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GS Paper: GS2-01.Indian Constitution-Historical underpinnings & evolution; Features, amendments, significant provisions, basic structure of Constitution

  • Supreme Court on Fraternity & Public Speech by Constitutional Functionaries

    Why in the News?

    The Supreme Court of India orally observed that political leaders and holders of high public office must foster fraternity and adhere to constitutional morality while hearing a petition alleging stigmatizing and discriminatory public statements by Chief Ministers and senior officials.

    Constitutional Provisions Involved

    • Preamble: Secures Justice, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.
    • Article 14: Equality before law and equal protection of laws.
    • Article 19(1)(a): Freedom of speech and expression.
    • Article 19(2): Reasonable restrictions on speech.
    • Article 21: Protection of life and personal liberty.
    • Article 51A(e): Fundamental duty to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood.

    Key Observations by the Court

    • Political leaders must promote fraternity in a 75 plus year old democracy.
    • Constitutional functionaries are not ordinary speakers as their words carry the imprimatur of the State.
    • Need for restraint in communally divisive and discriminatory speeches.
    • Court indicated willingness to consider guidelines, without imposing prior restraint.
    • Concern over “normalisation” of constitutionally unbecoming speeches.

    Important Concepts for Prelims

    • Constitutional Morality: First articulated in Indian constitutional discourse in Government of NCT of Delhi v. Union of India (2018). Refers to adherence to constitutional values over majoritarian impulses.
    • Fraternity: Ensures unity and integrity of the nation. Protects dignity of the individual. Linked to prevention of hate speech and social exclusion.
    • Constitutional Tort: Public law remedy where State action violates fundamental rights. Compensation may be awarded for violation of rights by public authorities.

    Free Speech vs. Accountability

    • No prior censorship advocated.
    • Focus on regulating consequences of speech when made by high public officials.
    • Balancing Article 19(1)(a) with Article 14 and Article 21.
    [2017] Which one of the following statements is correct? (a) Rights are claims of the State against the citizens. 

    (b) Rights are privileges which are incorporated in the Constitution of a State. 

    (c) Rights are claims of the citizens against the State. 

    (d) Rights are privileges of a few citizens against the many.

  • National Song Guidelines Issued by Government of India

    Why in the News

    The Ministry of Home Affairs has reiterated guidelines regarding the playing and singing of the National Song, including procedural aspects such as drum roll before band performance and mass singing protocols.

    What are the Special Orders

    • The Government of India, through the Ministry of Home Affairs, has issued executive instructions regulating the manner in which the National Song Vande Mataram may be played and sung on official and significant occasions.
    • These are executive guidelines issued under Article 73 of the Constitution, not under any specific Act of Parliament.

    Key Provisions

    • Playing by Band: When played by a band, the National Song should be preceded by a roll of drums to alert the audience, unless another clear indication is given.
    • Official Version: Only the official version should be used. It should be accompanied by mass singing on occasions such as
      • Unfurling of the National Flag
      • Cultural or ceremonial functions other than parades
      • A trained choir may be arranged to coordinate with the band. Adequate public address systems should be ensured. Printed lyrics may be circulated where required.
    • Other Significant Occasions: It may be sung on occasions invested with significance due to the presence of Ministers or dignitaries. There is no exhaustive list of such occasions. Respect and proper decorum must always be maintained.
    • In Schools: The day may begin with community singing of the National Song. School authorities should promote respect for
      • National Song
      • National Anthem
      • National Flag

    Constitutional and Legal Position

    • The National Song is not mentioned in the Constitution of India.
    • There is no law mandating compulsory singing.
    • It does not have statutory protection similar to the National Anthem under the Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act, 1971.
    [2023] Consider the following statements in respect of the National Flag of India according to the Flag Code of India, 2002: Statement-I: One of the standard sizes of the National Flag of India is 600 mm × 400 mm. 

    Statement-II: The ratio of the length to the height (width) of the Flag shall be 3 : 2. 

    Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements? 

    (a) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is the correct explanation for Statement-I 

    (b) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is not the correct explanation for Statement-I 

    (c) Statement-I is correct but Statement-II is incorrect 

    (d) Statement-I is incorrect but Statement-II is correct

  • 16th Finance Commission proposal to scrap Revenue Deficit Grants

    Why in the News?

    Some States have raised concerns over indications that the Sixteenth Finance Commission may recommend phasing out or scrapping Revenue Deficit Grants (RDG), arguing that it could adversely impact fiscally weaker States.

    What are Revenue Deficit Grants?

    • Revenue Deficit Grants are statutory transfers recommended by the Finance Commission to States whose revenue expenditure exceeds revenue receipts even after tax devolution.
    • Their objective is to ensure that States can meet basic administrative and social sector expenditure without resorting to excessive borrowing.

    Constitutional Basis

    • Provided under Article 275 of the Constitution
    • Grants are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India

    Why are Revenue Deficit Grants Given?

    • To correct vertical fiscal imbalance between Centre and States
    • To support States with weak revenue raising capacity
    • To ensure minimum standards of public services across States
    • To prevent revenue deficits from crowding out capital expenditure

    What is the Proposal of the 16th Finance Commission?

    • Move towards eliminating revenue deficits rather than financing them
    • Encourage States to undertake fiscal discipline and tax reforms
    • Shift focus from revenue support to performance based and capital linked transfers
    • Reduce long term dependence of States on unconditional grants

    Concerns Raised by States

    • Hill and special category States depend heavily on RDG
    • Post GST regime has reduced States’ fiscal flexibility
    • Fear of widening inter State fiscal disparities
    • Risk of increased borrowing and debt stress

    Significance for Fiscal Federalism

    • Tests the balance between fiscal autonomy and fiscal responsibility
    • Reflects shift from entitlement based transfers to outcome based federalism
    • Could redefine the nature of Centre State financial relations
    [2025] Which of the following statements with regard to recommendations of the 15th Finance Commission of India are correct? I. It has recommended grants of ₹4,800 crores from the year 2022–23 to 2025–26 for incentivizing States to enhance educational outcomes

    II. 45% of the net proceeds of Union taxes are to be shared with States

    III. ₹45,000 crores are to be kept as performance-based incentive for all States for carrying out agricultural reforms

    IV. It reintroduced tax effort criteria to reward fiscal performance.

  • [4th February 2026] The Hindu OpED: Has the 16th Finance Commission sidelines the States?

    Mentor’s Comment

    The Finance Commission is the institutional backbone of India’s fiscal federalism. The article examines whether the 16th Finance Commission (16th FC), despite formal continuity in States’ share, has substantively weakened State fiscal autonomy by expanding the Centre’s reliance on cesses and surcharges. The analysis is critical for understanding vertical devolution, fiscal centralisation, and cooperative federalism, recurring themes in GS-II and GS-III.

    Why in the News?

    The article gains salience as the 16th Finance Commission retained the States’ share at 41%, yet expanded the divisible pool only marginally while allowing a sharp rise in cesses and surcharges, which lie outside the pool. For the first time, States across political lines showed rare consensus that their effective share of central revenues is shrinking, even as headline devolution figures remain unchanged. The issue marks a structural shift from shared taxation to unilateral central levies, raising concerns over the erosion of fiscal federalism and States’ fiscal capacity.

    Has the divisible pool expanded meaningfully under the 16th Finance Commission?

    1. Marginal Expansion: Divisible pool revenues rose from 1.1% of GDP (2013-14) to 2.2% of GDP (2023-24), indicating limited expansion despite economic growth.
    2. Static Devolution Rate: States’ share remained at 41%, unchanged from the 15th FC, masking underlying revenue shifts.
    3. Exclusion Mechanism: Cesses and surcharges remain outside the divisible pool, structurally limiting States’ access to rising revenues.

    Cess and Surcharge?

    1. Cess and surcharge are additional, non-permanent levies imposed by the Indian central government to raise revenue, often added on top of existing taxes. 
    2. A cess (e.g., Health & Education Cess) is earmarked for specific purposes, while a surcharge is an extra tax on high-income earners for general revenue. 
    3. Both are not shared with state governments. 

    Key Differences and Details:

    1. Purpose: Cess is levied for a specific purpose (e.g., education, Swachh Bharat) and cannot be used otherwise. Surcharge is used for general government expenditure.
    2. Calculation: Cess is calculated as a percentage of the tax plus surcharge. Surcharge is calculated on the tax liability itself when income exceeds specific thresholds.
    3. Applicability: Cess applies to all taxpayers, while surcharge only targets individuals or entities with higher income brackets.
    4. Revenue Sharing: Proceeds from both cesses and surcharges are credited to the Consolidated Fund of India but are generally not shared with the state governments.

    Why are cesses and surcharges central to the controversy?

    1. Revenue Composition Shift: Cesses and surcharges increased from ₹44,688 crore (FY15) to ₹4,15,022 crore (FY22).
    2. Rising Share: For every ₹100 collected by the Centre, cesses and surcharges rose from ₹7 (2012-13) to ₹13.5 (2021-22).
    3. Budget Estimate 2025-26: Centre expects ₹8.89 lakh crore through cesses and surcharges, excluding GST compensation cess.
    4. Structural Impact: These levies bypass constitutional sharing, reducing States’ fiscal predictability.

    Has the States’ effective share in central revenues declined?

    1. Consistent Decline: Between FY13 and FY18, States’ share exceeded 93% of the divisible pool revenues.
    2. Post-2019 Reversal: Following GST implementation, States’ share fell as cesses surged.
    3. 2021-22 Data Point: Out of every ₹100 collected, ₹86.5 entered the divisible pool, down from ₹93.5 in 2012-13.
    4. Fiscal Asymmetry: Vertical devolution appears intact only in form, not in substance.

    Does the Finance Commission acknowledge this imbalance?

    1. Institutional Admission: The 16th FC recognises that long-term reliance on cesses is “undesirable.”
    2. Contradictory Position: Despite acknowledging distortion, the Commission refrains from imposing limits on such levies.
    3. Deference to Centre: FC cites defence and security spending as justification for higher cesses.
    4. Policy Gap: No binding mechanism introduced to curb revenue centralisation.

    What are the implications for State finances and governance?

    1. Reduced Fiscal Autonomy: States face constrained revenue capacity despite increased expenditure responsibilities.
    2. Infrastructure Stress: High-performing States bear the raw end of fiscal imbalance due to limited untied funds.
    3. Governance Asymmetry: Centralisation weakens States’ ability to tailor welfare and development spending.
    4. Political Neutrality Questioned: Uniform State dissatisfaction indicates systemic, not partisan, concern.

    Conclusion

    The article concludes that the 16th Finance Commission preserves the appearance of fiscal federalism while weakening its substance. By allowing unchecked expansion of cesses and surcharges, the Centre has effectively reduced States’ fiscal space without altering formal devolution ratios. The issue raises fundamental questions about the constitutional balance of power, revenue sovereignty, and cooperative federalism.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2020] Explain the rationale behind the Goods and Services Tax (Compensation to States) Act of 2017. How has COVID-19 impacted the GST compensation fund and created new federal tensions?

    Linkage: This PYQ tests GST design, compensation to States, and fiscal federalism under GS-III, especially Centre-State revenue sharing during economic shocks. COVID-19 exposed GST revenue fragility, leading to delayed compensation and greater reliance on cesses and surcharges, echoing the article’s concern over shrinking effective State fiscal space.

  • Pennaiyar River Inter State Water Dispute

    Why in the news?

    The Supreme Court of India has directed the Union Government to constitute an Inter State River Water Disputes Tribunal within one month to resolve the Pennaiyar water dispute between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. The case was filed by Tamil Nadu under Article 131 of the Constitution, invoking the Inter State River Water Disputes Act, 1956.

    About Pennaiyar River

    • Also known as Thenpennai / Ponnaiyar in Tamil and Dakshina Pinakini in Kannada
    • A major east flowing inter state river of southern India
    • Crucial for irrigation, drinking water, and water security

    Origin

    • Originates in the Nandi Hills, Chikkaballapura district, Karnataka
    • Part of the Eastern Ghats system

    States Through Which It Flows

    • Karnataka as the upper riparian state
    • Tamil Nadu as the lower riparian state
    • Tamil Nadu is more dependent on downstream flows, making the dispute politically and economically sensitive

    Major Tributaries

    • Markandeya River
    • Varaha Nadhi
    • Pambar River
    • Pampar River
    • Markandeya River is central to the present inter state dispute
    [2014] The power of the Supreme Court of India to decide disputes between the Centre and the States falls under its: (a) advisory jurisdiction 

    (b) appellate jurisdiction 

    (c) original jurisdiction 

    (d) writ jurisdiction

  • Delimitataion after 2027, redrawing power in India

    Why in the News?

    India is approaching its first inter-State Lok Sabha seat redistribution since 1976, following the end of the constitutional freeze after Census 2027. Representation is still based on the 1971 population despite India crossing 1.47 billion, creating a major imbalance. Uneven population growth could allow Uttar Pradesh and Bihar to hold over 25% of Lok Sabha seats, reshaping coalition politics and federal balance.

    What is Delimitation?

    1. It is a constitutional requirement following every Census to ensure equality of representation under Article 82. 
    2. However, India suspended inter-State redistribution of Lok Sabha seats for nearly half a century to avoid penalising States that implemented population control. 
    3. This freeze, reaffirmed by the 84th Constitutional Amendment (2001), effectively ends after Census 2027.
    4. The upcoming exercise will simultaneously reallocate seats, redraw all constituencies, and operationalise 33% women’s reservation, making it a structural reset of India’s representative system.

    Why is delimitation after 2027 fundamentally different from earlier exercises?

    1. Frozen Representation: Maintains 1971 population ratios despite a tripling of population, undermining equal suffrage.
    2. First Inter-State Redistribution Since 1976: Previous exercises only redrew internal boundaries without reallocating seats.
    3. Expanded Mandate: Includes full constituency redraw, inter-State seat reallocation, and women’s reservation implementation.
    4. Time Compression: Census data likely released in 2028; completion before 2031-32 is administratively improbable.

    How have demographic divergences created a representation paradox?

    1. Fertility Divergence: Southern and western States achieved below-replacement fertility through education and health investments.Governance Penalty: States that controlled population risk losing relative political influence.
    2. Population Arithmetic: If seats are allocated purely by population in an expanded House of ~888 members:
      1. Uttar Pradesh: 80 to 151 seats
      2. Bihar: 40 to 82 seats
      3. Combined Share: ~26% of Lok Sabha
      4. Tamil Nadu: 39 to 53 seats; share declines from 7.2% to ~6%
      5. Kerala: 20 to 23 seats; share declines from 3.7% to ~2.6%

    Why does expanding the Lok Sabha not resolve southern States’ concerns?

    1. Absolute vs Relative Power: Parliamentary influence depends on proportion, not absolute numbers.
    2. Coalition Arithmetic: Two States exceeding one-fourth of seats alters government formation dynamics.
    3. Diminished Bargaining Power: Smaller and demographically stable States lose leverage despite formal seat retention.
    4. Moral Paradox: Rewards demographic growth over governance outcomes.

    How to manage redistribution risks?

    1. Extended Freeze: Delays redistribution beyond 2026 to allow fertility convergence; risks Article 14 challenges due to unequal suffrage.
    2. House Expansion: Raises Lok Sabha size to 750-888 seats; mitigates seat loss but not proportional imbalance.
    3. Weighted Formula: Assigns 80% weight to population and 20% to governance indicators (literacy, health, fertility control), analogous to Finance Commission devolution.
    4. Rajya Sabha Rebalancing: Strengthens federal moderation through domicile restoration and restructured State tiers.
    5. State Reorganisation: Proposes dividing Uttar Pradesh into 3-4 States (~38 seats each) to neutralise excessive dominance.
    6. Phased Redistribution: Implements seat reallocation over two election cycles (2034 and 2039) to reduce political shock.

    Why does procedure matter as much as formula in delimitation?

    1. Institutional Design: Requires experts in demography, constitutional law, and federal studies.
    2. State Participation: Meaningful State representation critical for legitimacy.
    3. Transparency: Public hearings and disclosure essential to prevent distrust.
    4. Reservation Sensitivity: SC/ST constituency placement involves Commission discretion and potential manipulation risks.

    How could delimitation reshape India’s federal and political landscape?

    1. Coalition Reconfiguration: Alters role of regional parties in government formation.
    2. Federal Trust Deficit: Perceived injustice risks deepening Centre-State tensions.
    3. Electoral Geography Reset: Administrative convenience, geography, and social composition gain renewed relevance.
    4. Democratic Renewal or Erosion: Outcomes depend on whether equity and transparency guide the process.

    Conclusion

    Delimitation after Census 2027 is not merely a technical exercise but a constitutional moment that will redefine representation, federal balance, and democratic fairness. Its legitimacy will depend on whether the process balances population equality with federal equity, ensuring that States are not politically disadvantaged for achieving governance and demographic stability.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2024] What changes has the Union Government recently introduced in the domain of Centre-State relations? Suggest measures to build trust between the Centre and the States and for strengthening federalism.

    Linkage: Post-2027 delimitation may alter Centre-State relations by shifting political power among States based on population growth. Trust can be strengthened through a transparent, phased process that protects federal balance and rewards responsible governance.

  • National Legislative Index (NLI)

    Why in the News?

    At the 86th All India Presiding Officers Conference, Om Birla, Speaker of Lok Sabha, announced the initiation of the National Legislative Index (NLI).

    What is National Legislative Index (NLI)?

    • Proposed performance evaluation framework
    • Objectively measures and compares the functioning of Parliament of India and State Legislatures
    • Uses predefined indicators and data driven metrics

    Examples of Predefined Indicators for NLI

    Legislative functioning: Number of sittings held, Duration of sittings, Percentage utilisation of House time and Adjournments and disruption.

    Aim

    • Healthy competition among legislatures
    • Improved efficiency and accountability
    • Better quality of legislative deliberation
    • People centric and outcome oriented law making

    Key Features

    • Objective performance metrics: Number of sittings, legislative output, committee work, utilisation of House time
    • Comparative and competitive framework: Cross comparison of Parliament and State Legislatures. Best practice sharing
    • Transparency and accountability focus: Public scrutiny, discipline, quality debate, citizen centric legislation

    Significance

    • Discourages disruptions and frequent adjournments
    • Improves deliberative quality of legislatures
    • Reinforces legislatures as core pillars of constitutional democracy
    • Aligns institutional performance with long term national development goals
    • Promotes efficient and outcome oriented governance
    [2017] The Parliament of India exercises control over the functions of the Council of Ministers through: 

    1. Adjournment motion 

    2. Question hour 

    3. Supplementary questions 

    Select the correct answer using the code given below: 

    (a) 1 only (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3

  • [22nd January 2026] The Hindu OpED: Judicial removal, tough law with a loophole

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2023]  “Constitutionally guaranteed judicial independence is a prerequisite of democracy.” Comment.

    Linkage: This issue lies at the core of GS Paper II (Separation of Powers and Judiciary), examining how constitutional safeguards protect judicial independence while ensuring accountability. The article on judicial removal highlights that procedural loopholes in impeachment weaken accountability.

    Mentor’s Comment

    Judicial independence and accountability are equally important under the Constitution. The impeachment process was meant to protect judges from political pressure while allowing removal in cases of proven misconduct. Recent events, however, show a clear gap between law and practice. Discretion given to the Speaker or Chairman has created a loophole that can block the removal of even an erring judge.

    Why in the News?

    In December 2025, Lok Sabha MPs submitted a notice to remove a High Court judge for misconduct. Although the required number of signatures was met, the process stalled because the Speaker can admit or reject the motion. This reflects a long-standing institutional failure: no judge has ever been removed through impeachment despite repeated allegations. The episode shows how a constitutionally strict removal process can be blocked at the initial procedural stage itself.

    What is the constitutional framework for removal of judges?

    1. Constitutional Basis: Articles 124(4) and 217 mandate removal only through a special majority of Parliament on grounds of proven misbehaviour or incapacity.
    2. Procedural Authority: Article 124(5) empowers Parliament to legislate procedures for investigation and presentation of an address to the President.
    3. Statutory Instrument: The Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 operationalises this power by prescribing inquiry procedures and thresholds.
    4. High Threshold: Removal requires a majority of total membership and two-thirds of members present and voting in each House.

    How does the Judges (Inquiry) Act structure the removal process?

    1. Notice Requirement: Admission of a motion requires signatures of 100 Lok Sabha MPs or 50 Rajya Sabha MPs.
    2. Speaker/Chairman’s Role: The Presiding Officer may either admit or refuse to admit the motion.
    3. Inquiry Committee: Upon admission, a three-member committee (Supreme Court judge, Chief Justice of a High Court, and a distinguished jurist) investigates charges.
    4. Final Stage: Only after a finding of guilt does Parliament vote on the motion for removal.

    Where does the procedural loophole arise?

    1. Statutory Discretion: The Act empowers the Speaker/Chairman to reject a motion without prescribing objective criteria.
    2. Absence of Reasons: No mandatory requirement exists to record or disclose reasons for refusal.
    3. Non-Justiciability: The admission stage is treated as part of parliamentary procedure, limiting judicial review.
    4. Gatekeeping Power: Rejection at this stage prevents inquiry, evidence collection, and parliamentary debate.

    Why is this discretion constitutionally problematic?

    1. Erosion of Accountability: Proven misconduct cannot be examined if inquiry is blocked at inception.
    2. Separation of Powers Concern: A political office-holder effectively determines whether judicial misconduct is investigated.
    3. Arbitrariness Risk: Absence of standards allows inconsistent or selective application.
    4. Institutional Contradiction: Parliament’s power to regulate procedure undermines its own constitutional duty to act on misbehaviour.

    Has impeachment ever succeeded in India?

    1. Historical Record: No judge has been removed through impeachment since independence.
    2. Failed Attempts: Multiple motions have lapsed or been withdrawn due to resignation or procedural deadlock.
    3. Pattern: Political reluctance combined with procedural discretion has ensured institutional inertia.
    4. Outcome: The removal mechanism exists in form but not in effect.

    Conclusion

    Judicial independence is vital for democracy, but it cannot exist without credible accountability. The current removal framework, though constitutionally stringent, is weakened by discretionary gatekeeping at the admission stage. This procedural gap allows serious allegations to go unexamined, undermining public trust in constitutional institutions. Strengthening objectivity and transparency in the removal process is therefore essential to preserve both judicial integrity and democratic balance.

  • [12th january 2026] The Hindu OpED: Reimagining delimitation

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2024] What changes has the Union Government recently introduced in the domain of Centre-State relations? Suggest measures to be adopted to build the trust between the Centre and the States and for strengthening federalism.

    Linkage: The question is directly relevant to GS Paper II (Federalism and Centre-State relations). The delimitation debate reflects how institutional decisions by the Union can alter State power, making trust-building and cooperative federal mechanisms central to sustaining Indian federalism.

    Mentor’s Comment

    The impending delimitation exercise after 2026 has emerged as a critical constitutional issue with deep federal and political consequences. The article examines how population-based representation may structurally disadvantage southern States. This debate has direct relevance for representation, equity, and cooperative federalism under GS Paper II.

    Why in the News

    India is approaching a major delimitation exercise after 2026, when the freeze on seat allocation based on population ends. The issue is important because southern States may lose political representation despite controlling population growth. This is a clear departure from earlier decades, when seats were frozen to avoid penalising such States. The impact is nationwide, with long-term effects on federal balance, parliamentary power, and democratic fairness.

    What has changed in India’s delimitation framework?

    1. Constitutional freeze: Parliamentary seats were frozen based on the 1971 Census to incentivise population stabilisation.
    2. Policy shift: The freeze ends after the first Census conducted post-2026.
    3. Institutional trigger: A new Delimitation Commission is expected to be constituted after 2029.
    4. Structural impact: Representation will realign strictly with population size, altering regional political balance.

    Why do southern States face disproportionate losses?

    1. Demographic success: Southern States reduced fertility through education and health investments.
    2. Relative population decline: Slower population growth reduces their share in national totals.
    3. Seat reallocation effect: Population-based delimitation transfers seats to high-growth northern States.
    4. Political consequence: Reduced parliamentary influence despite better governance outcomes.

    How does population-based representation create perverse incentives?

    1. Rewarding high fertility: States with higher population growth gain more seats.
    2. Punishing stabilisation: States that controlled population lose political power.
    3. Policy distortion: Weakens incentives for long-term human development investments.
    4. Federal imbalance: Shifts dominance towards large-population States.

    What alternative models does the article propose?

    1. Increasing total seats: Expands Lok Sabha strength while retaining proportional shares.
    2. Redistribution using 2011 Census: Adjusts seats without penalising earlier performers.
    3. Equal State representation: Ensures minimum parity across States regardless of population.
    4. Weighted representation: Balances population size with demographic performance indicators.

    Why is the Digressive Proportionality principle relevant?

    1. Conceptual basis: Larger States receive more seats but fewer per capita than smaller States.
    2. Comparative example: Used in the European Union Parliament.
    3. Equity outcome: Prevents domination by large States.
    4. Democratic balance: Protects both population equality and federal fairness.

    What role should constitutional institutions play?

    1. Finance Commission precedent: Rewards demographic performance through fiscal transfers.
    2. Institutional symmetry: Delimitation Commission can adopt similar equity principles.
    3. Performance linkage: Aligns political representation with responsible governance.
    4. Negotiated federalism: Requires Centre–State consensus before implementation.

    Conclusion

    Delimitation must strike a balance between population-based representation and federal equity. A purely demographic approach risks penalising States that achieved population stabilisation through effective governance. A calibrated, consensus-driven framework is necessary to preserve cooperative federalism, democratic fairness, and long-term national unity.

  • Special Intensive Revision in Uttar Pradesh 

    Why in the News?

    The Election Commission of India published the draft electoral rolls of Uttar Pradesh after completing the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), resulting in the deletion of 2.89 crore voters, the highest absolute deletion for any State or Union Territory so far.

    Key Data from Uttar Pradesh SIR

    • Total voters in 2025 list: 15.44 crore
    • Retained in draft rolls: 12.55 crore
    • Deleted voters: 2.89 crore
    • Percentage deleted: 18.70 percent

    Breakup of deletions

    • Deceased voters: 46.23 lakh (2.99 percent)
    • Permanent migration or non availability: 2.17 crore (14.06 percent)
    • Multiple registrations: 25.47 lakh (1.65 percent)

    Comparative Perspective

    • Uttar Pradesh has the highest deletions in absolute numbers
    • Andaman and Nicobar Islands recorded a higher percentage deletion
    • Other State deletion rates
      • Tamil Nadu: 15.19 percent
      • Gujarat: 14.5 percent
      • Chhattisgarh: 12.88 percent
      • West Bengal: 7.59 percent
      • Kerala: 8.65 percent
    [2017] For election to the Lok Sabha, a nomination paper can be filed by: 

    (a) Anyone residing in India

    (b) A resident of the constituency from which the election is to be contested

    (c) Any citizen of India whose name appears in the electoral roll of a constituency

    (d) Any citizen of India.