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GS Paper: Federalism

  • Manipur: The Demand for Separate Administration and the Challenges Ahead

    Manipur

    Central Idea

    • The recent demand for a separate administration in Manipur has sparked widespread discussions on the sanctity of borders and the territorial integrity of the state. The demand, supported by various Kuki-Zo legislators highlights the alleged tacit support of the Manipur government towards violence against the Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi hill tribals. The counter-response from Meitei groups advocating for the protection of the state’s territorial integrity further complicates the situation.

    Causes of the riots in Manipur

    • The principal cause of the riots in Manipur is the failure of the state government to recognize and accommodate the territorial rights and identities of the different communities in the state.
    • The state’s aggressive integrationist project, which seeks to dissolve tribal land rights in the valley areas, has been a major source of tension between the Meitei and tribal communities.
    • Additionally, in April 2023, The Manipur High Court’s order to expedite the recommendation for granting ST status to the Meiteis further inflamed the tribal sentiments and led to the massive protest on May 3.

    Factors contributing to the increasing demand for a separate administration in Manipur

    • Ethnic Tensions and Divisions: Manipur is home to diverse ethnic communities, including the Kuki-Zo and Meitei groups. Ethnic tensions and historical divisions have persisted for years, leading to a sense of marginalization and a desire for separate administrative arrangements.
    • Failure of Previous Arrangements: Previous attempts to address the concerns of tribal communities, such as the proposal for a Union Territory or inclusion in the Sixth Schedule, have been perceived as inadequate or non-serious. The lack of tangible progress has intensified the demand for a more comprehensive and separate administrative setup.
    • Demographic Changes and Displacement: The extensive violence, displacement of populations, destruction of property, and loss of lives in recent times have significantly altered the demographic landscape of Manipur. These changes have deepened the divide between different communities and created a sense of irreparable separation.
    • Economic Considerations: The Kuki-Zo-dominated districts of Manipur, such as Pherzawl and Churachandpur, possess valuable natural resources and strategic gateways to Southeast Asia. Proponents of a separate administration argue that harnessing these resources and leveraging the region’s economic potential would be better served under a distinct administrative framework.
    • Lack of Trust in the Current System: The demand for a separate administration reflects a deep-seated mistrust in the existing political and administrative structures. Some communities believe that their interests and concerns are not adequately represented or addressed within the current system, leading to a call for a separate administrative entity.
    • Popular Support and Mobilization: The current demand for a separate administration enjoys unprecedented popular support among the Kuki-Zo groups. This widespread backing has galvanized community members and fueled a sustained mobilization effort, making the demand a significant force in Manipur’s political landscape.
    • Alleged Government Support for Violence: The demand stems from allegations that the Manipur government has tacitly supported violence against the Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi hill tribals. The perception of government inaction or indifference has fuelled discontent among the affected communities.

    Constitutional Challenges for the implementation of a separate administration in Manipur

    • Article 3 of the Constitution: The power to effect changes in a state’s border lies with the central government, as outlined in Article 3 of the Constitution. This provision grants unilateral power to the center to alter state boundaries.
    • Opposition from Naga Groups: Granting a separate administration for Kuki-Zo in Manipur’s hill areas could face opposition from certain Naga groups. These groups may be reluctant to compromise on their territorial aspirations, particularly concerning the Naga’s demand for a sovereign ‘Nagalim.’ Finding a resolution that satisfies the demands of both communities is a significant challenge.
    • Resistance from the State Government and Meitei Groups: The Manipur state government and Meitei groups may staunchly oppose the demand for a separate administration. They might advocate for maintaining the territorial integrity of Manipur and resist any attempts to alter the administrative setup.
    • Revisiting Constitutional Arrangements: Establishing a separate administration in Manipur would necessitate revisiting and potentially amending the existing constitutional arrangements. This could involve dissolving sub-state constitutional asymmetrical arrangements, such as Article 371C, district councils, and tribal land rights.
    • Overlapping Ethnic Boundaries: Manipur’s ethnic dynamics present a challenge when determining the territorial boundaries of a separate administration. Some districts, such as Chandel, Kamjong, and Tengnoupal, have mixed populations and historical territorial disputes between the Kukis and Nagas. Resolving these territorial complexities and addressing the concerns of all communities is a delicate task.
    • Economic Viability: Critics may raise concerns about the financial sustainability and resource allocation for the proposed administrative entity. Demonstrating the economic potential and strategic advantages of a separate administration is crucial to counter these arguments.

    Facts for prelims: Major tribes of Manipur

    • Naga Tribes: The Nagas are one of the largest and most prominent tribes in Manipur. They are primarily concentrated in the hill areas of the state, and are known for their distinct culture and traditions.
    • Kuki Tribes: The Kukis are another major tribe in Manipur, and are also primarily concentrated in the hill areas. They are known for their love of music and dance, and have a rich cultural heritage.
    • Meitei Tribe: The Meitei are the dominant community in the valley areas of Manipur, and have their own distinct language and culture. They are known for their love of traditional sports such as Thang Ta (a form of martial arts) and Sagol Kangjei (a game similar to polo).
    • Hmar Tribe: The Hmars are a smaller tribe in Manipur, but are still an important part of the state’s cultural fabric. They are known for their traditional dance forms, such as the Cheraw and Chheihlam
    • Zomi Tribe: The Zomis are another smaller tribe in Manipur, but are spread across several states in Northeast India. They are known for their love of music and dance, and have a rich cultural heritage.
    • Pangal Tribe: The Pangal tribe, also known as the Manipuri Muslims, is a minority community in Manipur. They have a distinct culture and language and are primarily concentrated in the valley region.
    • Anal Tribe: The Anal tribe is a smaller ethnic group in Manipur and is primarily concentrated in the hill areas. They have a unique culture and are known for their traditional dress, dance, and music.

    Way ahead

    • Dialogue and Negotiation: Facilitating a dialogue between the various stakeholders, including the Kuki-Zo groups, Meitei communities, Nagas, and the state government, is essential. Open and constructive discussions can help identify common ground and potential areas of compromise.
    • Constitutional Reforms: Given the constitutional complexities involved, exploring options for constitutional reforms may be necessary. This could involve amending Article 3 to ensure greater involvement of the affected states in decisions regarding border changes, thereby addressing concerns about the exercise of unilateral power by the Centre.
    • Devolution of Power: Considering the overlapping ethnic boundaries in Manipur’s districts, there could be a focus on devolving power and granting autonomy to local communities within a framework of non-territorial and territorial autonomy.
    • Resource Management and Economic Development: Strategically leveraging the rich natural resources and strategic gateways in the Kuki-Zo-dominated districts, such as the natural gas belt and access to Southeast Asia, can contribute to the economic development of the region and provide incentives for a separate administration.
      Inclusive Governance: Any solution should prioritize inclusive governance that recognizes and respects the rights and aspirations of all communities in Manipur. Ensuring equitable representation, protection of minority rights, and mechanisms for peaceful coexistence are essential components of a sustainable way forward.
    • Learning from International Examples: Drawing lessons from federal polities like Belgium, Canada, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, where territorial divisions have been managed successfully, can provide valuable insights. Understanding their experiences and practices in accommodating territorially mobilized groups can inform the way forward in Manipur.
    • Building Trust and Reconciliation: Addressing historical grievances, fostering social harmony, and promoting reconciliation among communities are crucial for long-term stability. Efforts should be made to build trust, bridge divides, and promote understanding among different ethnic groups in Manipur.

    Conclusion

    • With unprecedented popular support and the Rubicon of division already crossed, Manipur faces constitutional challenges in effecting this demand. The unresolved debate surrounding Manipur’s administrative future hinges on aligning agendas, ideas, and interests across India’s multi-level federal polity and processes.

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    [Burning Issue] Manipur Ethnic Violence

     

  • Row over Mekedatu Project

    mekedatu

    Central Idea

    • Announcement of dam and reservoir: The Deputy CM of Karnataka announced plans for the construction of a dam and reservoir called Mekedatu near the state’s border with Tamil Nadu.
    • Objections raised by Tamil Nadu: Tamil Nadu expressed strong objections to the project, arguing that it goes against the rulings of both the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal and the Supreme Court.
    • Warning of protests: Political parties in Tamil Nadu have warned of potential protests and opposition if the construction of the Mekedatu dam proceeds.

    What is Mekedatu Project?

    • Location and purpose: The Mekedatu dam project is planned to be constructed in Ramanagaram district, approximately 100 km south of Bengaluru. Its primary purpose is to address the drinking water needs of Bengaluru and replenish the regional groundwater table.
    • Proposed capacity and estimated cost of the dam: The dam is proposed to have a capacity of 48 TMC (thousand million cubic) feet and is estimated to cost Rs 6,000 crore.
    • Background and previous developments of the project: The idea of the Mekedatu dam has been under consideration for several years. In 2014, the Karnataka government invited expressions of interest for the project and allocated funds for a detailed project report in the following year.

    Opposition to the Project

    • Widespread protests and state-wide bandh in TN: When the project was initially proposed, Tamil Nadu witnessed widespread protests against it. These protests culminated in a statewide bandh, supported by various stakeholders.
    • Resolutions passed by TN Assembly against the project: The Tamil Nadu Assembly, representing the voice of the people, passed unanimous resolutions expressing strong opposition to the Mekedatu project in December 2018 and January 2022.
    • Political actions and legal involvement in the dispute: Various political leaders and parties in Tamil Nadu have taken actions, including raising the issue with the central government and approaching the Supreme Court to challenge the project’s legality.

    Arguments against the Project

    • Concerns over modification of river flow: Critics of the Mekedatu project argue that constructing reservoirs on the Cauvery River would modify its natural flow, potentially leading to adverse effects downstream.
    • Violation of the final award of the water disputes tribunal: Tamil Nadu contends that the proposed dam violates the final award of the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, which determined the water-sharing arrangements between the two states.
    • Impact on water flow in catchment areas: Tamil Nadu raises concerns that the project’s implementation would impound the flow in catchment areas, affecting the availability of water downstream and potentially leading to water scarcity in the state.

    Justifications and proposals

    • Ensuring adequate flow to TN: Karnataka argues that the construction of the Mekedatu dam will not hinder the stipulated quantum of water release to Tamil Nadu nor be utilized for irrigation purposes.
    • Allocation of funds and willingness to negotiate: The Karnataka government has earmarked Rs 1,000 crore for the project, indicating its commitment. It also expresses willingness to engage in discussions and negotiations with Tamil Nadu to address concerns and find a resolution.
    • Clearance of feasibility study: The Central Water Commission cleared a feasibility study for the Mekedatu project in 2018, providing additional support for Karnataka’s justifications and indicating the project’s viability.

    Historical context of the dispute

    • Past opposition and protests against the dam: The Mekedatu dam has been a subject of contention and opposition for several years. Tamil Nadu has witnessed widespread protests, reflecting public sentiment against the project.
    • Political actions and involvement of state delegations: Political leaders from Tamil Nadu and Karnataka have been actively involved in addressing the issue. Delegations from both states have approached the central government seeking support or intervention.
    • Legal challenges and the role of the Supreme Court: Tamil Nadu’s approach to the Supreme Court against the Mekedatu project highlights the legal dimension of the dispute. The involvement of the court plays a crucial role in considering the arguments and reaching a resolution.

    Environmental and Economic considerations

    • Potential benefits of the dam for water supply: Proponents of the Mekedatu project argue that it will address the pressing drinking water needs of Bengaluru, ensuring a stable water supply for the growing city.
    • Concerns about environmental impact and ecosystem disruption: Critics raise concerns about the potential environmental impact of constructing the dam and reservoir. They highlight potential disruptions to local ecosystems and the natural flow of the river.
    • Evaluating the economic viability of the project: Given the significant estimated cost of the Mekedatu project, there is a need to evaluate its cost-effectiveness and long-term economic viability, considering factors such as funding sources, returns on investment, and sustainable utilization of resources.

    Way forward

    • Importance of negotiation and finding common ground: The conflict surrounding the Mekedatu project emphasizes the importance of dialogue, negotiations, and finding mutually acceptable solutions that address the concerns of both Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.
    • Role of the Supreme Court and other mediators in resolving conflicts: The involvement of the Supreme Court and other mediators can play a crucial role in facilitating discussions, mediating conflicts, and reaching a resolution that adheres to legal frameworks and considers the interests of both states.
    • Promoting inter-state cooperation for sustainable water management: The dispute underscores the need for robust inter-state cooperation and collaboration on water management issues. It is crucial to ensure sustainable and equitable utilization of shared water resources, respect legal frameworks, and address the concerns of all stakeholders involved.

     

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  • Unconstitutional Expansion of Delhi’s Government Authority

    Central Idea

    • The recent promulgation of The Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi (Amendment) Ordinance, 2023 by the President of India has sparked a debate concerning the scope of the Supreme Court’s verdict and the constitutionality of the ordinance.

    Court’s Verdict and interpretations

    • In interpreting Article 239AA(3)(a), the Court ruled:
    1. It determined that the Legislative Assembly of the NCT Delhi has the authority with the exception
    2. The Court clarified that the executive power of the NCTD is co-extensive with its legislative power, encompassing all matters within its legislative jurisdiction.
    3. It established that the Union of India has executive power over three entries in List II, which the NCTD does not have legislative competence
    • Court’s verdict: Based on these interpretations, the Court concluded that the executive power over services falls exclusively under the Government of the NCTD. This interpretation aligns with the language of Article 239AA(3)(a) of the Constitution.
    • However, the subsequent ordinance promulgated by the President on May 19, through the exercise of legislative power under Article 123, expanded the scope of excepted matters in Article 239AA(3)(a).

    Facts for prelims

    Article Description
    Article 123 Empowers the President to issue ordinances during Parliament’s recess.
    Article 239 Deals with the administration of Union Territories.
    Article 239A Provides for the creation of a Legislative Assembly for the Union Territory of Delhi.
    Article 239AA Contains special provisions for the Union Territory of Delhi, including the establishment of a Legislative Assembly and governance structure.
    Article 368 Outlines the procedure for amending the Constitution.
    Article 144 Deals with the binding nature of the Supreme Court’s judgments on all courts and authorities in India.
    Article 213 Empowers the Governor of a state to promulgate ordinances during the recess of the state legislature.

    Why the constitutionality of the ordinance in this regard is highly questionable?

    • Bypassing the constitutional amendment process: The ordinance expanded the scope of excepted matters in Article 239AA(3)(a). However, such an expansion would require a constitutional amendment under Article 368. By utilizing Article 123, which grants legislative power during the period of Parliament’s recess, instead of following the constitutional amendment process, the ordinance may be considered unconstitutional.
    • Limits of legislative power: The power conferred on Parliament under Article 239AA(3)(b) is to make fresh laws, not to directly amend Article 239AA(3)(a) of the Constitution. Therefore, altering the scope of Article 239AA(3)(a) would require a constitutional amendment under Article 368.
    • Colorable exercise of power: By expanding the scope of excepted matters without amending the Constitution through the appropriate procedure, the ordinance may be seen as a colorable exercise of power. It is essential to adhere to the constitutional amendment process to ensure the validity and legitimacy of legislative actions.

    Implications of the Court’s Judgment

    • Binding nature: When a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court declares or interprets the law, its decision becomes binding on all courts and authorities in India according to Articles 141 and 144, respectively. The Court’s interpretation of Article 239AA(3)(a), which affirmed the exclusive executive power of the Government of the National Capital Territory of Delhi (NCTD) over services, is legally binding on all courts and authorities. This means that the government and other entities must adhere to this interpretation.
    • Limits on executive power: The Court’s verdict clarified the extent of executive power held by the NCTD and the Union of India. This delineation of executive power sets clear boundaries and ensures a proper division of responsibilities between the NCTD and the Union government.
    • Requirement of constitutional amendment: The Court’s verdict highlighted the need for a constitutional amendment to alter the scope of Article 239AA(3)(a) and expanding the exceptions in Article 239AA(3)(a) would require a constitutional amendment under Article 368. This reaffirms the importance of adhering to the constitutional amendment process to ensure the integrity and legitimacy of any changes made to the Constitution.
    • Questioning the validity of the ordinance: The Court’s judgment raises questions about the validity of the subsequent ordinance promulgated by the President. The ordinance, which expanded the scope of excepted matters in Article 239AA(3)(a), may be deemed unconstitutional.

    Conclusion

    • The Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi (Amendment) Ordinance, 2023 raises constitutional concerns. Its expansion of excepted matters without a constitutional amendment is likely to be struck down. The ordinance is void ab initio and represents a colorable exercise of power. Only Parliament, through proper amendment procedures, can alter the scope of Article 239AA(3)(a).

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    Power Struggle in Delhi: Balancing Democracy, Governance, and Accountability

     

  • Power Struggle in Delhi: Balancing Democracy, Governance, and Accountability

    Power Struggle

    Central Idea

    • In recent times, we have witnessed a significant development in the power struggle between the Delhi government and the Central government. The Supreme Court’s unanimous recognition of the Delhi government’s control over administrative services marked an emancipation of the people’s will. However, the subsequent promulgation of an ordinance by the Central government to nullify the court’s decision has subverted the Delhi government’s power and handed it back to Central government appointees.

    The Delhi government’s struggle for control

    • Stripping of Control: In 2015, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs took away the elected Delhi government’s control over administrative services and handed it to the Lieutenant Governor (LG), an appointee of the Union government. This decision severely impeded the functioning of the Delhi government.
    • Day-to-Day Problems: The transfer of control over services resulted in day-to-day problems in the functioning of important departments. Secretaries were frequently changed, leading to a lack of continuity, vision, and efficiency in governance.
    • Frequent Transfers of Officials: The Delhi government witnessed frequent transfers of officials, hindering their ability to familiarize themselves with the departments they were working in. This constant reshuffling minimized the potential for effective governance and hindered the government’s relief efforts during crises like the COVID-19 pandemic.
    • Lack of Functional Control: As the elected government had no functional control over services, it faced challenges in punishing errant officers and addressing issues such as vacancies, vigilance enquiries, and corruption cases. The government also witnessed a high number of vacancies in crucial positions due to mismanagement by the Lieutenant Governor.
    • Conflicting Directives: Officials faced a dilemma in following directives as they felt duty-bound to honor the will of the elected government expressed by the people, while also staying under the functional control of the LG. This created confusion and hindered effective decision-making.
    • Lack of Answerability: The Services Department, under the control of the LG, refused to answer questions raised by Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) in the Vidhan Sabha. This limited transparency and accountability, preventing MLAs from obtaining crucial information related to vacancies, corruption cases, and other issues.
    • Penalization of Officials: Honest and efficient officials were often penalized for their merits and subjected to punishment postings. This created an environment of uncertainty and discouraged officials from performing their duties effectively.

    The Supreme Court’s intervention in the Delhi government’s struggle for control

    • Recognition of Delhi Government’s Control: The Supreme Court, in a landmark decision, recognized the control of the Delhi government over administrative services. A five-judge Bench unanimously upheld the government’s authority, ensuring that decisions on appointments and transfers would be made by the elected government.
    • Restoration of Chain of Accountability: The Court’s judgment restored the chain of accountability involving the people, the legislature, the government, and the bureaucracy. It reinforced the principle that elected governments have the power to govern and make decisions regarding the bureaucracy.
    • Empowerment of the Elected Government: The Supreme Court’s decision empowered the elected Delhi government to make appointments and transfers based on performance and merit. It allowed the government to take action against errant officials and implement its policies effectively.
    • Efficient and Compassionate Bureaucracy: The Court’s ruling paved the way for an efficient, honest, responsive, accountable, and compassionate bureaucracy. It provided clarity on the roles and responsibilities of officials, enabling them to work towards the development of Delhi and the welfare of its people.
    • Clarification on Services Department: The Court’s intervention brought clarity regarding the Services Department, which had previously refused to answer questions raised by MLAs in the Vidhan Sabha. The judgment ensured that the elected government had functional control over the department, enabling transparency and answerability.
    • Encouragement for Overhauling the Bureaucracy: The Delhi government, empowered by the Court’s decision, planned to overhaul the bureaucracy. It sought to establish a skilled administration model, leveraging the success of its health and education models.

    The significance of the Supreme Court judgment

    • Upholding Democratic Principles: The Supreme Court judgment recognizing the control of the Delhi government over administrative services upholds democratic principles. It affirms the importance of elected governments in decision-making and governance, ensuring that the will of the people expressed through their votes is respected.
    • Restoration of Accountability: The judgment restores the chain of accountability involving the people, the legislature, the government, and the bureaucracy. It clarifies the roles and responsibilities of the elected government and the bureaucracy, fostering transparency and answerability.
    • Empowering Elected Government: By recognizing the control of the elected Delhi government, the Court empowers the government to make appointments and transfers based on performance. It enables the government to take action against errant officials and implement its policies effectively, leading to improved governance.
    • Strengthening Good Governance: The judgment paves the way for an efficient, honest, and responsive bureaucracy. It ensures that officials work towards the development of Delhi and the welfare of its people. It promotes vision, consistency, and efficiency in governance, fostering good governance practices

    Impact of the ordinance issued by the Central government on the power dynamics in Delhi

    • Shift of Control: The ordinance has effectively shifted control over services in Delhi back to the Lieutenant Governor (LG), appointed by the Central government. This overturns the Supreme Court’s decision recognizing the control of the elected Delhi government over administrative services. It diminishes the authority of the elected government and centralizes power in the hands of the LG.
    • Undermining Democratic Process: The ordinance undermines the democratic process by disregarding the elected government’s role in matters of services. It reduces the value of the citizen’s vote and weakens the accountability of officers to the elected representatives. This move goes against the principles of cooperative federalism and disempowers opposition-run governments.
    • Disruption of Policy Implementation: The ordinance hampers the implementation of policies and initiatives by the elected government. It allows the LG to exercise sole discretion in matters of services, potentially leading to conflicting views and hindrances in executing the government’s policies. This can result in delays, inefficiencies, and a lack of coordination in governance.
    • Disempowerment of Elected Government: The ordinance disempowers the elected Delhi government by granting the LG significant decision-making powers. It limits the government’s ability to appoint officers who align with its policies and goals, undermining the concept of an accountable and responsive administration.
    • Potential for Discord and Inefficiency: The ordinance introduces the possibility of discord between the LG and the elected government, as the LG can veto the Chief Minister’s views. This can create conflicts and hinder effective decision-making and cooperation between the two entities. The lack of coordination and cooperation can lead to bureaucratic delays, inefficiencies, and an inability to address the needs of the people.
    • Centralization of Power: The ordinance reflects a trend of centralizing power in the hands of the Central government and the LG. It institutionalizes the use of the Governor/LG position to undermine democratically elected non-BJP governments and weaken their authority. This concentration of power challenges the principles of federalism and decentralization.

    Power Struggle

    Facts for prelims

    The constitutional provisions related to the ordinance powers

    • Article 123: It grants the President of India the power to issue ordinances during the recess of Parliament. The President can promulgate ordinances when both Houses of Parliament are not in session if they deem it necessary to take immediate action. The ordinances have the same force and effect as an act of Parliament but must be laid before both Houses for approval.
    • Article 213: It grants similar powers to the Governor of a state to issue ordinances during the recess of the state legislature. The Governor can promulgate ordinances when the state legislature is not in session if they believe it is necessary to take immediate action. Like in the case of the President, the ordinances issued by the Governor must be laid before the state legislature for approval.
    • Article 123(3) and Article 213(3): These provisions require that any ordinance promulgated by the President or the Governor, respectively, must be laid before both Houses of Parliament or the state legislature, as the case may be, as soon as it reconvenes. The ordinance ceases to operate if it is not approved within a specified period or if both Houses pass resolutions disapproving it.
    • Article 213(2)(a): This provision states that an ordinance issued by the Governor will have the same force and effect as an act of the state legislature but is subject to the power of the state legislature to pass an act inconsistent with the ordinance

    The way forward

    • Respect for Judicial Decisions: It is crucial for all stakeholders to respect and abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court. Upholding the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary is essential for a functioning democracy. Any further legal challenges should be pursued through proper legal channels.
    • Dialogue and Collaboration: It is important for the Central government and the elected Delhi government to engage in constructive dialogue and collaboration. Both entities should work towards finding common ground and resolving their differences through discussions and negotiations. This will help establish a cooperative and inclusive approach to governance.
    • Clarity on Roles and Responsibilities: There should be a clear delineation of roles and responsibilities between the elected government and the Lieutenant Governor. This will help avoid conflicts and ensure effective coordination in decision-making and policy implementation. Establishing transparent guidelines for the exercise of power and cooperation is essential.
    • Strengthening Cooperative Federalism: Both the Central government and state governments, including the government of Delhi, should uphold the principles of cooperative federalism. This involves respecting the autonomy and authority of elected state governments and promoting meaningful collaboration for the benefit of the people.
    • Effective Governance Mechanisms: Efforts should be made to establish effective governance mechanisms that promote transparency, accountability, and efficiency. This includes streamlining administrative processes, ensuring timely appointments and transfers, and implementing performance-based evaluation systems for officials.
    • Public Participation and Engagement: Engaging the public in decision-making processes and policy formulation can foster a sense of ownership and enhance the quality of governance. Platforms for public participation, such as citizen feedback mechanisms and public consultations, should be established to ensure the voices of the people are heard.
    • Strengthening Institutions: The strengthening of democratic institutions, including the judiciary and administrative bodies, is crucial. Upholding their independence, ensuring merit-based appointments, and promoting professionalism and accountability within these institutions will contribute to effective governance.
    • Focus on Development and Welfare: Irrespective of the power dynamics, the primary focus should be on the development and welfare of the people of Delhi. Efforts should be made to deliver essential services, address pressing issues, and implement policies that cater to the needs and aspirations of the citizens.

    Conclusion

    • The battle for control in Delhi between the elected government and the Central government has witnessed both the emancipation and subversion of the people’s will. It is crucial for all parties involved to prioritize the well-being of the citizens and work together to establish a cooperative and inclusive governance framework. By doing so, Delhi can overcome the challenges posed by the power struggle and strive towards effective governance that caters to the needs and aspirations of its people.

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    Also read:

    Governor’s Constitutional Limits: A Resolution to President

  • In news: Krishna Water Dispute

    krishna

    Central Idea

    • The dispute over the water share of the Krishna River between Andhra Pradesh (AP) and Telangana has remained unresolved for nine years since the bifurcation of the combined state.

    About Krishna River

    Explanation
    Origin Mahabaleshwar, Maharashtra
    Length Approximately 1,400 km
    States swept Maharashtra, Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh
    Tributaries Tungabhadra, Bhima, Ghataprabha, Malaprabha, Musi
    Significance Irrigation, hydropower, drinking water
    Basin Approximately 2,59,000 sq km
    Dams Srisailam, Nagarjuna Sagar, Almatti, Koyna
    Delta Forms fertile delta in Bay of Bengal

     

    What is Krishna Water Dispute?

    • The dispute dates back to the formation of AP in November 1956.
    • Before the formation of AP, a Gentlemen’s Agreement was signed in February 1956 by four senior leaders from different regions of Andhra.
    • The agreement aimed to protect Telangana’s interests and ensure equitable distribution of water resources based on global treaties.
    • However, the focus on irrigation facilities favored Andhra, which had existing systems developed by the British at the expense of drought-prone areas in Telangana.

    Resolution achieved till now

    (1) Bachawat tribunal

    • In 1969, the Bachawat Tribunal (KWDT-I) was established to settle the water share dispute among Maharashtra, Karnataka, and AP (before bifurcation).
    • The Tribunal allocated 811 tmcft (thousand million cubic feet) of dependable water to AP.
    • The water was later divided in a 512:299 tmcft ratio between Andhra and Telangana, respectively, based on the command area developed by each region.
    • The Tribunal recommended diverting water from the Tungabhadra Dam to the drought-prone Mahabubnagar area of Telangana, but this recommendation was not implemented, leading to discontent.

    (2) Water-sharing arrangement after bifurcation

    • The AP Reorganisation Act, 2014, did not mention water shares, as the KWDT-I Award was still in force and had not specified region-wise allocations.
    • In 2015, the two states agreed to an ad hoc arrangement of sharing water in a 34:66 ratio (Telangana: Andhra) during a meeting convened by the Ministry of Water Resources.
    • The arrangement was supposed to be reviewed annually.
    • The Act focused on the establishment of the Krishna River Management Board (KRMB) and the Godavari River Management Board (GRMB) for water resource management.

    Claims by each state

    • Telangana argues that it is entitled to a minimum of 70% share in the allocation of the 811 tmcft based on global practices and basin parameters.
    • Telangana highlights how AP diverts around 300 tmcft of water from within the basin, affecting drought-prone areas in Telangana.
    • AP also claims a higher share of water to protect the interests of already developed command areas.

    Centre’s position

    • The Centre convened two meetings of the Apex Council in 2016 and 2020, involving the Union Minister and Chief Ministers of Telangana and AP, but no substantial progress was made.
    • In 2020, following a suggestion by the Ministry of Jal Shakti (MoJS), Telangana withdrew its petition from the Supreme Court with the assurance that the matter would be referred to a Tribunal.
    • However, the Centre has not taken any action on the issue for over two years, while the two states continue to engage in ongoing disputes.

    Way Forward

    Considering the prolonged dispute and the failure to reach a resolution, it is crucial for all stakeholders to take proactive steps. The following measures could be considered:

    • Mediation: Appoint an independent body or mediator to facilitate negotiations between the two states and assist in finding a fair and mutually agreeable solution.
    • Scientific assessment: Conduct a comprehensive scientific assessment of the basin parameters, water requirements, and the impact of existing water utilization practices to inform the allocation of water shares.
    • Public awareness: Raise public awareness about the importance of water conservation, efficient utilization, and sustainable practices to reduce the overall demand for water resources.
    • Implementation of recommendations: Act upon the recommendations of previous tribunals and committees to ensure equitable distribution of water resources and address the grievances of both states.
    • More deliberations: Foster a spirit of cooperation and collaboration between AP and Telangana to jointly manage and sustainably utilize the Krishna River water resources for the benefit of both regions.

    It is crucial for the central government to play an active role in facilitating dialogue, providing necessary support, and expediting the resolution process to ensure a fair and just outcome for all parties involved.

     

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  • Rebuilding the Idea and Reality of Manipur

    Manipur

    Central Idea

    • The recent communal riots in Manipur have led to unprecedented human displacement, loss of lives and property, and destruction of the geopolitical foundations of Manipur beyond any immediate repair. To secure future stability and peace, there is a need to confront the truth about the nature of these riots and their principal cause and take adequate measures to ensure institutional accountability, recognition, and accommodation of distinctive rights and identities.

    What is the principal cause?

    • The principal cause of the riots in Manipur is the failure of the state government to recognize and accommodate the territorial rights and identities of the different communities in the state.
    • The state’s aggressive integrationist project, which seeks to dissolve tribal land rights in the valley areas, has been a major source of tension between the Meitei and tribal communities.
    • Additionally, the lack of functional sub-state asymmetrical institutions and the weakness of the state-society model have contributed to the instability and ethnic security dilemma in the state.

    Who are the Meiteis?

    • Largest community: The Meiteis are the largest community in Manipur.
    • Community’s Language: They speak the Meitei language (officially called Manipuri), one of the 22 official languages of India and the sole official language of Manipur State.
    • Geographical Distribution: Manipur is geographically divided into the Imphal Valley and the surrounding hills. The Imphal Valley is dominated by the Meitei community, which accounts for more than 64% of the population. The hills, which comprise 90% of Manipur’s geographical area, are inhabited by more than 35% recognized tribes, which are largely Christians.
    • Major Festivals: festivals of meiteis are Lai Haraoba, Cheiraoba, Yaosang among others. Also, The Manipuri martial art Thang-ta had its origin in the Meitei knights during the king’s rule.

    Need for recognition and accommodation: Illustration

    • Recognition of territorial rights: The stability and integrity of a pillarized society like Manipur can only be secured through recognition of territorial rights and identities of all communities. This means recognizing the land rights and heritage of the Meiteis and the tribals in the hills.
    • Substantive accommodation: In addition to recognition, it is necessary to provide substantive accommodation to different communities. This can involve granting tribal communities more autonomy in decision-making and representation in government.
    • Genuine dialogue: Accommodation requires genuine dialogue between communities that is based on mutual respect and a willingness to compromise. This is crucial for building trust and reducing tensions.
    • End of aggressive integrationist projects: The idea that one community should dominate others must be replaced with a more inclusive approach that values diversity and recognizes the rights of all communities.
    • Working institutions: Accommodation requires that institutions function effectively and equitably. The weak state-society model in Manipur needs to be strengthened and institutional trust and legitimacy must be restored.
    • Respect for differences: Recognition and accommodation require a respect for differences and a commitment to finding common ground. This can be facilitated by an appreciation of the historical pedigree of extant sub-State constitutional asymmetry and a willingness to address the concerns of all communities.

    Way ahead: Steps to promote State-building

    • Strengthening state institutions: The state government should focus on building strong and effective institutions that can deliver basic services to citizens, maintain law and order, and protect the rights of all communities. This could involve reforming the police force, improving the efficiency of the bureaucracy, and strengthening the judiciary.
    • Promoting inclusivity: The state government should ensure that all communities, including tribal and non-tribal groups, have equal access to government services and are included in the political process. This could involve implementing affirmative action policies and promoting dialogue between different communities.
    • Improving infrastructure: The state government should invest in improving infrastructure, including roads, water supply, and electricity, to promote economic growth and development. This could help reduce poverty and inequality and improve the quality of life for all citizens.
    • Addressing grievances: The state government should address the grievances of different communities, including land rights issues, to build trust and promote peace. This could involve setting up a judicial commission to investigate past violence and ensure accountability for those responsible.
    • Building regional partnerships: The state government should work with other states in the region and the central government to promote regional cooperation and address common challenges. This could involve promoting trade and investment, sharing resources, and collaborating on regional security issues.

    Facts for prelims: Major tribes of Manipur

    • Naga Tribes: The Nagas are one of the largest and most prominent tribes in Manipur. They are primarily concentrated in the hill areas of the state, and are known for their distinct culture and traditions.
    • Kuki Tribes: The Kukis are another major tribe in Manipur, and are also primarily concentrated in the hill areas. They are known for their love of music and dance, and have a rich cultural heritage.
    • Meitei Tribe: The Meitei are the dominant community in the valley areas of Manipur, and have their own distinct language and culture. They are known for their love of traditional sports such as Thang Ta (a form of martial arts) and Sagol Kangjei (a game similar to polo).
    • Hmar Tribe: The Hmars are a smaller tribe in Manipur, but are still an important part of the state’s cultural fabric. They are known for their traditional dance forms, such as the Cheraw and Chheihlam
    • Zomi Tribe: The Zomis are another smaller tribe in Manipur, but are spread across several states in Northeast India. They are known for their love of music and dance, and have a rich cultural heritage.
    • Pangal Tribe: The Pangal tribe, also known as the Manipuri Muslims, is a minority community in Manipur. They have a distinct culture and language and are primarily concentrated in the valley region.
    • Anal Tribe: The Anal tribe is a smaller ethnic group in Manipur and is primarily concentrated in the hill areas. They have a unique culture and are known for their traditional dress, dance, and music.

    Conclusion

    • Serious and concerted inter-community reconciliation efforts must be initiated immediately if Manipur as an inclusive idea and a geopolitical space of accommodation were to be revived. Any prolonged conflagrations will be mutually destructive and self-defeating. The government must adopt even-handedness in its dealing with diverse communities and must not cave into the pressure of the majority in the future.

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    Also Read:

    Private: Manipur Ethnic Violence

  • Assam- Arunachal Pradesh Border Dispute

    • assam

    Central idea

    • Ahave had a long-standing border dispute over 123 villages that are located in 12 districts of Arunachal and 8 districts of Assam.
    • On April 21, 2022, an MoU was signed between the two states to resolve the dispute.

    Genesis of the dispute

    • The border dispute between Arunachal Pradesh and Assam has around 1,200 points of conflict along their 804 km boundary, which began in the 1970s and intensified in the 1990s.
    • The issue goes back to 1873 when the British government introduced the inner-line permit, vaguely separating the plains from the frontier hills.
    • In 1954, the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA) was formed, and 3,648 sq. km of the “plain” area of Balipara and Sadiya foothills was transferred to the Darrang and Lakhimpur districts of Assam based on the 1951 report.
    • Arunachal has been celebrating its statehood with an eye on China since 1987, and its people living in the transferred patches have been resentful, claiming that the transfer was done arbitrarily.
    • However, their counterparts in Assam say the 1951 demarcation is constitutional and legal.

    Past efforts to resolve the border issue

    • Several efforts were made in the past to resolve the border dispute between Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.
    • In 1979, a high-powered tripartite committee was constituted to delineate the boundary, and around 489 km of the 800 km were demarcated by 1983-84.
    • Further demarcation could not take place because Arunachal Pradesh did not accept the recommendations.
    • The apex court appointed a local boundary commission in 2006 to resolve the dispute. However, nothing came of it.

    Process leading up to the signing of the MoU

    • Assam CM and Arunachal CM commenced CM-level talks over the border issue on January 24, 2022.
    • In their second meeting on April 20, 2022, they made key decisions.
    • The border issues between both the states would be confined to a list of 123 villages which Arunachal Pradesh had claimed before the Local Commission in 2007.
    • A boundary line delineated by the high-powered tripartite committee in 1980 would be taken as the notified boundary, and all realignment would be done in relation to it.
    • Both states would set up 12 regional committees covering the 12 districts of Arunachal Pradesh and the 8 counterpart districts of Assam for joint verification of the 123 villages.

    Extent to which the issue has been resolved

    • The MoU has resolved the dispute over 34 villages.
    • The village boundaries of 49 of the remaining villages are unresolved.
    • The MoU states that in these, the Regional Committees will finalize the boundaries within a period of six months “through continuous dialogue.”

     

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  • What is Article 371F?

    371

    Former Sikkim CM claimed that the Sikkimese people feel betrayed as Article 371F, which guarantees special provisions for Sikkim, was “violated”.

    What is Article 371F?

    • Article 371F is a special provision in the Constitution of India that was created to provide for the unique status of Sikkim, a state located in the northeastern part of India.
    • Sikkim was an independent kingdom until 1975, when it became the 22nd state of India.
    • Article 371F was included in the Constitution to ensure that Sikkim’s distinct identity and cultural heritage were protected and preserved after its merger with India.

    Special provisions for Sikkim

    Under Article 371F, Sikkim has been granted several special provisions that are not available to other states in India. Some of the key provisions of Article 371F are:

    • Protection of Sikkimese people: Only the descendants of Sikkim subjects (those who lived in the state before its merger with India) whose names were mentioned in the 1961 register are considered Sikkimese and are entitled to certain benefits, such as the right to own land and get state government jobs. They are also exempted from paying income tax.
    • Legislative powers: The Governor of Sikkim has special powers with respect to the Sikkim Legislative Assembly, including the power to nominate one member to the Assembly and the power to give his or her assent to certain bills.
    • Constitutional safeguards: Certain constitutional safeguards have been provided to the people of Sikkim to protect their distinct identity and cultural heritage.
    • Formation of Committees: The Central Government has the power to appoint a committee of experts to advise on matters related to Sikkim, and the State Government can also appoint committees to examine issues related to the protection of Sikkim’s unique identity.

    Why in news?

    • The Financial Bill, 2023 redefined Sikkimese as any Indian citizen domiciled in Sikkim, which would extend these benefits to a broader population.
    • This move is seen as a violation of Article 371F, which was the basis for Sikkim’s merger with India in 1975.

    Concerns highlighted

    • The leader claimed that the people of Sikkim feel betrayed by the violation of Article 371F.
    • He alleged that Sikkim has become a hotbed for political violence.
    • He claimed that unrest in a sensitive border state like Sikkim is not good for national security.

    Back2Basics: Article 371

    • It is a provision in the Constitution of India that grants special provisions and autonomy to certain states in India.
    • It is a set of temporary and transitional provisions that were included in the Constitution to address the specific needs and aspirations of various regions and communities in the country.
    • The provisions of Article 371 differ from state to state, depending on the specific needs and demands of the region. For instance:
    1. Maharashtra and Gujarat: Article 371 provides for special provisions for the states of Maharashtra and Gujarat, which grants certain rights and privileges to the people of the Marathi-speaking areas of Maharashtra and the Gujarati-speaking areas of Gujarat.
    2. Nagaland: Article 371A provides for special provisions and autonomy for the state of Nagaland. It grants the Nagaland Legislative Assembly special powers with respect to lawmaking, and prohibits outsiders from acquiring land in the state.
    3. Assam: Article 371B provides for special provisions for the state of Assam, which includes the establishment of a regional council for the state and grants the council certain legislative and executive powers.
    4. Manipur: Article 371C provides for special provisions for the state of Manipur. It gives the Manipur Legislative Assembly the power to enact laws related to land, forests, and minerals, and also provides for the protection of the rights of the hill tribes in the state.
    5. Andhra Pradesh: Article 371D provides for the establishment of a special committee to oversee the development of backward regions in the state of Andhra Pradesh.
    • The provisions are aimed at promoting the development and welfare of the people in these states, while preserving their unique cultural and linguistic identity.

     

     

  • What is Model Code of Conduct?

    model

    The Election Commission of India announced the date for Karnataka Assembly elections.  Hence the model code of conduct comes into the picture.

    Model Code of Conduct

    • It is a set of guidelines issued by ECI to regulate political parties and candidates before elections.
    • The rules range from issues related to speeches, polling day, polling booths, portfolios, content of election manifestos, processions and general conduct so that free and fair elections are conducted.

    When does it come into effect?

    • According to the PIB, a version of the MCC was first introduced in the state assembly elections in Kerala in 1960.
    • It was largely followed by all parties in the 1962 elections and continued to be followed in subsequent general elections.
    • In October 1979, the EC added a section to regulate the ‘party in power’ and prevent it from gaining an unfair advantage at the time of elections.
    • The MCC comes into force from the date the election schedule is announced until the date that results are out.

    Restrictions imposed under MCC

    The MCC contains eight provisions dealing with general conduct, meetings, processions, polling day, polling booths, observers, the party in power, and election manifestos.

    For Governments

    • As soon as the code kicks in, the party in power whether at the Centre or in the States should ensure that it does not use its official position for campaigning.
    • Hence, no policy, project or scheme can be announced that can influence the voting behaviour.
    • The code also states that the ministers must not combine official visits with election work or use official machinery for the same.
    • The ruling government cannot make any ad-hoc appointments in Government, Public Undertakings etc. which may influence the voters.
    • Political parties or candidates can be criticised based only on their work record and no caste and communal sentiments can be used to lure voters.

    For Political Parties

    • The party must also avoid advertising at the cost of the public exchequer or using official mass media for publicity on achievements to improve chances of victory in the elections.
    • The ruling party also cannot use government transport or machinery for campaigning.
    • It should also ensure that public places such as maidans etc., for holding election meetings, and facilities like the use of helipads are provided to the opposition parties on the same terms and conditions on which they are used by the party in power.

    Campaigning

    • Holding public meetings during the 48-hour period before the hour fixed for the closing of the poll is also prohibited.
    • The 48-hour period is known as “election silence”.
    • The idea is to allow a voter a campaign-free environment to reflect on events before casting her vote
    • The issue of advertisement at the cost of public exchequer in the newspapers and other media is also considered an offence.
    • Mosques, Churches, Temples or any other places of worship should not be used for election propaganda. Bribing, intimidating or impersonation of voters is also barred.

    Is it legally binding?

    • The fact is the MCC evolved as part of the ECI’s drive to ensure free and fair elections and was the result of a consensus among major political parties.
    • It has no statutory backing. Simply put, this means anybody breaching the MCC can’t be proceeded against under any clause of the Code..
    • The EC uses moral sanction or censure for its enforcement.

    What if violated?

    • The ECI can issue a notice to a politician or a party for alleged breach of the MCC either on its own or based on a complaint by another party or individual.
    • Once a notice is issued, the person or party must reply in writing either accepting fault and tendering an unconditional apology or rebutting the allegation.
    • In the latter case, if the person or party is found guilty subsequently, he/it can attract a written censure from the ECI — something that many see as a mere slap on the wrist.
    • However, in extreme cases, like a candidate using money/liquor to influence votes or trying to divide voters in the name of religion or caste, the ECI can also order registration of a criminal case under IPC or IT Act.
    • In case of a hate speech, a complaint can be filed under the IPC and CrPC; there are laws against the misuse of a religious place for seeking votes, etc.

    Using powers under Art. 324

    • The Commission rarely resorts to punitive action to enforce MCC, there is one recent example when unabated violations forced EC’s hand.
    • During the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, the EC had banned a leader and now party president from campaigning to prevent them from further vitiating the poll atmosphere with their speeches.
    • The Commission resorted to its extraordinary powers under Article 324 of the Constitution to impose the ban.
    • It was only lifted once the leaders apologised and promised to operate within the Code.

    What if given Statutory Backing?

    • Both the ECI and several independent experts, believe that giving statutory backing to the MCC would only make the job of the Commission more difficult.
    • This is because every alleged offence will then have to go to an appropriate court, and right up to the Supreme Court.
    • Given the flaws of our legal system, election petitions filed decades ago are still pending before many High Courts — it is anybody’s guess what that situation might lead to.

  • Intra-national COP: An innovative approach of cooperation

    national

    Context

    • India revised its target to reduce the carbon intensity of its GDP to 45 percent by 2030, more ambitious than the earlier target of 34 percent. These National carbon emission targets were globally appreciated and have further strengthened its leadership position in climate action.

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    Spirit of cooperative federalism is needed to achieve this target

    • In order to effectively address climate change, India needs to involve all of its states and Union Territories. During recent climate summits, the states and UTs have not been active participants.
    • A new approach to cooperation between states and UTs on climate action is needed, similar to the cooperation used in the implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST). This will lead to better results in public sector actions to tackle climate change.

    Role of states

    • Power of States and UTs: Provisions in the Constitution of India, legislations of the Parliament, executive orders, and judicial decisions enable states/UTs to have a substantial influence on matters pertaining to land, electricity, mobility, labour, pollution control, skill building, law and order, financial incentives for commercial activities, etc.
    • Role of States and UTs in Policy Implementation: States/UTs can become prime movers in the last mile through interventions in policy, regulation, and project implementation.
    • Potential of India’s Cooperative Federalism: During the ongoing winter session of Parliament, the Prime Minister of India also emphasised the potential of India’s cooperative federalism in becoming ‘a torch bearer of the world’ in achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) while addressing its Rajya Sabha.

    How India’s model of ‘Intranational COP’ will work?

    • Utilizing GST council model for climate action: Climate action is a unifying theme, and creating a forum similar to the Goods and Services Taxes (GST) council, which created successful engagement models during the pan-India roll-out of GST, can be helpful.
    • Facilitating cross-party dialogue: This intra-country group, Intranational COP, can offer opportunities for sharing a stage across parties in a neutral setting where outcome-oriented conversations can take place.
    • Promoting cooperative and competitive federalism for Net Zero: It can kindle the friendly spirit of cooperative and competitive federalism with each state/UT committing to bolder actions towards net zero.
    • Measuring stakeholder performance through consensus building: It can potentially introduce new evaluation parameters for measuring the performance of stakeholders based on their ability to build consensus across boundaries while keeping aside their myopic and constricted vote-bank-centered politics.
    • Learning and Leveraging Best Practices: Climate change is a new and dynamic topic for all stakeholders. It is an equaliser where no state/UT has any inherent advantageous positions. States/UTs can learn best practices from each other to implement, achieve, and measure the outcomes of their actions.

    Electricity distribution: A case of cooperation

    • Today, though a project is conceived, financed, and implemented by central agencies, site-specific mobilisation of resources requires the active cooperation of the states/UTs.
    • An important case in point can be electricity distribution, where states can exponentially augment India’s clean energy ambitions.
    • Furthermore, they can directly support municipal corporations/village panchayats in innovating customised approaches for faster and inclusive adoption of national climate goals in line with the socioeconomic and cultural sensitivities of the region.

    ‘Intranational COP’ for common but differentiated responsibilities

    • Forum for addressing Climate Change within India: It is well-established that some parts of India are economically more developed as compared to others. This translates to the fact that the relatively more prosperous regions contribute more to India’s carbon emissions. Such states are better positioned to initially invest in expensive low-carbon technologies and disseminate them to achieve economies of scale.
    • Addressing Regional Imbalances in Carbon Emissions: IndiaCOP can can unleash creative mechanisms to offset regional imbalances while respecting local cultural sensitivities.
    • Platform for States/UTs to Forge Mutual Cooperation Agreements: It can provide a platform for states/UTs to forge MOUs that complement each other’s strengths while filling up the gaps in technical/financial/people resources. For e.g., small hilly states have good hydroelectric power potential, but they may lack financial wherewithal; states like Rajasthan have good solar energy potential but currently lack sufficient trained manpower, etc.

    Way ahead

    • Intranational COP can be a dedicated flagship platform to thrash out a national consensus on India’s climate goals and the means to achieve them. For example, the Finance Commission can play a role in allocating capital based on the climate actions and needs of states.
    • The mechanisms of climate funding and allocation, led by the Finance Commission, can be debated and agreed upon on this platform. Such a consensus will enjoy double legitimacy as it is arrived at collectively by the union and state/UT governments.

    Conclusion

    • The success of India’s model of “Intra-national COP” can become a template for federal nations across the world to engage with provincial/local governments with diverse socio-political and economic challenges. It can score a big win in promoting India’s soft power, especially as it takes on the presidency of the G20.

    Mains question

    Q. During recent climate summits, the states and UTs have not been active participants. In this backdrop how India’s model of Intra-national COP will be helpful?

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