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Type: Op-ed

  • Time for an Asian Century

    Asian centrality

    • China’s response is a ‘dual circulation’ strategy for self-reliance and military-technological prowess to surpass the U.S.
    • The global governance role of the U.S. is already reduced.
    • The U.S. now exercises power with others, not over them.
    • Despite its military ‘pivot’ to Asia, the U.S. needs India in the Quad, to counterbalance the spread of China’s influence through land-based trade links.
    • India, like others in the Quad, has not targeted China and also has deeper security ties with Russia.
    • With the ASEAN ‘code of conduct’ in the South China Sea, both the security and prosperity pillars of the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific construct will be adversely impacted.
    • Leveraging proven digital prowess to complement the infrastructure of China’s Belt and Road Initiative will win friends as countries value multi-polarity.

    Atmanirbhar Bharat and Challenges

    • ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ will leverage endogenous technological strength, data and population.
    • With the Rafale aircraft purchase, India has recognised that there will be no technology transfer for capital equipment.
    • Military Theatre Commands should be tasked with border defence giving the offensive role to cyber, missile and special forces based on endogenous capacity, effectively linking economic and military strength.
    • The overriding priority should be infrastructure including electricity and fibre optic connectivity; self-reliance in semiconductors, electric batteries and solar panels; and skill development.

    Conclusion

    There are compelling geopolitical and economic reasons for shaping the building blocks of the Asia-led order, which is not yet China-led, to secure an ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’, and place in the emerging triumvirate.

  • India &Gulf regions

    The Gulf region offers new possibilities of cooperation to India. The article explains these possibilities.

    Context

    • External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s visit to Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates recently is a good moment to reflect on the structural changes taking place in the Gulf and the region’s growing influence in the Indian Ocean.

    Issues in approach towards the region

    • For decades, India’s mercantilism saw the Gulf as a source of oil and a destination for labour exports.
    • India’s bureaucratic approach to the Gulf was incapable of a political engagement with the region’s interests.
    • The Indian elite has long viewed the Gulf as a collection of extractive petro-states run by conservative feudatories.
    • Although the Gulf kingdoms were eager to build strong and independent political ties with India without a reference to Islamabad, India viewed them through the prism of Pakistan.

    Influence in the Indian Ocean

    • Delhi’s traditional focus in the Indian Ocean was riveted on Mauritius and the large Indian diaspora there.
    • P.M.s visit to Mauritius and Seychelles in March 2015 saw the articulation of a long-overdue Indian Ocean policy and an acknowledgement of the strategic significance of the island states.
    • Since then, India has brought Madagascar and Comoros along with Mauritius and Seychelles into the Indian Ocean Division.
    • India also unveiled a maritime strategic partnership with France, a resident and influential power in the Western Indian Ocean.
    • Earlier this year, Delhi became an observer at the Indian Ocean Commission — the regional grouping that brings France’s island territory of Reunion together with Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, and Seychelles.
    • India has also become an observer to the Djibouti Code of Conduct — a regional framework for cooperation against piracy between the states of the Gulf, the Horn of Africa and East Africa.

    5 Areas of new possibilities with the Gulf

    1) Protecting India’s interests

    • First is the immediate need to shield India’s interests in the post-pandemic turbulence that is enveloping the region.
    • As the Gulf considers cutting back on foreign labour, Delhi would want to make sure its workers in the region are insulated.
    • Delhi is also eager to improve the working conditions of its large labour force — close to eight million — in the Gulf.

    2) New and long-term economic cooperation

    • As the Gulf looks at a future beyond oil, they have embarked on massive economic diversification and are investing in a variety of new projects including renewable energy, higher education.
    • India must get its businesses to focus on the range of new opportunities in the Gulf.
    • India also needs to tap into the full possibilities of Gulf capital for its own economic development.

    3) Financial power translating into political influence

    • The Gulf’s financial power is increasingly translating into political influence shaping political narrative in the Middle East.
    • The influence has been manifest in their successful transformation of the debate on Arab relations with Israel.

    4) Influence on regional conflicts

    • The Gulf’s ability to influence regional conflicts from Afghanistan to Lebanon and from Libya to Somalia has increased.
    • The Gulf today delivers economic and security assistance to friendly states.
    • The UAE currently chairs the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and has been eager to work with India in developing joint infrastructure projects.
    • India needs to bring scale and depth to its regional initiatives on connectivity and security in the Indian Ocean.

    5) Reforms taking place in the region

    • The Gulf seek to reduce the heavy hand of religion on social life, expand the rights of women, widen religious freedoms, promote tolerance, and develop a national identity that is not tied exclusively to religion.
    • The UAE has been the leader in this regard.

    Consider the question “India’s engagement with the Gulf countries has been limited in several aspects. However, the region offers new possibilities of strategic and cooperation to India. Evaluate these possibilities.” 

    Conclusion

    As India seeks to recalibrate it’s ties with the Gulf, the real challenge for South Block is to get the rest of the Indian establishment to discard outdated perceptions of the Gulf and seize the new strategic possibilities with the region.

  • Chinese dam projects on Brahmaputra and impact on downstream countries

    Scarcity of water in India and China

    • As India and China continue to grow demographically as well as economically amid increased consumption among its citizenry, both nations face water constraints.
    • China, which is home to close to 20 per cent of the world’s population, has only 7 per cent of its water resources.
    • Severe pollution of its surface and groundwater caused by rapid industrialisation is a source of concern for Chinese planners.
    • China’s southern regions are water-rich in comparison to the water-stressed northern part.
    • The southern region is a major food producer and has significant industrial capacity as a consequence of more people living there.
    • India is severely water-stressed as well.
    • Similar to China, India has 17 per cent of the world’s population and 4 per cent of water.
    • As in China, an equally ambitious north-south river-linking project has been proposed in India.

    Impact on downstream states

    • The construction of several dams along the Yarlung (Brahmaputra) river on the Chinese side has been a repeated cause for concern for Indian officials and the local people.
    • China has an ambitious plan to link its south and north through canals, aqueducts and linking of major rivers to ensure water security.
    • In pursuit of these goals, China, being an upper riparian state in Asia, has been blocking rivers like the Mekong and its tributaries, affecting Southeast Asian countries like Thailand, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia.
    • It has caused immense damage to the environment and altered river flows in the region.
    • China sees these projects as a continuation of their historic tributary system as the smaller states have no means of effectively resisting or even significant leverage in negotiations.

    Challenges for India

    • There are now multiple operational dams in the Yarlung Tsangpo basin with more dams commissioned and under construction. These constructions present a unique challenge for Indian planners.
    • 1) Dams will eventually lead to degradation of the entire basin:
    • Silt carried by the river would get blocked by dams leading to a fall in the quality of soil and eventual reduction in agricultural productivity.
    • 2) The Brahmaputra basin is one of the world’s most ecologically sensitive zones.
    • It is identified as one of the world’s 34 biological hotspots.
    • This region sees several species of flora and fauna that are endemic to only this part of the world.
    • The river itself is home to the Gangetic river dolphin, which is listed as critically endangered.
    • 3) The location of the dams in the Himalayas pose a risk.
    • Seismologists consider the Himalayas as most vulnerable to earthquakes and seismic activity.
    • The sheer size of the infrastructure projects undertaken by China, and increasingly by India, poses a significant threat to the populations living downstream.
    • Close to a million people live in the Brahmaputra basin in India and tens of millions further downstream in Bangladesh.
    • 4) Damming Brahmaputra would result in water security in an era of unprecedented shifting climate patterns.
    • This security extends beyond water, as there is the potential to significantly change the flow rate during times of standoffs and high tensions.

    Way forward

    • Both sides must cease new constructions on the river and commit to potentially less destructive solutions.
    • Building a decentralised network of check dams, rain-capturing lakes and using traditional means of water capture have shown effective results in restoring the ecological balance while supporting the populations of the regions in a sustainable manner.

    Conclusion

    There are alternate solutions to solving the water crisis.  It is in the interest of all stakeholders to neutralise this ticking water bomb.

  • Understanding the interplay between subsidies and agri-pollution

    Agriculture’s contribution to air pollution

    • Agriculture’s contribution to air pollution runs deeper than what happens between crop seasons.
    • The Indo-Gangetic plain is also one of the world’s largest and rapidly-growing ammonia hotspots.
    • Atmospheric ammonia, which comes from fertiliser use, animal husbandry, and other agricultural practices, combines with emissions from power plants, transportation and other fossil-fuel burning to form fine particles.

    Impact of pollution on agriculture

    • It is important to note that agriculture is a victim of pollution as well as its perpetrator.
    • Particulate matter and ground-level ozone formed from industrial, power plant, and transportation emissions among other ingredients cause double-digit losses in crop yields.
    • Ozone damages plant cells, handicapping photosynthesis, while particulate matter dims the sunlight that reaches crops.
    • Agriculture scientist Tony Fischer’s 2019 estimates of the two pollutants’ combined effect suggest that as much as 30 per cent of India’s wheat yield is missing (Sage Journals, Outlook on Agriculture).
    • Earlier, B Sinha et al (2015), in Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics Discussions, found that high ozone levels in parts of Haryana and Punjab could diminish rice yields by a quarter and cotton by half.

    Role played by subsidies

    • The current system of subsidies is a big reason that there is stubble on these fields in the first place.
    • Free power — and consequently, “free” water, pumped from the ground — is a big part of what makes growing rice in these areas attractive.
    • Open-ended procurement of paddy, despite the bulging stocks of grains with the Food Corporation of India, adds to the incentives.
    • Subsidies account for almost 15 per cent of the value of rice being produced in Punjab-Haryana belt.
    • Fertiliser, particularly urea in granular form, is highly subsidised.
    • It is one of the cheapest forms of nitrogen-based fertiliser, easy to store and easy to transport, but it is also one of the first to “volatilise,” or release ammonia into the air.
    • This loss of nitrogen then leads to a cycle of more and more fertiliser being applied to get the intended benefits for crops.

    Way forward

    • We need to shift the nature of support to farmers from input subsidies to investment subsidies.
    • This could involve the conversion of paddy areas in this belt to orchards with drip irrigation, vegetables, corn, cotton, pulses and oilseeds.
    • All of the above consume much less water, much less power and fertilisers and don’t create stubble to burn.
    • A diversification package of, say, Rs 10,000 crore spread over the next five years, equally contributed by the Centre and states, may be the best way to move forward in reducing agriculture-related pollution.
    • The approach to diversification has to be demand-led, with a holistic framework of the value chain, from farm to fork and not just focused on production.
    • On the fertiliser front, it would be better to give farmers input subsidy in cash on per hectare basis, and free up the prices of fertilisers completely.

    Conclusion

    Taken together, these measures could double farmers’ incomes, promote efficiency in resource use, and reduce pollution — a win-win solution for all.

  • Analysing India’s economic growth

    The article analyses India’s economic trajectory after independence and divides it into five phases. India’s progress is also compared with Pakistan’s as both countries have had much in common.

    What drives economic growth

    • Examining the experiences of different countries to analysing the growth may seem a promising approach.
    • However, generalising from specific experiences can be misleading since ground conditions vary hugely across countries.
    • There are two ways to avoid the pitfalls of generalising from specific cases.
    • 1) The first is to examine the same country over time to look for changes in outcomes at specific points in time.
    • 2) A second approach is to compare countries with shared history, culture and geography.
    • If there are stark differences in outcomes between them, then there may be some policy lessons to be drawn.

    The Indian subcontinent provides lessons from both approaches. The 73 years of post-Independence India has generated a lot of evidence across different political-economic regimes. This period has also provided us with the contrasting experiences of India and Pakistan, two countries that share history, geography and socio-cultural mores.

    5 phases of India’s economic progress in 73 years: first approach

    • 1) The first phase was the period 1950-65. This was the Nehruvian period of state-led industrialisation.
    • Starting in 1950 annual per person GDP growth averaged 2 per cent during this period.
    • This translated to aggregate annual GDP growth of around 4 per cent since the population was growing at close to 2 per cent.
    • 2) The second phase of post-Independence India was during 1965-84.
    • This period was an unmitigated economic disaster with negative per capita growth.
    • The phase was marked with increasing state control of the economy, nationalisation of industry, closing of the economy to trade and a systematic weakening of institutions.
    • 3) The third phase is 1984-91 when the government ushered in the first round of economic reforms by liberalising capital goods imports as well as starting industrial de-licensing.
    • These reforms were rewarded by a growth take-off. India’s annual per capita GDP growth averaged 3.1 per cent while aggregate GDP grew at 5.2 per cent during 1984-91.
    • 4) The period 1991-2004 is typically classified as the liberalisation phase.
    • The reform effort was reflected in the 4.9 per cent annual per capita GDP growth during 1991-2004.
    • 5) India embarked on a distinctive phase of faster growth post-2004 on the back of large investments in infrastructure.
    • Per person GDP growth in the period 2004-2015 averaged 7.7 per cent.
    • The corresponding aggregate GDP growth averaged 9 per cent.
    • This came at a cost, as a number of these infrastructure projects later caused problems in the banking sector on account of burgeoning NPAs, a problem that continues till today.

    Comparison with Pakistan

    • In 1950, Pakistan’s per person GDP was almost 50 per cent greater than India that year.
    • Due to political uncertainty, Pakistan stagnated throughout the 1950s while a politically stable India grew.
    • As a result, by 1960, India had almost caught up with Pakistan in per capita GDP terms.
    • Unfortunately, from 1964, India went into two decades of economic stagnation while Pakistan opened up to foreign capital.
    • By 1984, Pakistan’s per capita income was more than double that of India’s.
    • Pakistan’s slowdown began in the 1980s.
    • This period coincided with the reforms in India.
    • Nevertheless, it wasn’t till as recently as 2010 that India’s per capita GDP finally overtook Pakistan.

    4 takeaways

    •  First, openness to trade and private enterprise usually has positive effects on growth.
    • Second, rapacious and exploitative democratic systems do not necessarily promote growth. Pakistan in the 1950s, 1990 and post-2010 is a good example.
    • Third, the socio-economic environment surrounding religious fundamentalism may be inimical to growth.
    • Fourth, degradation of institutions that regulate, arbitrate and enforce laws can be costly.

    Conclusion

    India’s growth when analysed from both the perspective offers valuable lessons for India and these lessons must guide India’s future economic trajectory.

  • India’s no to RCEP could still be a no

    The article examines the significance of the RCEP and India’s concerns over its provision. 

    Significance of RCEP

    • Last week, 15 East Asian countries signed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the largest free trade agreement (FTA) ever.
    • In 2019, RCEP members accounted for about 30% of world output.
    • More importantly, about 44% of their total trade was intra-RCEP, which is a major incentive for the members of this agreement.
    • The deal could contribute to the strengthening of the regional value chains.

    Comparing RCEP with Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)

    • The TPP included several regulatory issues including labour and environmental standards and “anti-corruption”.
    • All of these issues could raise regulatory barriers and severely impede trade flows.
    • In contrast, RCEP includes traditional market access issues, following the template provided by the World Trade Organization (WTO).
    • RCEP also includes issues like electronic commerce, investment facilitation that are currently being discussed by WTO members to “reform the multilateral trading system”.

    Would RCEP be able to realise trade and investment liberalisation?

    • In case of trade in goods, RCEP members have taken big strides towards lowering their tariffs.
    • However, commitments made by RCEP members for services trade liberalisation do look shallow in terms of the coverage of the sectors.
    • Movement of natural persons, an area in which India had had considerable interest, is considerably restricted.
    • The areas of investment and electronic commerce, in both of which India had expressed its reservations on the template adopted during RCEP negotiations, the outcomes are varied.
    • The text on investment rules shows that it is a work-in-progress.
    • The rules on dispute settlement procedures are yet to be written in.

    Will India’s concerns get addressed in near future?

    • The answer seems to be unambiguously in the negative on two counts.
    • 1) Two of the concerns India had raised, namely,  the deep cuts in tariffs on imports from China, and provisions relating to the investment chapter, have become even more significant over the past several months.
    • 2) India’s Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan is primarily focused on strengthening domestic value chains, while RCEP, like any other FTA is solely focused on promoting regional value chains.

    Consider the question “What were India’s concerns about RCEP that resulted in India not signing it? ” 

    Conclusion

    This suggests that the prospects of India joining the RCEP in the near future appears bleak.

  • Divided democracies

    Democracies across the world are facing several challenges. The article examines these challenges.

    Threats to democracy

    • Efforts by Donald Trump, to negate the result of the recently held presidential elections, indicates a new set of tactics, previously seen only in dictatorships.
    • In the case of the U.S., one of the world’s oldest democracies, what we are witnessing is a deep divide.
    • This division is evident in many other democratic nations today.
    • This is true of many other democracies as well and must be viewed as a wake-up call.
    • What is evident is that issues of identity, or threats to identity, are becoming an important issue in elections across democracies.
    • Democracies already confront such problems, but it will become still more evident as time passes.
    • Manipulation of grievances by using psychometric techniques (as done by Cambridge Analytica), and the use of ‘deep fakes’ made possible through Artificial Intelligence, further enhances the threat to current notions of democracy.

    Troubles to democracy in Europe

    • Europe will have to deal with the declining importance of America in global politics.
    • An uncertain Brexit will further damage the prospects of both the United Kingdom and Europe.
    • Russia, under Vladimir Putin, remains an enigma, for despite its military strength and strategic congruence with China, its future appears increasingly uncertain.
    • France displays even greater fragility and French values appear to be undergoing major changes.
    • The recent wave of terrorist attacks has been a major trigger, raising questions about long-held secular beliefs.

    Return of terrorism

    • Terrorism is resurfacing, and with renewed vigour.
    • The al-Qaeda is again becoming prominent. The IS, which many thought had been vanquished has returned in full force.
    • Recently IS has carried out spectacular attacks in France and in Austria which is a reminder of the transnational character of the threat it poses to democratic countries.
    • They combine symbolism with spectacular violence.
    • The intent is to shock the public at large, and produce a reaction across the entire Muslim world, reigniting the fading embers of a religio-cultural conflict.

    Information manipulation

    • Alongside the above issues, there is a growing concern across the globe about increasing efforts to manipulate information in order to perpetuate power.
    • Manipulation of information — and also events — to achieve certain desired ends, is becoming the stock-in-trade of many a democratic regime as well.
    • Many democratic nations today resort to manipulating data to support or prop up the government’s version of events. Informational autocracy is, hence, the latest danger that threatens democracies.

    India’s challenges

    1) Threat to democracy

    • In some regions, especially where mid-term elections are scheduled, as in West Bengal, the atmosphere today is highly polarised.
    • The ghosts of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and the National Register of Citizens have by no means been laid to rest.
    • Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) is witnessing a kind of surface calm, but beneath this, there are evident tensions.
    • Aggravating this situation are Pakistan’s efforts to push in terrorists in ever larger numbers.

    Uncertain external environment

    • The downward spiral in its relations with China has not been arrested.
    • 15 Asia-Pacific nations, including China, have signed on to the world’s biggest trade bloc, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) — from which India has been excluded.
    • The RCEP, which covers almost a third of the world’s economy, is perceived as the springboard for future economic recovery across the region.
    • India’s absence from RCEP represents a cardinal failure of India’s bargaining strategy.
    • India’s isolation is evident from the fact that even a weak Pakistan is pursuing a policy of provocation— the latest provocation being the holding of Assembly elections in Gilgit-Baltistan.
    • India is again being steadily marginalised in Afghanistan, where the control of the Taliban is increasing, with all other players accomodating Taliban.

    Consider the question “What are the various challenges faced by the democracies across the world and India is no exception to it. In the context of this, examine the issues facing democracy in India.”

    Conclusion

    Though democracies across the world are facing several issues, resilience inherent in them will help them clear the chaos created by these issues.

  • Faultlines in India’s economic liberalism

    The article counters the argument made by External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar about the impact of economic liberalisation on India’s economy.

    Impact of liberalism on India

    • India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar recently disapproved of free trade and globalisation.
    • About FTA’s he said that “the effect of past trade agreements has been to de-industrialise some sectors.”
    • These observations were made days after countries of the Asia-Pacific region signed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement.
    • He said that , “in the name of openness, we have allowed subsidi[s]ed products and unfair production advantages from abroad to prevail”

    Flaws in the argument

    •  There are several flaws in Mr. Jaishankar’s arguments.

    1) India cannot be the part of global value chain

    • India is now truly at the margins of the regional and global economy.
    • With trade multilateralism at the World Trade Organisation (WTO) remaining sluggish, FTAs are the gateways for international trade.
    • By not being part of any major FTA, India cannot be part of the global value chains.
    • India’s competitors such as the East Asian nations, by virtue of they being part of mega-FTAs, are in an advantageous position to be part of global value chains and attract foreign investment.

    2) Indian economy has bee relatively closed economy

    • India is surely a much more open economy than it was three decades ago, globally, India continues to remain relatively closed when compared to other major economies.
    • According to the WTO, India’s applied most favoured nation import tariffs are 13.8%, which is the highest for any major economy.
    • Likewise, according to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, on the import restrictiveness index, India figures in the ‘very restrictive’ category.
    • From 1995-2019, India has initiated anti-dumping measures 972 times (the highest in the world) trying to protect domestic industry.

    3) Economic survey accepts the benefits of FTAs

    • The External Affairs Minister is contradicting government’s economic survey presented earlier this year.
    • The survey concluded that India has benefitted overall from FTAs signed so far.
    • Blaming FTAs for deindustrialisation means ignoring real problem of the Indian industry — which is the lack of competitiveness and absence of structural reforms.

    4) India has been a major beneficiary of economic globalisation

    • It cannot be ignored that India has been one of the major beneficiaries of economic globalisation — a fact attested by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
    • Post-1991, the Indian economy grew at a faster pace, ushering in an era of economic prosperity.
    • According to the economist Arvind Panagariya, poverty in rural and urban India, which stood at close to 40% in 2004-05, almost halved to about 20% by 2011-12.
    • This was due to India clocking an average economic growth rate of almost 8%.

    Conclusion

    Desire to make India a global destination for foreign investment is a pipe dream because it is naive to expect foreign investors to be gung-ho about investing in India if trade protectionism is the government’s official policy.

  • Export remain key to economic growth

    The article highlights the argument made by Arvind Panagaria about the primacy of export for the progress of the country in his new book India Unlimited: Reclaiming the Lost Glory.

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  • Inter state water Sharing disputes

    The article highlights the issue of challenges facing the water governance in India, how need for more coordination between the Centre and the States.

    Objectives of the two bills

    • Interstate River Water Disputes Amendment Bill 2019 and the Dam Safety Bill 2019 were passed by Lok Sabha and awaits Rajya Sabha nod.
    • The Interstate River Water Disputes Amendment Bill 2019 seeks to improve the inter-state water disputes resolution by setting up a permanent tribunal.
    • The Dam Safety Bill 2019 aims to deal with the risks of India’s ageing dams, with the help of a comprehensive federal institutional framework comprising.
    • The other pending bills also propose corresponding institutional structures and processes.

    Challenges to the federal water governance

    • The agenda of future federal water governance is not limited to the above cited issues.
    • These include emerging concerns of long-term national water security and sustainability, the risks of climate change, and the growing environmental challenges, including river pollution.
    • These challenges need systematic federal response where the Centre and the states need to work in a partnership mode.
    • Greater Centre-states coordination is also crucial for pursuing the current national projects — whether Ganga river rejuvenation or inland navigation or inter-basin transfers.

    Challenges to water governance

    • Water governance is perceived and practiced as the states’ exclusive domain, even though their powers are subject to those of the Union under the Entry 56 about inter-state river water governance.
    • The River Boards Act 1956 legislated under the Entry 56 has been in disuse.
    • No river board was ever created under the law.
    • The Centre’s role is largely limited to resolving inter-state river water disputes by setting up tribunals for their adjudication.
    • Combined with the states’ dominant executive power, these conditions create challenges for federal water governance.
    • This state of affairs puts the proposed bills at a disadvantage.

    Bridging the water governance gap

    • Each bill proposes their own institutional mechanisms and processes leaning on closer Centre-state coordination and deliberation.
    • The disputes resolution committee and dam safety authority rely on active Centre-states participation.
    • Segmented and fragmented mechanisms bear the risks of the federal water governance gap.

    Way forward

    • The massive central assistance (Rs 3.6 lakh crore- Centre and states together) through  Jal Jeevan Mission (JJM), is an opportunity to open a dialogue with the states to address this governance gap.
    • Globally, federated systems with comparable organisation of powers have used similar investments to usher key water sector reforms.
    • The symbiotic phase of implementing JJM can be productively used to engage in a dialogue with the states about the larger water resources management agenda, beyond the mission’s goals.
    • The Centre can work with the states in building a credible institutional architecture for gathering data and producing knowledge about water resources.

    Consider the question “Water governance in the country requires greater Centre-State coordination to deal with the current issues as well as future challenges. In light of this, examine the challenges and suggest the strategies to deal with it.”

    Conclusion

    Bridging the governance gap between the Centre and State and creation of institutional framework is at the heart of addressing the future challenges to the federal water governance in the country.

    Back2Basics: River Board Act 1956

    • The act to provide for the establishment of River Boards for the regulation and development of inter-state rivers and river valleys.
    • It empowers the Central Government, on a request received in this behalf from a State Government to establish a River Board for advising the Governments on regulation or development of an inter-State river or river valley or any specified part thereof.