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Type: Op-ed

  • The convergence and lag in Indo-US partnership

    Context

    As the Indian leadership reviews US ties this week with the visiting Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, a paradox stands out.

    Deepening Indo-US ties

    • India and the US have come a long way since the 1990s.
    • There is growing political and security cooperation, expanding economic engagement, widening interface between the two societies, and the intensifying footprint of the Indian diaspora in the US.
    • Convergence of interests: That ambition, in turn, is based on the unprecedented convergence of Indian and American national interests.
    • Agenda for cooperation: The two countries have already agreed on an ambitious agenda for bilateral, regional and global cooperation.

    Debate in India over Indo-US relation: A paradox

    • The discourse within India’s strategic community continues to be anxious.
    • Some of the questions that animate the media and political classes have not changed since the 1990s.
    • Issues in the debate: Debate focuses on US’s stand on the Kashmir issue, democracy and human rights and its impact on India-US relations.
    • Contradictory fears: There are also contradictory fears such as whether the US extend full support in coping with China.
    • While we expect the US to give guarantees on supporting us, we insist that India will never enter into an alliance with the US.
    • Small state syndrome in India: As India’s relative weight in the international system continues to grow, it creates much room for give and take between India and the US.
    • Yet, a small state syndrome continues to grip the foreign policy elite.
    • The situation is similar on the economic front.
    • Although India is now the sixth-largest economy in the world, there is unending concern about the US imposing globalisation on India.
    • Even as India’s salience for solutions to climate change has increased, India’s debate remains deeply defensive.

    Factors responsible paradox

    • Missing the big picture: The narrow focus on the bilateral precludes an assessment of the larger forces shaping American domestic and international politics.
    • That, in turn, limits the appreciation of new possibilities for the bilateral relationship.
    • Underinvestment in American studies: The problem is reinforced by India’s under-investment in public understanding of American society.
    • Russia and China have put large resources in American studies at their universities and think tanks.
    • The Indian government and private sector will hopefully address this gap in the not-too-distant future.

    Policy shifts unfolding in the US

    • Domestic economic policies: If the economic policy drift in the last four decades was to the right, Biden is moving left on the relationship between the state and the market — on raising taxes, increasing public spending and addressing the problem of sharp economic inequality.
    • Economic policy and globalisation: Biden has also joined Trump in questioning America’s uncritical economic globalisation of the past.
    • If Trump talked of putting America First, Biden wants to make sure that America’s foreign and economic policies serve the US middle class.
    • Foreign policy: Biden has concluded that four decades of America’s uncritical engagement with China must be reconstituted into a policy that faces up to the many challenges that Beijing presents to the US.
    •  Biden is also focused on renewing the traditional US alliances to present a united front against China.
    • He is also seeking to overcome Washington’s hostility to Russia by resetting ties with Moscow.

    Question of democracy and human rights

    • Democracy is very much part of America’s founding ideology.
    • But living up to that ideal at home and abroad has not been easy for the United States over the last two centuries.
    • Delhi and Washington will also have much to discuss on the challenges that new surveillance technologies and big tech monopolies pose to democratic governance.
    • The exclusive American focus on democracy promotion has been rare, costly and unsuccessful.
    • India’s own experience at spreading democracy in its neighbourhood is quite similar.
    • But that discussion is only one part of the expansive new agenda — from Afghanistan to Indo-Pacific, reforming global economic institutions to addressing climate change, and vaccine diplomacy to governing new technologies that beckon India and the United States.

    Conclusion

    As they intensify the bilateral cooperation, the two sides will hopefully turn the Indo-US partnership from a perennial curiosity to a quotidian affair.

  • Getting India’s military jointness formula right

    Context

    The Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat’s recent description of the Indian Air Force (IAF) as a supporting arm and the IAF chief Air Chief Marshal R.K.S. Bhadauria’s rebuttal highlights turbulent journey marking the reorganisation process of the armed forces.

    Issues before IAF

    • The IAF is warning against splitting it into packets.
    • Reports suggest that counting even ageing aircraft, the IAF is 25% short on fighter squadrons.
    • A pan service shortage of about 400 pilots, almost 10% of their authorised strength, further aggravates this.
    • Therefore, the IAF has a point when it warns against splitting assets, for, there may be nothing much to split.

    Way forward

    • Confidence building: A common understanding of the nuances of military airpower is the key.
    • With the experience of operating almost every kind of aircraft the IAF operates, the naval leadership understands air power.
    • This applies to the Indian Army too, in its own way.
    • Confidence needs to be developed that rightly staffed apex joint organisations can draw up professional operational plans for air power.
    • Enhancing military education: Confidence building will need some effort in the short term towards enhancing professional military education though, at the staff level.
    • Analysis before implementation: Major reorganisations must strictly follow the sequence of written concepts, their refinement through consultation, simulation or table top war gaming, field evaluation and final analysis before implementation.
    • This would help address command and control, asset adequacy, individual service roles, operational planning under new circumstances and the adequacy of joint structures.
    • Who gets to lead what also matters.
    • The Western Command between the Indian Army and the IAF, the Northern Command with the Indian Army, Maritime Command with the Indian Navy and the Air Defence Command with the IAF may be an acceptable formula.

    Why jointness?

    • With dwindling budgets, a steadily deteriorating security situation and the march of technology, the armed forces understand the need to synergise.

    Challenges

    • Challenges in co-existence: Different services do not co-exist well where they are colocated.
    • Bitter fights over land, buildings, facilities, etc. harms optimal operational synergising.
    • Allocation challenge: Then there is the issue of giving each other the best, or of wanting to be with each other.
    • Lack of operational charter: The Andaman and Nicobar Command suffered from the lack of a substantial operational charter, and the services not positioning appropriate personnel or resources there.
    • Lack of interest in joint tenure: As a joint tenure did not benefit career, no one strove for it.
    • The U.S., when faced with the same problem, made joint tenures mandatory for promotions.

    Steps to be taken

    • Security strategy: We need a comprehensive National Security Strategy to guide the services develop capacities required in their respective domains.
    • Professional education: We need to transform professional education and inter-service employment to nurture genuine respect for others.
    • Mutual resolution of difference: The armed forces must resolve their differences among themselves, as the politicians or bureaucrats cannot do it.
    • Quality staff: Good quality staff, in adequate numbers, at apex joint organisations, will help to reassure individual services and those in the field that they are in safe hands.
    • Tailored approach: There is need for the acceptance of the fact that what works for other countries need not work for us.

    Conclusion

    We may need tailor-made solutions which may need more genuine thinking. For genuine military jointness, a genuine convergence of minds is critical.

  • Implications of EU’s new GHG emissions law for Indian industry

    Context

    On July 14, the European Union introduced new legislation, Fit for 55, to cut its GHG emissions by 55 per cent by 2030 and to net-zero by 2050.

    Implications of Fit for 55

    • Legal backing: It turns the EU’s announcement into law, protecting it from the winds of political change.
    • Opportunity for India: It opens new markets for Indian industry, for example for electric vehicles.
    • CBAM: However, it also introduces a potentially adverse policy called the carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM).
    • CBAM is meant to discourage consumers from buying carbon-intensive products and encourage producers to invest in cleaner technologies.

    What is CBAM?

    • The EU has had a carbon emission trading system since 2005.
    • With Fit for 55, the EU’s carbon price is likely to go up.
    • High carbon price will make the EU’s domestic products more expensive than imports from countries that do not have such rules.
    • The new CBAM is meant to level the playing field between domestic and imported products.
    • CBAM will require foreign producers to pay for the carbon emitted while manufacturing their products.
    • The adjustment will be applied to energy-intensive products that are widely traded by the EU, such as iron and steel, aluminium, cement, fertiliser, and electricity.

    Why CBAM is a cause for concern for India?

    • India is Europe’s third-largest trading partner, and it does not have its own carbon tax or cap.
    • So, CBAM should be a cause for concern for it.
    • A UNCTAD study predicts that India will lose $1-1.7 billion in exports of energy-intensive products such as steel and aluminium.
    • India’s goods trade with the EU was $74 billion in 2020.

    Way forward for Indian Industry

    • Clean technology partnerships: Indian Industry should enter clean technology partnerships with European industry.
    • Invest in renewables:  Indian companies should invest in more renewable electricity and energy efficiency.
    • Incentivise low-carbon choices: They can adopt science-based targets for emission reduction and internal carbon pricing to incentivise low-carbon choices.
    • Schemes and Government financing: The government can extend the perform-achieve-trade scheme to more industries and provide finance to MSMEs to upgrade to clean technologies.
    • WRI India’s analysis shows that carbon dioxide emissions from the iron and steel industry can be reduced from 900 million tonnes to 500 million tonnes in 2035 through greater electrification, green hydrogen, energy efficiency, and material efficiency.
    • Diversify export: India can try to diversify its exports to other markets and products.

    Consider the question “What is carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) introduced by the EU? What are its implications for Indian industry?” 

    Conclusion

    At present, the CBAM may seem obstructionist. But over the long-term, it can provide regulatory certainty to industry by harmonising carbon prices, and Indian industry can position itself as a strong player in the trade landscape of the future.

    Back2Basics: UNCTAD

    • UNCTAD is a permanent intergovernmental body established by the United Nations General Assembly in 1964.
    • Its headquarters are located in Geneva, Switzerland, and have offices in New York and Addis Ababa.
    • UNCTAD is part of the UN Secretariat.
    • IT report to the UN General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council but have own membership, leadership, and budget.
    • It is also part of the United Nations Development Group.

  • SAARC

    Context

    Despite the framework SAARC provides for cooperation amongst South Asian nations, it has remained sidelined and dormant since its 18th summit of 2014 in Kathmandu. No alternative capable of bringing together South Asian countries for mutually beneficial diplomacy has emerged.

    Common challenges facing South Asia

    • The region is beset with unsettled territorial disputes, as well as trans-border criminal and subversive activities and cross-border terrorism.
    • The region also remains a theatre for ethnic, cultural, and religious tensions and rivalries besides a current rise in ultra-nationalism
    • Nuclear-armed neighbours India and Pakistan are at loggerheads.
    • US military withdrawal from Afghanistan has fuelled fears of intensification of these trends.

    Significance of SAARC

    • As the largest regional cooperation organisation, SAARC’s importance in stabilising and effectively transforming the region is becoming increasingly self-evident.
    • SAARC is needed as institutional scaffolding to allow for the diplomacy and coordination that is needed between member-states in order to adequately address the numerous threats and challenges the region faces.
    • Though SAARC’s charter prohibits bilateral issues at formal forums, SAARC summits provide a unique, informal window — the retreat — for leaders to meet without aides and chart future courses of action.
    • The coming together of leaders, even at the height of tensions, in a region laden with congenital suspicions, misunderstandings, and hostility is a significant strength of SAARC that cannot be overlooked.
    • In March last year, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi seized the Covid-19 crisis and utilised SAARC’s seal to convene a video conference of SAARC leaders.
    • Such capacity to bring member-states together shows the potential power of SAARC.

    What role SAARC can play in Afghanistan

    • Commitment to get rid of terrorism: The third SAARC summit in 1987 adopted a Regional Convention on Suppression of Terrorism and updated it in 2004 with the signing of an additional protocol.
    • These instruments demonstrate the collective commitment to rid the region of terror and promote regional peace, stability, and prosperity.
    • Using the network of institutions: In 36 years of existence, SAARC has developed a dense network of institutions, linkages, and mechanisms.
    • SAARC members are among the top troop-contributing countries to UN peacekeeping missions.
    • Joint peacekeeping force: With the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, a joint peacekeeping force from the SAARC region under the UN aegis could be explored to fill the power vacuum that would otherwise be filled by terrorist and extremist forces.

    Consider the question “What role SAARC can play in stabilising the region after the US withdrawal from Afghanistan? Is SAARC still relevant for the region?”

    Conclusion

    Allowing SAARC to become dysfunctional and irrelevant greatly distorts our ability to address the realities and mounting challenges facing SAARC nations.

    Back2Basics: About SAARC

    •  In 1985, at the height of the Cold War, leaders of South Asian nations — namely Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka — created a regional forum.
    • The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established with the goal of contributing “to mutual trust, understanding and appreciation of one another’s problems.”
    • Afghanistan was admitted as a member in 2007.

  • Biocentric jurisprudence for nature

    Context

    In a recent ruling, the Supreme Court of India has sought to move away from an anthropocentric basis of law.

    Biocentrism Vs. Anthropocentrism

    • Anthropocentrism argues that of all the species on earth humans are the most significant and that all other resources on earth may be justifiably exploited for the benefit of human beings.
    • The philosophy of biocentrism holds that the natural environment has its own set of rights which is independent of its ability to be exploited by or to be useful to humans.
    • Biocentrism often comes into conflict with anthropocentrism.

    Supreme Court of India upholds biocentric principles

    • The Great Indian Bustard is a gravely endangered species, with hardly about 200 alive in India today.
    • The overhead power lines have become a threat to the life of these species as these birds frequently tend to collide with these power lines and get killed.
    • Recently, the Supreme Court in M.K. Ranjitsinh & Others vs Union of India & Others, said that in all cases where the overhead lines in power projects exist, the governments of Rajasthan and Gujarat shall take steps forthwith to install bird diverters.
    • In protecting the birds, the Court has affirmed and emphasised the biocentric values of eco-preservation.
    • A noteworthy instance of the application of anthropocentrism in the legal world is in that of the “Snail darter” case in the United States.
    • The Supreme Court of the United States of America in Tennessee Valley Authority vs Hill, had held that since the “Snail darter” fish was a specifically protected species under the Act, the executive could not proceed with the reservoir project.

    Human role in extinction of species

    • About 50 years ago, there were 4,50,000 lions in Africa. Today, there are hardly 20,000.
    • Indiscriminate monoculture farming in the forests of Borneo and Sumatra is leading to the extinction of orangutans.
    • Rhinos are hunted for the so-called medicinal value of their horns and are slowly becoming extinct.
    • From the time humans populated Madagascar about 2,000 years ago, about 15 to 20 species of Lemurs, which are primates, have become extinct.
    • The compilation prepared by the International Union for Conservation of Nature lists about 37,400 species that are gravely endangered; and the list is ever growing.

    Evolution of Right of Nature laws in Constitutions

    • Pieces of legislation are slowly evolving that fall in the category of the “Right of Nature laws”.
    • These seek to travel away from an anthropocentric basis of law to a biocentric one.
    • The Constitution of India is significantly silent on any explicitly stated, binding legal obligations we owe to our fellow species and to the environment that sustains us.
    • It is to the credit of the Indian judiciary that it interpreted the enduring principles of sustainable development and read them, inter alia, into the precepts of Article 21 of the Constitution.
    • In September 2008, Ecuador became the first country in the world to recognise “Rights of Nature” in its Constitution.
    • Bolivia has also joined the movement by establishing Rights of Nature laws too.
    • In November 2010, the city of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania became the first major municipality in the United States to recognise the Rights of Nature.
    • These laws, like the Constitution of the countries that they are part of, are still works in progress.

    Conclusion

    In times like this the Supreme Court’s judgment in M.K. Ranjithsinh upholding the biocentric principles of coexistence is a shot in the arm for nature conservation. One does hope that the respective governments implement the judgment of the Court.

  • Challenging China

    Context

    The Chinese are about to extend their geographical advantage by building a new high-speed rail from Chengdu, running close by and parallel to the Arunachal border, up to Lhasa.

    Manpower and Defence Budget: Comparison with China

    • The Indian army, according to diverse sources, numbers between 12,50,000 and 14,00,000 officers and men.
    • Chinese PLA actually has only 9,75,000 officers and men.
    •  They have downsized their army.
    • China is an aspiring world power that spends $252 billion on its defence budget, as compared to $72.9 billion that India spends.
    • Both countries limit their budget to around 2 per cent of their GDP, which in China’s case is five times our size.

    Why does India need to reduce manpower in defense?

    • Expensive:  A major portion of the budget is spent on manpower, 81 percent of the army budget goes into manpower and maintenance. Gradually, manpower is going to get increasingly expensive.
    • Also, our strategic options get constrained because the army gets 61 percent of the defense budget.
    • We need to downsize the army by 2,00,000 men over five years through retirement and reduced recruitment.
    • The reduction in manpower will save approximately Rs 30,000 crore, which can be equally divided between the three services.

    Way forward: Bigger role to navy and air force

    • We can achieve better conventional deterrence against China by giving bigger roles to the navy and air force.
    • The first step is to accept that we are an asymmetric power and leverage the RMA (Revolution in Military Affairs) so that numerical inferiority is of no consequence.
    • They are invulnerable on land, and their only strategic weakness is their reliance on the Indian Ocean SLOCs (sea lines of communications) for 70 percent of their imported oil.
    • The only guarantee of Chinese non-aggression and good behavior is a well-crafted threat to their oil tankers and a complete naval mastery of the escalation that is bound to follow.
    • India can also leverage the QUAD resources in various ways such as information.
    • Build up the Car Nicobar airfield into a full-fledged airbase.
    • We could negotiate with Oman for the use of the old RAF airbase at Masirah to dominate the Gulf of Hormuz and threaten the Chinese base at Djibouti.

    Conclusion

    China cannot be countered by throwing expensive manpower at the problem, but only by shifting the battlespace to advantageous geography, by a united navy and air force effort, while a technically advanced army holds the Himalayan border.

  • Pegasus scandal and implications for privacy

    Context

    The Pegasus spyware, created by NSO Group in Israel has created a political storm in India over its alleged use by the government.

    About the Pegasus spyware controversy

    • It uses a “zero-click” attack which allows the device to be taken over remotely by exploiting software and hardware vulnerabilities.
    • The Israeli Defence Ministry’s stated that Pegasus and other cyber products are exported “exclusively to government entities” and are only for the purpose of preventing and investigating crime and counter terrorism.
    • Pegasus has been used to illegally hack into people’s lives and to obtain private information outside the boundaries of the law.
    • Those who were supposedly targeted range from the uppermost echelons of the judiciary, Opposition party leaders, activists and journalists.

    How it harms freedoms and rights guaranteed by the Constitution

    • A person has the basic fundamental rights of liberty, privacy, speech and expression amongst others.
    • These rights go hand in hand with each other.
    • The alleged use of Pegasus to illegally hack into persons’ lives, listen in on private conversations, to thereafter use this private information against said persons in hope of gaining undue advantage, are all outside the boundaries of the law.
    •  Surveillance on this level would have the effect of instilling fear and directly hampering a person’s ability to freely make their own decisions.
    • The effect is that a person does not have the freedom to think, to speak or even be in the privacy of their own homes.

    Legal provisions for surveillance

    • In December 2018, the government authorised 10 security and intelligence agencies to intercept, monitor and decrypt any information generated, transmitted, received or stored in any computer resource.
    • The authorisation is required before any of the 10 notified agencies can intercept, monitor or decrypt any information.
    • This and other grounds are being taken by the government before the Supreme Court to defend its stance.
    • The Data Protection Bill (yet to be passed by Parliament) offers no protection in respect of surveillance. 
    • Sections 43 and 66 of the Information Technology Act, 2000 criminalise hacking.

    Conclusion

    The majority is not always right. A democracy has the indelible right to question, to demand answers and explanations. The government has many questions to answer and steps to take to protect the rights and freedoms of its citizens.

    Back2Basics: Zero-click attack

    • A zero-click attack is a remote cyber attack which does not require any interaction from the target to compromise it.
    • Pegasus spyware eliminates the need for human errors to compromise a device and instead relies on software or hardware flaws to gain complete access to a device.
    • Zero-click attacks occur only when an attacker is able to takeover a device remotely after successfully exploiting vulnerabilities in the software and hardware of the phone.
    • To make this kind of attack successful, an attacker needs to exploit flaws in a device, whereas spear phishing is a social engineering attack.

  • Open Network for Digital Commerce could disrupt India’s e-commerce space

    Context

    The Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade (DPIIT) recently issued orders appointing an advisory committee for its Open Network for Digital Commerce (ONDC) project.

    About ONDC project

    • The Open Network for Digital Commerce (ONDC) project aims to make e-commerce processes open-source.
    • In simple terms, it aims at creating a platform that can be utilised by all online retailers.
    • This is another effort by the government to facilitate the creation of shared digital infrastructure, as it has previously done for identity (Aadhaar) and payments (Unified Payments Interface).
    • It will digitise e-commerce value chains, standardise operations, promote inclusion of suppliers, and derive efficiencies in logistics.

    What are its advantages?

    • Level playing field: When done well, this approach can level the playing field and create value for users. 
    • Curb monopoly: The market is dominated by a few players who are facing investigations for unfair trade practices in many countries.
    • Prevent market failure: The sector is characterised by many small players who individually do not have the muscle to have an equitable bargain with e-commerce companies.
    • Economists call this a “market failure”, and it presents a legitimate case for intervention.

    The three layers of an open digital ecosystem and their conceptual framework for adoption and safeguards

    1) Tech layer

    • The “tech layer” should be designed for minimalism and decentralisation.
    • The government should restrict its role to facilitating standards and protocols that provide open access, and in getting them adopted organically.
    • Building an entire tech platform should happen only if a standards-based approach doesn’t suffice.
    • If built, the platform should be built on “privacy by design” principles.
    • It should collect minimal amounts of data (especially personal data) and store it in a decentralised manner.
    • Tools like blockchain could be used to build technical safeguards that cannot be overridden without active consent.

    2) Governance layer

    • Avoid excessive government intervention: The “governance layer” around this should allay business fears of excessive state intervention in e-commerce.
    • Legal provision: Any deployment of standards or tech should be accompanied by law or regulation that lays out the scope of the project.
    • Independent regulator for personal data: If collection of any personal data is required, passing the data protection bill and creating an independent regulator should be a precondition.
    • Handling by independent society: To assure the industry of fairness, the government could hand over the stewardship of the standards or platform to an independent society or non-profit.

    3) Community layer

    • A community layer can foster a truly inclusive and participatory process.
    • This may be achieved by making civil society and the public active contributors and seeking wide feedback on drafts of the proposal.
    • Once the framework is implemented, ensuring quick and time-bound redressal of grievances will help build trust in the system.

    Concerns with government creating shared digital infrastructure

    • This approach also comes with risks and we should tread with caution.
    • In general, governments should intervene in markets only when there is a clearly identifiable market failure or massive societal benefits from creating shared infrastructure.

    Way forward

    • The government’s championing of open-source technology for digital commerce is commendable.
    • It should also push the envelope on the other principles of the open-source movement — transparency, collaboration, release early and often, inclusive meritocracy, and community.
    • Even if we do all things right, an infrastructure-led approach may not be sufficient.
    • Therefore, we need to supplement infrastructure with tightly-tailored regulation.
    • We need to explore the concept of interoperability, that is, mandating that private digital platforms like e-commerce firms enable their users and suppliers to solicit business on other platforms.
    • To drive the adoption of an open e-commerce platform in a sector with entrenched incumbents we need to create “reference applications”, and financial or non-financial incentives.
    • Useful learnings can be drawn from the adoption of UPI: The government supported the rollout of BHIM as a reference app, and offered incentives.

    Consider the question “How the Open Network for Digital Commerce project can help deal with the issues with the e-commerce sector? Suggest the approach the project should adopt to make it a success.”

    Conclusion

    It is timely that India is exploring innovative ways to bridge the gaps in e-commerce markets. But the boldness of this vision must be matched by the thoughtfulness of the approach.

    Back2Basics: What is ‘Privacy by Design?

    • Privacy by design is a concept that integrates privacy into the creation and operation of new devices, IT systems, networked infrastructure, and even corporate policies.
    • Developing and integrating privacy solutions in the early phases of a project identifies any potential problems at an early stage to prevent them in the long run.

  • A cardinal omission in the COVID-19 package

    Context

    On July 8, 2021, the Union government announced the “India COVID-19 Emergency Response and Health Systems Preparedness Package: Phase II”. But it lacks provision for the medical workforce.

    Objectives of the package

    • The stated purpose of the package is to boost health infrastructure and prepare for a possible third wave of COVID-19.
    • There is plan to increase COVID-19 beds, improve the oxygen availability and supply, create buffer stocks of essential medicines; purchase equipment and strengthen paediatric beds.

    What is lacking in the package?

    • Workforce shortage: The package barely has any attention on improving the availability of health human resources.
    • As reported in rural health statistics and the national health profile there are vacancies for staff in government health facilities, which range from 30% to 80% depending upon the sub-group of medical officers, specialist doctors to nurses, laboratory technicians, pharmacists and radiographers, amongst others.
    • Interstate variation: In addition, there are wide inter-State variations, with States that have poor health indicators with the highest vacancies.

    Way forward

    • Package for filling the existing vacancies: The COVID-19 package II needs to be urgently supplemented by another plan and a similar financial package (with shared Union and State government funding) to fill the existing vacancies of health staff at all levels. 
    • An objective approach to assess the mid-term health human resource needs could be the Indian Public Health Standards (IPHS).
    • IPHS prescribes the human resources and infrastructure needed to make various types of government health facilities functional.
    • The pandemic should be used as an opportunity to prepare India’s health system for the future.
    • Scrutiny of the progress on policy decision: The progress on key policy decisions, for the last few years, to strengthen India’s health system, including those in India’s national health policy of 2017, need to be objectively scrutinised.
    • These two sets of policy decisions should be reviewed and progress monitored, through a meeting of the Central Council of Health and Family Welfare, of which the Health Ministers of the States are members.

    Conclusion

    India’s health system will not benefit from ad hoc and a patchwork of one or other small packages. It essentially needs some transformational changes.

  • ‘Open talks’ with the Taliban is India’s strategic necessity

    Context

    With over a third of Afghanistan’s more than 400 districts under Taliban control, the talk-to-the-Taliban option is indeed the best of the many less than perfect options available to India.

    India need a reset in its Afghanistan policy

    • India has ‘temporarily’ closed its consulate in Kandahar.
    • This follows the decision to suspend operations in the Indian consulates in Jalalabad and Herat.
    • India’s decision to partially “withdraw” from Afghanistan shows that betting only on the government in Kabul was a big mistake,
    • It also shows that India realises the threat the Taliban poses to Indian assets and presence in Afghanistan.
    • To safeguard its civilian assets there as well as to stay relevant in the unfolding ‘great game’ in and around Afghanistan, India must fundamentally reset its Afghanistan policy.
    • India must, in its own national interest, begin ‘open talks’ with the Taliban before it is too late.
    • Open dialogue with the Taliban should no longer be a taboo; it is a strategic necessity.

    Reason for avoiding open talks with Taliban

    • There are at least five possible reasons why India appears to want to keep the Taliban engagement slow and behind closed doors.
    • First, if India chooses to engage the Taliban directly, it could make Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani, to look towards China and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) for national security and personal political survival.
    • Second, India is also faced with the dilemma of who to talk to within the Taliban given that it is hardly a monolith.
    • Third, given the global opprobrium that Taliban faced in its earlier avatar and the lack of evidence about whether the outfit is a changed lot today, New Delhi might not want to court the Taliban so soon.
    • Fourth, there is little clarity about what the Taliban’s real intentions are going forward and what they would do after ascending to power in Kabul.
    • Fifth, it would not be totally unreasonable to consider the possibility of Pakistan acting out against India in Kashmir if India were to establish deeper links with the Taliban.

    Reasons India should engage with the Taliban openly

    • Wide international recognition: Whether we like it or not, the Taliban, is going to be part of the political scheme of things in Afghanistan, and unlike in 1996, a large number of players in the international community are going to recognise/negotiate/do business with the Taliban.
    • Countering Pakistan: The Taliban today is looking for regional and global partners for recognition and legitimacy especially in the neighbourhood.
    • So the less proactive the Indian engagement with the Taliban, the stronger Pakistan-Taliban relations would become.
    • A worldly-wise and internationally-exposed Taliban 2.0 would develop its own agency and sovereign claims including perhaps calling into question the legitimacy of the Durand Line separating Pakistan and Afghanistan, something Pakistan was always concerned about. T
    • The Taliban would want to hedge their bets on how far to listen to Pakistan.
    • That is precisely when New Delhi should engage the Taliban.
    • Security of civilian assets: India needs to court all parties in Afghanistan, including the Taliban if it wants to ensure its security of its civilian assets there.
    • It makes neither strategic nor economic sense to withdraw from Afghanistan after spending over $3 billion, something the Government seems to be prepared to do
    • Being a part of Afghanistan’s future course: If India is not proactive in Afghanistan at least now, late as it is, Russia, Iran, Pakistan and China will emerge as the shapers of Afghanistan’s political and geopolitical destiny, which for sure will be detrimental to Indian interests there.
    • Continental grand strategy:  Backchannel talks with Pakistan and a consequent ceasefire on the Line of Control, political dialogue with the mainstream Kashmiri leadership, secret parleys with Taliban all indicate that India is opening up its congested north-western frontier.
    •  Except for the strategic foray into the Indo-Pacific, India today is strategically boxed in the region and it must break out of it. Afghanistan could provide, if not immediately, India with such a way out.

    Consider the question ” India’s Afghan policy is at a major crossroads; to safeguard its civilian assets there as well as to stay relevant in the unfolding ‘great game’ in and around Afghanistan, New Delhi must fundamentally reset its Afghanistan policy. Comment.” 

    Conclusion

    In the end, India’s engagement with the Taliban may or may not achieve much, but non-engagement will definitely hurt Indian interests.

    Back2Basics: Durand Line

    • Durand Line, boundary established in the Hindu Kush in 1893 running through the tribal lands between Afghanistan and British India, marking their respective spheres of influence.
    • In modern times it has marked the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
    • The acceptance of this line—which was named for Sir Mortimer Durand, who induced ʿAbdor Raḥmān Khān, amir of Afghanistan, to agree to a boundary—may be said to have settled the Indo-Afghan frontier problem for the rest of the British period.