the earlier limit of ten years.
    4. Revisional power removed: It withdrew the central government’s revisional power over a certified film, in line with the Supreme Court’s ruling in Union of India v. K.M. Shankarappa (2000).

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2014, GS2, 12] What do you understand by the concept “freedom of speech and expression”? Does it cover hate speech also? Why do the films in India stand on a slightly different plane from other forms of expression? Discuss.”

  • JPC members question Centre on FCRA Bill’s asset takeover provisions

    Why in the News

    Parliament’s Joint Committee on the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2026 questioned the Centre on the Bill’s asset takeover provisions at its first meeting. The provision at issue vests foreign contributions and all assets created from them in a government appointed “designated authority” when an organisation’s Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) certificate is cancelled, surrendered, or lapses automatically, without a prior hearing or a judicial determination. The Union Home Ministry defended the change as making the use of foreign contributions more transparent and accountable, and said a “prescribed authority” already exists under the present law. The tension is between an administrative gap the Ministry says it is closing and the constitutional bar on deprivation of property without due process. Opposition members of the Committee invoked Article 300A of the Constitution against the provision.

    What does the “designated authority” provision do?

    1. When it is triggered: It operates on three events, cancellation of an organisation’s FCRA certificate, its surrender by the organisation, and its automatic lapse.
    2. What vests: Foreign contributions already received and every asset created out of them pass to a government appointed designated authority.
    3. What it dispenses with: The vesting takes effect without a prior hearing for the organisation and without a judicial determination that the assets should pass.
    4. How wide the power is: The authority is to hold powers of a wide ambit over those assets, which is the specific feature the Committee’s members contested.

    What is the Ministry’s stated rationale for the change?

    1. A custodian already exists in law: The present Act provides for a “prescribed authority”, identified by a notification of 5 November 2018 as the Additional Chief Secretary or Principal Secretary (Home) of the State or Union Territory concerned.
    2. The custodian cannot act: There is no deadline on that custodianship under the current law, which leaves the prescribed authority a “passive custodian” unable to take substantive decisions on assets.
    3. No procedure for the handover: The law lays down no standard procedure for taking possession of such assets, maintaining inventories, or separating foreign contribution assets from domestically funded ones.
    4. The cost of open ended custody: Prolonged custodianship leaves States facing budgetary and manpower constraints in running vested institutions such as schools, hospitals and orphanages.
    5. Two silences in the existing law: The Act says nothing on the final disposal of vested assets and nothing on the treatment of places of worship.

    On what constitutional ground is the provision contested?

    1. The provision relied on: Opposition members of the Committee argued that deprivation of property cannot be permitted without a prior hearing, relying on Article 300A of the Constitution.
    2. What Article 300A guarantees: It states that no person shall be deprived of property save by authority of law, so a taking requires a valid law and a fair procedure even though property is no longer a fundamental right.
    3. Why automatic vesting is the pressure point: Cancellation, surrender and lapse are administrative events, so tying the transfer of assets to them removes any stage at which the organisation is heard before it loses them.
    4. What it leaves unsettled: The Ministry’s own submission records that the law is silent on final disposal, so an organisation whose certificate later stands restored has no stated route back to its assets.

    Why did the Ministry’s presentation on religious groups draw objection?

    1. What the presentation contained: It catalogued foreign contributions received by different religious groups and highlighted that a majority of the funds went to Christian organisations.
    2. The objection raised: Members questioned the rationale for segregating contributions received under religious heads at all.
    3. Why the classification matters: A regulatory case built on the religious identity of recipients shifts the test from how funds were used to who received them.

    Why is the FCRA framed as a national security law?

    1. The Ministry’s characterisation: The Home Ministry told the Committee that the latest amendment is at its core a “national security” legislation.
    2. The origin of the statute: The FCRA was enacted in 1976, amid Cold War era mistrust of Western influence and concern over threats to India’s sovereignty and democratic institutions.
    3. What preceded it: Before 1976, non governmental organisations receiving foreign funds operated under general laws such as the Societies Registration Act, the Trusts Act and the Companies Act.
    4. The gap it filled: Those general laws carried no centralised mechanism to monitor foreign contributions, which is the function the FCRA introduced.

    Challenges to the FCRA regulatory framework

    1. Sanction without a judicial stage: Cancellation, and now the vesting of assets, follow executive determination, so an organisation contests the outcome after it has already taken effect. Eg. The vesting under the Bill operates with no prior hearing and no judicial determination.
      The Fix: Require a reasoned show cause order and a hearing before vesting, with the transfer suspended until an appellate forum has ruled.
    2. Suspension operates as a penalty on its own: A certificate suspended pending inquiry stops foreign funds immediately, so service delivery halts before any finding is recorded. Eg. Registration of the Centre for Policy Research was cancelled in 2024 after a prolonged suspension, ending its foreign funded research programmes.
      The Fix: Cap the suspension period in the statute and require the inquiry to conclude within it or the certificate to revive automatically.
    3. Compliance costs fall hardest on small organisations: Annual returns, a designated single bank account and renewal every five years require dedicated staff that a small grassroots body does not have. Eg. The 2020 amendment required every recipient to route foreign funds through a designated account at a single branch of the State Bank of India in New Delhi.
      The Fix: Set a simplified filing track and a longer renewal cycle for organisations below a stated annual receipt threshold.
    4. A ban on transfers breaks the funding chain: Prohibiting an FCRA holder from passing funds to another organisation cuts off smaller field level bodies that never receive foreign money directly. Eg. The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Act, 2020 barred transfer of foreign contribution to any other person, including another FCRA registered body.
      The Fix: Permit onward transfer to a registered recipient with reporting of the transfer, so the audit trail is preserved without ending sub granting.
    5. Regulatory reach shapes advocacy as much as accounting: Where funding status turns on administrative discretion, an organisation adjusts its public positions to protect its registration. Eg. The Supreme Court upheld the 2020 amendments in Noel Harper v. Union of India (2022), holding that no organisation has a vested right to receive foreign contribution.
      The Fix: Publish the grounds and the evidentiary standard for every cancellation, so refusal is testable against a stated rule rather than inferred.

    Conclusion

    The Bill is at the start of committee scrutiny and the disagreement is already about process rather than purpose. Both sides accept that custody of assets after a certificate ends is currently unregulated, and they differ on whether the answer is an authority that can act at once or a procedure that must be completed before it acts. The unresolved question is what happens to an organisation that succeeds on appeal after its assets have already vested, since the Ministry’s own submission records that the law is silent on final disposal. The next milestone is the Joint Committee’s examination of the Bill and the report it returns to Parliament.

    Back2Basics: Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010

    1. What it replaced: It repealed and replaced the 1976 Act, and is administered by the Ministry of Home Affairs.
    2. What it regulates: It governs the acceptance and utilisation of foreign contribution and foreign hospitality by persons and associations, to ensure they do not act against the national interest.
    3. Registration and its renewal: An association must hold registration or prior permission to receive foreign contribution, and registration is valid for five years and renewable.
    4. Who is barred outright: Election candidates, judges, government servants, members of a legislature, journalists and editors of registered newspapers, and political parties are prohibited from accepting foreign contribution.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2015, GS2, 12] Examine critically the recent changes in the rules governing foreign funding of NGOs under the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976.”

  • How it widens social security net, why unions are claiming it is ‘too little and too late’

    Why in the News

    The Ministry of Labour and Employment has notified a rise in the wage ceiling of the Employees’ Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO) from Rs 15,000 to Rs 25,000 a month, the first revision in 12 years. The notification follows approval of the increase by the Union Cabinet. Over 8 crore subscribers must now contribute mandatorily up to the new limit under the Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) scheme, the Employees’ Pension Scheme (EPS) and the Employees’ Deposit Linked Insurance (EDLI) scheme, and about 51 lakh more workers come under mandatory coverage. The tension is over what a ceiling fixed in rupees can do. Trade unions have called the new figure “too little and too late” and want the threshold tied to wages and inflation rather than revised once a decade.

    What is the EPFO wage ceiling and what does it trigger?

    1. What the ceiling is: It is the monthly wage level up to which membership of the EPFO’s three schemes is compulsory in a covered establishment, and beyond which a worker may choose not to contribute.
    2. What it applies to: The same figure governs mandatory coverage under all three schemes at once, the provident fund, the pension scheme and the deposit linked insurance scheme.
    3. What it does not cap: A worker already contributing on basic pay above the old limit is unaffected in the provident fund, since the ceiling bounds the compulsory floor of coverage rather than the amount that may be saved.

    What changes in the contribution arithmetic?

    1. Who pays what: The employee and the employer each contribute 12% of basic salary, dearness allowance and retaining allowance, with the employee’s entire share going to the EPF.
    2. How the employer’s share splits: Of the employer’s 12%, 3.67% goes to the EPF and 8.33% to the EPS, and the pension share is calculated on the wage ceiling for most subscribers.
    3. The pension effect: The monthly pension contribution rises to Rs 2,083 from Rs 1,250, because 8.33% is now computed on Rs 25,000 instead of Rs 15,000.
    4. The state’s own share: The government contributes 1.16% towards an employee’s pension up to the wage ceiling to cover any shortfall from low wages, and employees make no contribution of their own to the pension scheme.
    5. The insurance leg: Under the EDLI scheme the employer contributes 0.5% of wages with no deduction from the employee, and the scheme pays life insurance cover of Rs 2.5 lakh to Rs 7 lakh on death during service.
    6. Who gains most: Workers earning between Rs 15,000 and Rs 25,000 see the largest change, since their social security contributions rise from voluntary or low levels to the full mandatory rate.

    Where does this revision sit in the scheme’s own history?

    1. Frequency of revision: This is the ninth revision of the EPF scheme’s wage ceiling since the scheme began in 1952.
    2. The pattern of long gaps: It is only the third occasion on which the gap between two revisions exceeded a decade, so a frozen ceiling is a recurring feature rather than a one off lapse.
    3. The two previous steps: The ceiling was raised to Rs 15,000 from Rs 6,500 in September 2014, and to Rs 6,500 from Rs 5,000 in June 2001.
    4. Where the demand was raised: The revision had been discussed in several meetings of the Central Board of Trustees of the EPFO over the last decade before it was acted on.

    What does the new ceiling signal to the wider labour market?

    1. Statutory minimum wages had overtaken the old ceiling: At least seven major States and Union Territories set statutory minimum wages for unskilled workers above the old Rs 15,000 limit.
    2. The specific figures: Monthly minimum wages stand at Rs 17,800 in Delhi, Rs 17,000 in Maharashtra and Rs 16,800 in Karnataka.
    3. What the gap meant in practice: A ceiling below the legal minimum wage in a State excluded the lowest paid formal workers there from compulsory coverage, which inverts the purpose of a floor.
    4. The signalling effect: A higher central threshold indicates a higher expected wage scale to States and to employers, beyond its direct effect on contributions.

    Why do trade unions call the revision inadequate?

    1. The stated objection to the frozen figure: The All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) has said a social security ceiling held at Rs 15,000 for 12 years was already out of step with prevailing wages.
    2. The demand on the number: Its General Secretary has asked for the ceiling to be raised to Rs 30,000 so that more deserving sections of employees are covered.
    3. The demand on the method: The union position is that the threshold must move in step with minimum wages, actual wages, inflation and the cost of living, rather than being reset by discretion.
    4. The take home pay concern: Employers are expected to absorb the higher contribution inside the existing cost to company structure, so a worker’s monthly take home pay falls even as the savings balance rises.

    Challenges to the EPFO wage ceiling framework

    1. A nominal ceiling loses value every year it is not revised: A threshold fixed in rupees falls in real terms with inflation, so coverage narrows automatically between revisions. Eg. The previous limit stood unchanged from 2014 while several States raised statutory minimum wages past it.
      The Fix: Link the ceiling to a published wage or price index with automatic annual revision, so coverage does not depend on a discretionary decision.
    2. Coverage is tied to the establishment, not the worker: Compulsory membership runs through establishments covered by the scheme, so gig, platform and informal workers stay outside it whatever the ceiling is. Eg. The Code on Social Security, 2020 provides for schemes for gig and platform workers, which remain outside the EPFO’s mandatory contribution structure.
      The Fix: Operationalise the aggregator contribution route for gig and platform workers so coverage follows the worker across employers.
    3. A higher mandatory contribution can push employment off the books: Where an employer treats the contribution as a cost to be avoided, the response is under reporting of wages or headcount rather than compliance. Eg. Splitting pay into allowances outside basic wages was contested up to the Supreme Court in the 2019 Regional Provident Fund Commissioner v. Vivekananda Vidyamandir line of cases on what counts as basic wages.
      The Fix: Audit wage structures of covered establishments against declared basic wages and publish sector wise compliance data.
    4. Pension outcomes remain weak despite higher contributions: The pension share is computed on the ceiling rather than on actual pay, so the pension of a worker earning well above the ceiling stays low. Eg. Pensionable salary for most subscribers is capped at the ceiling even where actual wages are several times higher.
      The Fix: Publish the actuarial position of the pension scheme at each revision, so the pension a given contribution buys is visible before the ceiling is set.
    5. Take home pay falls for the workers the change is meant to protect: A low wage worker gains a deferred benefit and loses current income, which is the trade off least affordable at that wage level. Eg. Employers absorb the higher contribution within the existing cost to company package.
      The Fix: Phase the increased employee share over two or three years for workers in the newly covered band, while the employer share applies at once.

    Conclusion

    The revision settles the level of the ceiling and leaves open the method of setting it. A threshold fixed in rupees and revised at intervals of a decade will drift below statutory minimum wages again, which is what produced the present anomaly of a social security floor lower than the legal wage floor in several States. The stated union demand is not merely a higher number but an indexation rule that removes the need for a political decision each time. The thing to watch is whether the Central Board of Trustees takes up a standing revision formula, since that is what decides whether this correction has to be repeated in another twelve years.

    Back2Basics: Employees’ Provident Fund Organisation (EPFO)

    1. Statutory basis: It administers schemes framed under the Employees’ Provident Funds and Miscellaneous Provisions Act, 1952, and functions under the Ministry of Labour and Employment.
    2. Who governs it: It is steered by the Central Board of Trustees, a tripartite body of government, employer and employee representatives, chaired by the Union Labour Minister.
    3. The three schemes: It runs the EPF scheme for retirement savings, the EPS for pension, and the EDLI scheme for life insurance cover linked to provident fund membership.
    4. Scope of application: The parent Act applies to establishments employing 20 or more persons in notified industries, and coverage continues even if employment later falls below that number.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2021] With reference to casual workers employed in India, consider the following statements: 1.All casual workers are entitled to Employees Provident Fund coverage. 2.All casual workers are entitled to regular working hours and overtime payment. 3.The government can, by notification, specify that an establishment or industry shall pay wages only through its bank account. Which of the above statements are correct? (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2, and 3 Answer: (b)”