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Type: Op-ed

  • It is time to end judicial feudalism in India

    Context

    The August 11 order of the Himachal Pradesh High Court directed that “hereinafter, all the courts in the state other than the high court shall be referred to as district judiciary”. Furthermore, “these courts shall not be referred to as subordinate court” but as trial courts.

    Issues with the judicial hierarchy Vs. hierarchy of judges

    • The expression “subordinate courts” used by Part VI, Chapter 6, of the Constitution of India cannot signify that judges are subordinate.
    • The term subordinate has implications for the independence of the judiciary, entrenched with and since Kesavananda Bharati (1973) as the essential feature of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution.
    • No judge is “subordinate” to any other, constitutionally judges are limited in the jurisdiction but also supreme within their own jurisdiction.
    • However, Article 235 speaks of “control over subordinate courts”.
    • This Article created the notion of subordination by describing these entities and agents as persons “holding a post inferior to the post of a district judge”.

    Constitutional provision

    • The Constitution no doubt contemplates a hierarchy of jurisdictions, but no judge, acting within her jurisdiction, is “inferior” or “subordinate”.
    • On appeal, or review, a court with ample jurisdiction may overturn and even pass judicial strictures but this does not make the concerned courts “lower” or “inferior” courts.
    • Supervisory powers: High courts always have considerable powers of superintendence on the administrative side but this “supervisory“ power has been recognised by the apex court as a “constitutional power” and subject to the right of appeal as granted by Article 235.
    • While the Constitution allows “supervision”, it does not sanction judicial despotism.
    • Despite this, arbitrary practices in writing confidential reports of district justices seem to continue.

    Way forward

    • Constitutional amendment: A complete recasting of Article 235 is needed, which does away with the omnibus expression of “control” powers in the high courts.
    • The amendment should specifically require the high courts to satisfy the criteria flowing from the principles of natural and constitutional justice and all judicial officers who fulfil due qualification thresholds should be treated with constitutional dignity and respect.
    • Collegiate system at high court’s level: For most matters (save elevation), senior-most district judges and judges of the high courts should constitute a collegiate system to facilitate judicial administration, infrastructure, access, monitoring of disposal rates, minimisation of undue delays in administration of justice, alongside matters concerning transfers, and leave.
    •  If an ACR is to be adversely changed in the face of a consistent award for a decade or more, it should be a collegiate act of the five senior-most justices, including the Chief Justice of the High Court.
    • CJI Ramana has recently agreed in principle, following the request of the Supreme Court Bar Association, that chief justices of the high courts should consider lawyers practising in the Supreme Court for elevation to the high courts.

    Consider the question “Do you agree with the view that the Constitution contemplates a hierarchy of jurisdictions, but no judge, acting within her jurisdiction, is “inferior” or “subordinate”. Give reason in support of your argument.”

    Conclusion

    The changes suggested here needs to be implemented to ensure the independence of the judiciary at all levels.

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  • The fall of Kabul, the future of regional geopolitics

    Context

    The fall of Kabul in the wake of the American withdrawal from Afghanistan will prove to be a defining moment for the region and the future shape of its geopolitics.

    Implications of the US withdrawal for India

    1) Increase in threat from China

    • The manner in which the United States withdrew from Afghanist created the regional power vacuum in the Eurasian heartland.
    • An axis of regional powers such as China, Pakistan, Iran, Russia, and the Taliban, have already started filling this power vacuum.
    • Advantageous for China: The post-American power vacuum in the region will be primarily advantageous to China and its grand strategic plans for the region.
    • BRI expansion: Beijing will further strengthen its efforts to bring every country in the region, except India, on the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative bandwagon, thereby altering the geopolitical and geoeconomic foundations of the region
    • The much-feared Chinese encirclement of India will become ever more pronounced.
    • Even in trade, given the sorry state of the post-COVID-19 Indian economy, India needs trade with China more than the other way round.
    • Unless India can find ways of ensuring a rapprochement with China, it must expect Beijing to challenge India on occasion, and be prepared for it.

    2) Terror and extremism

    • The U.S. presence in Afghanistan, international pressure on the Taliban, and Financial Action Task Force worries in Pakistan had a relatively moderating effect on the region’s terror ecosystem.
    • There is little appetite for a regional approach to curbing terrorism from a Taliban-led Afghanistan.
    • This enables the Taliban to engage in a selective treatment towards terror outfits present there or they have relations with.
    • It is unlikely that the Taliban will proactively export terror to other countries unless of course for tactical purposes, for instance, Pakistan against India.
    • The real worry, however, is the inspiration that disgruntled elements in the region will draw from the Taliban’s victory against the world’s sole superpower.

    3) Impact on India’s regional interests and outreach to Central Asia

    • The return of the Taliban to Kabul has effectively laid India’s ‘mission Central Asia’ to rest.
    • India’s diplomatic and civilian presence as well as its civilian investments will now be at the mercy of the Taliban, and to some extent Pakistan.
    • Had India cultivated deeper relations with the Taliban, Indian interests would have been more secure in a post-American Afghanistan.

    4) Impact on India’s foreign policy choices

    • Shift to Indo-Pacific: Given the little physical access India has to its north-western landmass, its focus is bound to shift more to the Indo-Pacific even though a maritime grand strategy may not necessarily be an answer to its continental challenges.
    • Improving relations with neighbours: India might also seek to cultivate more friendly relations with its neighbours.
    • India has already indicated that it would not challenge the junta on the coup and its widespread human rights violations.
    • The last thing India needs now is an angry neighbour rushing to China.
    • Stability in relations with Pakistan: The developments in Afghanistan could nudge India to seek stability, if not peace, with Pakistan.
    • Both sides might refrain from indulging in competitive risk-taking unless something dramatic happens which is always a possibility between the two rivals.
    • That said, stability between India and Pakistan depends a great deal on how politics in Kashmir plays out, and whether India is able to pacify the aggrieved sections in the Valley.

    Consider the question “What would be the fallout of the Taliban’s return in Afghanistan for India? What steps India needs to take to mitigate the impact on its interests?”

    Conclusion

    The lesson for India in the wake of these developments is clear: It will have to fight its own battles. So it must make enemies wisely, choose friends carefully, rekindle flickering friendships, and make peace while it can.

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  • How are Rajya Sabha members punished for misconduct in the House?

    Context

    The Chairman of the Rajya Sabha is reportedly contemplating action against MPs who, he thinks, were involved in the fracas in the House.

    Provisions in House Rules of Rajya Sabha for punishing members

    1) For conduct inside the House

    • Ground for punishment: Rule 256 of the Rajya Sabha’s Rules of Procedure specifies the acts of misconduct: Disregarding the authority of the chair, abusing the rules of the council by persistently and willfully obstructing the business thereof.
    • However, the power to suspend a member is vested in the House, not in the chairman.
    • Under the rule, the maximum period of suspension is for the remainder of the session.
    •  By convention, a suspended member loses his right to get replies to his questions.
    • Thus, suspension from the service of the House is regarded as a serious punishment.
    • But, surprisingly, the rules do not spell out the disabilities of a suspended member.
    • These are imposed on them as per conventions or precedent.
    • Suspension for the remainder of the session makes sense only when they are suspended immediately after the misconduct has been noticed by the chair.
    • The rules of the House do not empower Parliament to inflict any punishment on its members other than suspension for creating disorder in the House.

    2) Misconduct outside the House

    • For the acts of misconduct by the MPs outside the House, which constitute a breach of privilege or contempt of the House, usually the privilege committee investigates the matter and recommends the course of action and the House acts on it.
    • A special committee is appointed usually when the misconduct is so serious that the House may consider expelling the member.
    • Special committee was appointed in 2005 to inquire into the issue of MPs accepting money for raising questions in Parliament.
    • So, special ad-hoc committees are appointed only to investigate serious misconduct by MPs outside the House.

    Issue in the present context

    • It appears that the Rajya Sabha secretariat has prepared a report on the incident in the Rajya Sabhi, which accuses some MPs of assaulting security personnel.
    • But special ad-hoc committees are appointed only to investigate serious misconduct by MPs outside the House.
    • No special committee is required to go into what happens before the eyes of the presiding officer inside the House.
    • As per the rules of the House, they need to be dealt with then and there.
    • The rules do not recognise any punishment other than suspension for a specific period and in this case, the Session is already over.
    • Article 20 of the Constitution prohibits a greater penalty than what the law provided at the time of committing the offence.

    Conclusion

    Punishing the MPs for their misconduct in the House is restricted by the provision in the House rules. These restrictions need to be looked into in the face of growing disruption by the members.

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  • The Abraham Accords as India’s West Asia bridge

    Context

    The recent visit by the Indian Air Force chief, to Israel offers a window to study how India is taking advantage of the Abraham Accords deal signed between Israel and a consortium of Arab States led by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2020.

    Increasing defence cooperation between India and West Asia region

    • India’s trajectory towards an increased strategic footprint in West Asia has been in development for some time now.
    • Starting from the relatively low-key staging visit to Saudi Arabia conducted by the IAF in 2015.
    • India hosted visiting Iranian naval warships in 2018.
    • India takes an active part in the defence of the critical waterways in and around the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Sea and the extended Indian Ocean Region (IOR).
    • An Indian contingent of the Indian Air Force (IAF) will visit Israel in October to take part in multilateral military exercises.
    • India also conducted the ‘Zayed Talwar’ naval exercises with the UAE off the coast of Abu Dhabi, further deepening the fast-developing strategic cooperation between the two countries.
    • In December 2020, Indian Army chief visited the UAE and Saudi Arabia, becoming the first chief of the Indian Army to do so.
    • In 2017, India signed a deal with Oman, the home to Duqm Port  for access to the facility, including dry dock use by the Indian Navy.

    How Abraham Accords accelerated India’s engagement with West Asia region?

    • No need for balancing act: The signing of the Accords has removed a significant strategic obstacle for India — delicate balancing act India has had to play out between the Arab Gulf and Israel over the decades.
    • India had welcomed the Accords, highlighting its support for mechanisms that offer peace and stability in the region.
    • From the UAE’s perspective, Accords were to make sure the emirate along with its international centres of trade such as Dubai and Abu Dhabi do not become targets between Jerusalem and Tehran.
    • However, not all Arab States have been on board with the geopolitical shifts the Accords have pushed through.
    • Saudi Arabia has maintained a distance from this arrangement.

    India’s West Asia construct and relations with Iran

    • Iran, as part of India’s ‘West Asia’ construct, will also play a significant part in India’s outreach in the months to come as the crisis in Afghanistan deepens.
    • Connectivity projects such as Chabahar Port and Chabahar-Zahedan rail project (project discussions are still on) amongst others remain critical.
    • Recently,  strategic cooperation revitalised despite multiple obstacles in the bilateral relations, led by U.S. sanctions against Tehran and the general tensions between Israel, the Gulf and Iran via proxy battles in theatres such as Yemen, Syria and beyond.

    Conclusion

    India’s strategic play in West Asia will be reflective of its economic growth, and by association, an increasingly important place in the global order.

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  • What India’s informal sector needs right now

    Context

    Informal sector workers suffered far more from the national lockdown in 2020 than their formal sector counterparts.

    Significance of informal sector

    • India’s large informal sector, which employs around 80 per cent of the labour force and produces about 50 per cent of GDP.
    • Of the 384 million employed in the informal sector, half work in agriculture, living mostly in rural India, and the other half are in non-agricultural sectors.
    • Of those, about half live in rural India and the remaining in urban areas.
    • Ignoring problems in the informal sector can be costly as it can lead to job and wage losses, higher inflation and even risk the livelihood of migrant workers.

    Impact of pandemic on informal sector workers

    • Informal sector workers suffered far more from the national lockdown in 2020 than their formal sector counterparts.
    • Such disruptions can be inflationary too.
    • India was one of the few countries with high inflation throughout pandemic-stricken 2020.
    • The 40 per cent in the informal non-agricultural sector is the most affected by the pandemic.
    • These workers are most vulnerable as they have borne the brunt of the economic disruption that the pandemic has unleashed.

    Impact on the informal sector

    • Nominal GDP growth has been a good indicator of the formal sector corporate sales.
    • But during the pandemic and also during events like demonetisation, formal corporate sales have exceeded nominal GDP growth.
    • This means that some demand, which was previously supplied by the informal sector, began to be supplied by the formal sector.
    • Several surveys over this time also show a rise in urban unemployment and self-employment, with the latter category seeing the highest earnings loss.

    Way forward

    • Formalisation on the back of policy changes: While traditionally associated with efficiency gains, if it comes at the cost of putting small informal firms out of business.
    • Formalisation that comes only on the back of external pressure or leads to deep distress in the informal sector, may not be sustainable.
    • By contrast, formalisation that happens on the back of policy changes that help small and informal firms grow over time into medium or larger formal sector firms is more sustainable.
    • Social welfare scheme: We need protection for informal sector workers via social welfare schemes so that the disruption they are facing does not lead to a permanent fall in demand.
    • There is a case for remaining generous with programmes such as the rural MGNREGA scheme for longer.
    • India doesn’t have an MGNREGA equivalent urban social welfare scheme.
    • Reforms: Steps to promote reforms that are needed to help small businesses grow are critical.
    • For example, lowering the regulatory burden associated with growing firms.

    Conclusion

    Bringing the informal sector to the forefront of policy decisions can lead to a significant payoff for the entire economy for years to come.

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  • Getting the perfect haircut from the IBC

    Understanding the role of IBC 2016

    • For reasons sometimes a company may experience stress, that is, is unable to repay the debt in time — implying that it has assets less than claims against it.
    • So, when a company has inadequate assets, the claim of an individual creditor may be consistent with its assets while claims of all creditors put together may not.
    • In such a situation, creditors may rush to recover their claims before others do, triggering a run on the company’s assets.
    • The IBC provides for reorganisation that prevents a value-reducing run on the company.
    • It aims to rescue the company if its business is viable or close it if its business is unviable, through a market process.
    • Restructuring: The claims of creditors are restructured, which may be paid to them immediately or over time.
    •  In case of closure, the assets of the company are sold, and proceeds are distributed to creditors immediately as per the priority rule.
    • Reorganisation by financial creditor: The IBC entrusts the responsibility of reorganisation to financial creditors as they have the capability and the willingness to restructure their claims.

    Why so much variation in haircut?

    • Where the company does not have adequate assets, realisation for financial creditors, through a rescue, may fall short of their claims known as haircut.
    • The IBC process yields a zero haircut (100% recovery of claimed amount) in one case and 100 per cent haircut (i.e. 0% recovery) in another.
    • Factors: It depends on several factors, including the nature of business, business cycles, market sentiments, and marketing effort.
    • It critically depends on at what stage of stress, the company enters the IBC process.
    • If the company has been sick for years, and its assets have depleted significantly, the IBC process may yield a huge haircut or even liquidation.
    • A haircut is typically the total claims minus the amount of realisation/amount of the claims.
    • But this formulation may not tell the complete story.
    • The realisation often does not include the amount that would be realised from equity holding post-resolution, and through the reversal of avoidance transactions and the insolvency resolution of guarantors — personal and corporate.
    • It also does not include realisations made in other accounts.
    • The amount of claim often includes NPA, which may be completely written off, and the interest on such NPA.
    • These understate the numerator and overstate the denominator, projecting a higher haircut.

    Significance of IBC

    • A haircut should be seen in relation to the assets available and not in relation to the claims of creditors.
    • The market offers a value in relation to what a company brings on the table, not what it owes to creditors.
    • Value maximisation: So, the IBC maximises the value of existing assets, not of assets that probably existed earlier.
    • Market determined value: The IBC enables and facilitates market forces to resolve stress as a going concern.
    • Resolution applicants, who have many options for investment, including in stressed companies, compete to offer the best value.
    • If the best value offered by the market is not acceptable to creditors, the company is liquidated.
    • Maximum realisation: In addition to rescuing the company, the IBC realises, of the available options for creditors, the highest in percentage terms.

    Conclusion

    It is a tool in the hands of stakeholders to be used at the right time, in the right case, in the right manner.

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    Back2Basics: Avoidable Transactions in IBC 2016

    • The UNCITRAL Legislative Guide on Law of Insolvency defines avoidance proceedings as “provisions of the insolvency law that permit transactions for the transfer of assets or the undertaking of obligations prior to insolvency proceedings to be cancelled or otherwise rendered ineffective and any assets transferred, or their value, to be recovered in the collective interest of creditors.”
    • It is very important for the Resolution Professional (RP) or the liquidator to identify such transaction and file applications to avoid it so that creditors can collect their claims.
    • The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 2016 (IBC) contains four types of avoidable transactions- preferential, undervalued, defrauding creditors and extortionate transactions.
    • Usually, the avoidable transactions should be made within the prescribed relevant time or look back period.
    • Look back period is the relevant time up to which an RP or a liquidator can go back to scrutinize an expected avoidable transaction.

  • Role of Speaker

    Context

    The decline in the functioning of India’s Parliament — and state assemblies as well — is caused by one primary reason: The lack of independence and impartiality of the Speaker.

    Important role of the Speaker

    • Our Constitution, after extensive debate, adopted the Westminster model of governance.
    • In the Lok Sabha, as in the United Kingdom, the Speaker is the supreme authority; he has vast powers and it is his primary duty to ensure the orderly conduct of the business of the House.
    • Constitutional law points out the two essential qualities of a Speaker: Independence and impartiality.
    • As the principal spokesperson of the Lok Sabha, the Speaker represents its collective voice.
    • Indeed, the supremacy of Parliament is emphasised by Article 75(3) of the Constitution: “The Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the House of the People”.
    •  Pandit Nehru referred to the Speaker as “the symbol of the nation’s freedom and liberty” and emphasised that Speakers should be men of “outstanding ability and impartiality”.

    How role of Speaker matters in functioning Legislature

    • Power to allow debate or discussion: It is the Speaker’s duty to decide what issues will be taken up for discussion.
    • He has the sole discretion to permit an adjournment motion to be tabled or to admit a calling attention notice, if the issue is of urgent public importance.
    • The present practice of the Speaker continuing to be an active member of the ruling party has the inevitable result of his refusing to allow any debate or discussion that may be essential in national interest but may embarrass the ruling party.
    • This inevitably leads to constant disruption of Parliament by the Opposition.
    • The stalling of parliamentary proceedings has led to the passing of important bills in several sessions without any discussion.
    • Violation of separation of power between legislature and executive: The most dangerous consequence is the vastly increased powers that the executive — the bureaucracy — begins to command by default.
    • In 1951, a nine-judge bench of the Supreme Court (In Re Delhi Laws Act Case) held that essential legislative functions cannot be delegated to the bureaucracy; law-making must remain the domain of the legislature.
    • This constitutional mandate is now increasingly and consistently being violated by issuing rules and notifications that have far-reaching consequences.
    • The new rules on information technology and electronic commerce are clear instances of changes that should have come about by a parliamentary law.
    • And worse still is the power given to the executive to issue retrospective notifications — a step unknown to any civilised democracy.
    • Partisan conduct in anti-defection law issues: Several judgments on the anti-defection law have been rendered by the Supreme Court.
    • A common factor that shows up in these rulings is the blatant, partisan conduct of speakers in state assemblies.

    Way forward

    • Speaker should resign from Party: It should be made mandatory that the Speaker ought to resign from his party and his sole allegiance must be to the Constitution and to maintaining the dignity of the House.
    • The separation of powers is part of the basic structure of our Constitution.
    • It is imperative that the Speaker of every legislature resigns from his party to honour his constitutional obligation of independence and impartiality. 
    • This must be accepted as the primary responsibility of every ruling party, both at the Centre and in each state, and made into a constitutional convention.

    Conlcusion

    The option is a binary: Either allow Parliament and state legislatures to descend into terminal decline or make the Speaker truly independent and let every legislature perform its constitutional function.

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  • Understanding the strategic flux and humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan

    Context

    The Afghan government and its defence forces have completely collapsed. The world over, television screens are full of images of the extraordinary takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban.

    Background of the US intervention in Afghanistan

    • The original trigger for the US military intervention in Afghanistan was the 9/11 attacks.
    • The objective then was to eliminate the al Qaeda sanctuaries hosted by the Taliban.
    • That goal was quickly attained, as was another one — the elimination of Osama Bin Laden in Abbottabad, Pakistan, in 2011.
    • The US was thereafter stuck into a vortex in which its mission oscillated between counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency. 
    • The military presence in Afghanistan has been questioned by the US political firmament for a decade.

    Factors driving the US exit

    • China factor: The US now regards China as its principal strategic competitor.
    • China’s muscle-flexing in the East and South China Seas calls for a renewed effort by the US to protect its stakes.
    • The rise of China is the main geo-strategic threat for the US.
    • In 2001, the US had taken its eye off the ball in diverting its attention to the global war on terror.
    • Beginning with Afghanistan, it meandered through Iraq, Libya and Syria, with mixed results.
    • Taiwan: China’s recent ratcheting up of pressure on Taiwan has also sounded the alarm.

    Implications of Taliban’s return for region

    • The new regime in Kabul is likely to open the door to economic investments from China.
    • At the geopolitical level, the BRI may well receive a boost, given China’s interests in connectivity that could straddle the region, from Pakistan to Iran.
    • Pakistan has shown alacrity in welcoming the change of guard in Kabul.
    • The change in Afghanistan has security implications for India and the region at large.
    • A spill-over of any chaos and instability in Afghanistan beyond its borders could give terrorism a shot in the arm.
    • It could also singe Pakistan if it does not review its malevolent practices, which favour terror as an instrument of state policy.

    Way forward for India

    • India should prioritise the welfare of the Afghan people, whenever the opportunity presents itself.
    • Currently, about 2,500 Afghan students are enrolled in educational and vocational institutions across India.
    • They will no doubt wish to extend their scholarships.
    • As a close neighbour, India has keen stakes in ensuring a stable, secure and developed Afghanistan.
    • As the rotational President of the UN Security Council for August, India has an opportunity to engage important stakeholders on the way forward.
    • Beyond that too, India’s presence in the UN Security Council till the end of 2022 will provide a platform to explore options with greater flexibility.

    Conclusion

    The global community needs to underscore the continued participation of women in governance in Afghanistan and keep an eye on violations of human rights and international humanitarian law.

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  • Sub-Mission on Fodder and Feed

    Context

    The government recently announced a Sub-Mission on Fodder and Feed.

    Why availability of good and affordable quality feed and fodder matters

    • A study by the Indian Grassland and Fodder Research Institute has observed that for every 100 kg of feed required, India is short of 23.4 kg of dry fodder, 11.24 kg of green fodder, and 28.9 kg of concentrate feed.
    • Low milk productivity: The lack of good quality feed and fodder impacts the productivity levels of cattle.
    • This is one of the chief reasons why Indian livestock’s milk productivity is 20%-60% lower than the global average.
    • High input cost: If we break down the input costs, we find that feed constitutes 60%-70% of milk production costs.
    • When the National Livestock Mission was launched in 2014, it focused on supporting farmers in producing fodder from non-forest wasteland/grassland, and cultivation of coarse grains.
    • However, this model could not sustain fodder availability due to a lack of backward and forward linkages in the value chain.

    Why Sub-Mission on Fodder and Feed is significant

    • As about 200 million Indians are involved in dairy and livestock farming, the scheme is important from the perspective of poverty alleviation.
    • The Sub-Mission on Fodder and Feed intends to create a network of entrepreneurs who will make silage (the hub) and sell them directly to the farmers (the spoke).
    • Bringing down the input cost: The large-scale production of silage will bring down the input cost for farmers since silage is much cheaper than concentrate feed.
    • Objective: The revised scheme has been designed with the objectives of increasing productivity, reducing input costs, and doing away with middlemen (who usually take a huge cut).
    • Since India has a livestock population of 535.78 million, effective implementation of this scheme will play a major role in increasing the return on investment for our farmers.

    About the Sub-Mission on Fodder and Feed

    • The scheme will provide 50% capital subsidy up to ₹50 lakh towards project cost to the beneficiary for infrastructure development and for procuring machinery for value addition in feed such as hay/silage/total mixed ration.
    • Private entrepreneurs, self-help groups, farmer producer organizations, dairy cooperative societies, and Section 8 companies (NGOs) can avail themselves of the benefits under this scheme.
    • The scheme can be used for covering the cost of infrastructure/machinery such as bailing units, harvester, chaff cutter, sheds, etc.

    Challenges and solution

    • Seasonal availability: A major challenge in the feed sector emanates from the fact that good-quality green fodder is only available for about three months during the year.
    • Fermenting green fodder: Ideal solution would be to ferment green fodder and convert it into silage.
    • Hence, under the fodder entrepreneurship program, farmers will receive subsidies and incentives to create a consistent supply chain of feed throughout the year.

    Conclusion

    The mission will help marginal farmers reduce their input costs and help them in increasing the return on capital employed.

  • The message from the IPCC report

    Context

    The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) recently released the Working Group I contribution to the Sixth Assessment Report (AR6). It is the first of four that the Panel will issue over the next one and a half years.

    What does the report say?

    • Global surface temperature is now higher by 1.07oC since the pre-industrial era.
    • The impact of climate change on the atmosphere, oceans and land is unmistakably of human origin and this impact is picking up pace.
    • Carbon dioxide is the dominant source of warming.
    • Aerosols contribute to reducing the impact of warming by other greenhouse gases, by almost a third.
    • Methane reduction, while needed overall, is particularly significant only as part of the endgame as the drastic reduction of aerosols actually leads to an increase in warming.
    • The report expectedly projects an increase in climate extremes due to global warming, with heatwaves, extreme rainfall events and occurrence of extreme sea levels all expected to intensify and be more frequent.
    • A major finding of the report is that air pollution reduction and steep climate change mitigation are not complementary goals but require independent efforts over the short and medium-term
    • With the inclusion of the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology’s Earth System Model among the climate models used in AR6, India too has joined the climate modelling fraternity.

    About the net-zero emission targets

    •  The report’s clear message is that reaching net zero was not the determining factor for the world to limit itself to a 1.5oC , or 2oC, or indeed any specific temperature increase.
    • The report is clear that it is the cumulative emissions in reaching net zero that determine the temperature rise.
    • India’s Ministry for Environment, Forest and Climate Change was quick to note this point about net zero in a statement, adding that “historical cumulative emissions are the cause of the climate crisis that the world faces today”
    • The limitations of the remaining carbon budget for 1.5oC are so stringent — a mere 500 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide for an even chance of keeping to the limit — that they cannot be met by promises of net-zero 30 years from now.
    • Equally, the disconcerting finding is that the world is set to cross the 1.5oC limit within 10-15 years.

    Implications for India

    •  India has contributed less than 5% of global cumulative emissions to date, with per capita annual emissions a third of the global average.
    • India is also the only nation among the G20 with commitments under the Paris Agreement that are even 2oC warming-compatible.
    • India needs its development space urgently to cope with the future, one where global temperature increase may be closer to 2oC.
    • Even if India completely stops its emission which is 3 billion tonnes in carbon dioxide equivalent terms, for the next 30 years, with others’ emissions remaining the same, will buy the world less than two years of additional time for meeting the Paris Agreement temperature goals.

    Way forward

    • Equity: Focusing on definite cumulative emission targets keeping equity and historical responsibility in view,
    • Immediate reduction by developed countries: Immediate emission reductions by the developed countries with phase-out dates for all fossil fuels.
    • Investment: Massive investment in new technologies and their deployment,
    • Climate finance: a serious push to the mobilisation of adequate climate finance is the need of the hour.

    Conclusion

    This is the message that the IPCC report has sent to this year’s climate summit and the world. The message is a dire warning, all the stakeholders should heed the warning.

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