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GS Paper: Government Scheme/Policies

  • Desh Ke Mentor Programme and the Controversy

    A controversy recently broke out after the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) recommended that the Delhi government suspend its flagship ‘Desh ke Mentor’ programme.

    What is the Desh Ke Mentor Programme?

    • The programme was launched in October 2021 and is aimed at connecting students in classes IX to XII with voluntary mentors.
    • People between the ages of 18 and 35 can sign up to be mentors through an app created by a team at the Delhi Technological University and will be connected with students based on mutual interests.
    • The mentorship entails regular phone calls for a minimum of two months, which can optionally be carried on for another four months.
    • The idea is for the young mentors to guide students through higher education and career options, preparation for higher education entrance exams, and dealing with the pressure of it all.

    How is a person selected to be a mentor?

    • The registration process takes place on the Desh ke Mentor app.
    • The volunteer has to fill in information about themselves such as their date of birth, education qualification, profession, organisation they work with and so on.
    • However, it is optional for them to upload any proof of identity.
    • Once the registration is complete, the mentor is connected to a set of children of the same gender as themselves whose interests align with theirs.
    • Students have to take parental consent before becoming a part of the programme.

    What are the concerns raised by the NCPCR regarding this process?

    • It has stated that assigning children to a mentor of the same gender as them does not necessarily assure their safety from abuse.
    • It has also expressed concern over the lack of police verification of the mentors.
    • It has a psychometric test which has not been scrutinized by professional practising experts.
    • It has also stated that limiting interactions to phone calls also does not ensure the safety of children since “child-related crime can be initiated through phone calls as well.”

    Back2Basics:  National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR)

    • The NCPCR is an Indian statutory body established by an Act of Parliament, the Commission for Protection of Child Rights (CPCR) Act, 2005.
    • It works under the aegis of the Ministry of Women and Child Development and began operational on 5 March 2007.
    • It works to ensure that all Laws, Policies, Programmes, and Administrative Mechanisms are in consonance with the Child Rights perspective as enshrined in the Constitution of India and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
    • As defined by the commission, a child includes a person up to the age of 18 years.

     

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  • The Personal Data Protection Bill conundrum

    Context

    The Joint Committee report on the Bill has failed to provide robust draft legislation ensuring the privacy of citizens.

    Background of the Personal Data Protection Bill

    •  The Puttaswamy judgment held that the right to privacy is a fundamental right.
    • The Puttaswamy judgment and the Justice B.N. Srikrishna committee report led to the Personal Data Protection Bill of 2019.
    • The Joint Committee report on the Bill has failed to provide a robust draft legislation ensuring the privacy of citizens.

    Issues with the Joint Committee report on Personal Data Protection Bill

    • Division into Government and private domains: The report has divided the digital world into two domains — government and private.
    • This division is based on the presumption that the question of right to privacy emerges only where operations and activities of private entities are concerned.
    • Exemption to government and government agencies: Clause 12 of the Bill provides exemptions for the government and government agencies and Clause 35 exempts government agencies from the entire Act itself. 
    • Clause 12, which says personal data can be processed without consent for the performance of any function of the state, is an umbrella clause that does not specify which ministries or departments will be covered.
    • The issue with the defining harm: The Bill says, “harm includes any observation or surveillance that is not reasonably expected by the data principal”.
    • This means if you install any software in your computer and the software violates the principle of privacy and data get leaked, the complaint of the data principal will not be legally tenable as the defence will be that ‘once you have installed the software, you should have reasonably expected this level of surveillance’.
    • The government can use these provisions as a means of control and surveillance.
    • The Committee has failed to provide formidable firewalls to protect the privacy of individuals and has also carved out a mechanism for government control over personal data.
    • Against the Supreme Court judgement: The provisions are ultra vires of the judgment on privacy.
    • Inclusion of non-personal data harms the economy:  By including non-personal data within the ambit of the Bill, the Joint Committee has put a huge compliance burden on the economy.
    • This will hit the MSME sector and small businesses harder as technical processes involving data-sharing are very expensive.
    • The government-constituted panel headed by S. Gopalkrishnan also opposed the idea of including non-personal data in the Bill.
    • Mandatory data localisation, it is estimated, will squeeze the economy by 0.7-1.7%.
    • Hamper the smooth cross-border flow of data: This may also invite similar measures by other sovereign countries which will hamper smooth cross-border flow of data.

    Concerns with the Data Protection Authority

    • For compliance with the provisions of the Act, a data protection authority (DPA) has to be appointed.
    • It is doubtful whether a single authority will be able to discharge so many functions in an efficient manner.
    • Concern with appointment: Unlike the Justice Srikrishna committee report which provided for a judicial overlook in the appointments of the DPA, the Bill entrusts the executive with the appointments.
    •  Although the Joint Committee report expanded the committee, the power to appoint the panelists vests with the Central government.
    • Lack of independence: Clause 86 says, “Authority should be bound by the directions of the Central Government under all cases and not just on questions of policy”.
    • This weakens its independence and gives the government excessive control.
    • Violation of federalism: There is internal data flow and the States are key stakeholders in the process.
    • Even if the proposed central authority issues directions to allow processing of data on the grounds of ‘public order’, it is important to note that ‘public order’ is an entry in the State List. 

    Consider the question “What are the issues with the provision in the Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019? Suggest the way forward.” 

    Conclusion

    The report has raised more questions than it has solved. At the time of passage of the Bill, loopholes must be plugged so that India can have a robust data protection law.

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  • [pib] Target Olympic Podium Scheme (TOPS)

    The Union Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports (MYAS) has approved the inclusion of Alpine Skiing athlete Mohammad Arif Khan in the Target Olympic Podium Scheme (TOPS) Core group.

    Target Olympic Podium Scheme

    • In order to improve India’s performance at the Olympics and Paralympics, the MYAS started the Target Olympic Podium Scheme (TOPS) in September 2014.
    • It includes foreign training, international competition, equipment, and coaching camp besides a monthly stipend of Rs. 50,000/- for each athlete.
    • It was particularly launched for India’s Olympic medal dream, at the 2016 (Rio) and 2020 (Tokyo) Olympics.

    How does it function?

    • The Mission Olympic Cell is a dedicated body created to assist the athletes who are selected under the TOP Scheme.
    • The MOC is under the Chairmanship of the Director-General, Sports Authority of India (DG, SAI).
    • The idea of the MOC is to debate, discuss and decide the processes and methods so that the athlete receives the best assistance.
    • The MOC also focuses on the selection, exclusion, and retention of athletes, coaches, training institutes that can receive TOPS assistance.

     

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  • What the NFHS data reveals about inequality in India

    Context

    The release of the NFHS data (and the Niti Aayog’s study on developing a multi-dimensional index of poverty — MPI) has led to a considerable amount of discussion, and justifiably so.

    Understanding the progress and development: MPI

    • The MPI is an Oxford-based initiative that develops an exclusive broadly non-monetary living standard index of poverty.
    • MPI indices are the third in the series of global studies on poverty.
    • Global studies on poverty: Global studies started with the World Bank’s income/consumption-based measure of absolute poverty.
    • The UN expanded the monetary index adding health and education indicators via the Human Development Index (HDI).

    Evolution of poverty over time

    • Like with the other poverty indices (World Bank and HDI), most information and useful policy analysis comes via a study of the inter-temporal evolution of poverty. 
    • Regional inequality: Ajit Ranade acknowledges that regional inequality has existed for some time, but he argues that poverty incidence across Indian states even as per the MPI is astoundingly unequal.
    • T N Ninan talks about the simultaneous existence of Africa’s Sahel region and the Philippines in India.
    • He finds that the two Indias are not getting any closer.
    • Indeed, India’s development trajectory has not been uniform, but the regional imbalance of development cannot be viewed at a fixed point in time.

    Analysing the NHFS data

    • A detailed examination of the summary statistics reported in the NFHS data (large and small states of India for the two years 2015-16 and 2019-21), reveals the opposite result.
    • Convergence: The analysis reveals remarkable convergence in living standards, a convergence possibly unparalleled in Indian history and in the space of just five years.
    • NFHS reports the averages for all states, and for 131 variables, for two years 2015-16 and 2020-21.
    • Seventeen of these 131 welfare indicators are used to construct indices under four classifications.
    • Improvement in lives of girls/women: The first classification concerns itself with the improvement in the lives of girls/women (five indicators, for example, sex ratio, fertility, female education).
    • Housing conditions: The second bucket consists of housing conditions (three indicators, for example, improved sanitation, clean fuel).
    • Children’s welfare: The third list consists of children’s welfare (four indicators such as adequate diet, stunting)
    • Women’s welfare: The fourth classification includes women’s empowerment (five indicators, for example, owning a house, less spousal violence).
    • Given that Niti Aayog’s report primarily relies on the NFHS-4, these findings can be used as the baseline scenario to evaluate the delta — that is, the per cent change in indicators between NFHS-4 and NFHS-5.
    • The table reports the results for several states.

    • Seventeen indicators imply a maximum possible score of 1,700.
    • Kerala performs the best with an aggregate index of 1,300 in NFHS-5 — a very small 1.5 per cent increase from its 2015-16 value.
    • In contrast, Bihar increases its index by 56 per cent.
    • Punjab does better than Tamil Nadu and today has a higher index – 1,240 versus 1,178 in 2020-21.
    • UP (along with Rajasthan and MP) performs the best — a 60 plus per cent increase in the welfare index, more than five times the increase in the rich states.

    Major findings from the NHFS data

    • Convergence: Higher improvement by less developed states is evidence in support of catch-up, which suggests that regional imbalances are reducing, and in some indicators, rapidly so.
    • States such as UP, Bihar and Jharkhand are fast approaching similar standards for select indicators as some of the “developed” states.
    • Result of targeted intervention: This acceleration in catch up is no coincidence, but rather an outcome of an approach that involves targeted interventions to improve developmental outcomes.
    • The approach was not just limited to sanitation, proper fuel or electricity — interventions that are targeted to an individual household — but also to the holistic development of an entire region.

    Consider the question “What does NHFS-5 data reveal about the inequality in India?”

    Conclusion

    India has been, and was, not one but several Indias. What is remarkable about its recent history is the rapid process of uneven change — where progress is considerably higher for the poorer states — the convergent, and inclusive pattern of development. That is the real story behind the NFHS-4 and NFHS-5 numbers.

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  • The politics-policy disconnect in India

    Context

    Decision-making on virtually all governance issues is disconnected from politics and the mobilisation of public opinion.

    Disconnect between politics and policy

    • The repeal of the farm laws is thus a notable instance of politics and policy coming together, although in conflict.
    • The Opposition speaking in one voice in the Parliament helped, but the heavy lifting of organising in the villages and sustaining the protests was done by the farmers’ groups.
    • This disconnect between politics and policy is not a recent development, though it manifests differently across political divides.
    • Policy-first lens and its implications: The liberal side has a policy-first lens but is unable to articulate its ideas in a manner which makes for good politics, repeatedly couching its ideas in a bureaucratic framework disconnected from political organisation.
    • Bureaucracy is downstream from politics and this approach rather than curbing the state may have instead contributed to undermining the democratic process of political accountability since the political class is, by design, not central to the policy in the first place.
    • A politics-first approach: The right, on its side, has a politics-first lens but it derives its politics largely from its social agenda instead of issues of governance.
    • The policy imperatives, if any, are ad hoc and appear to be driven by the demands of running the political apparatus instead of a clear governance agenda.
    • Despite these differences, what is common across parties is the apolitical harnessing of the state as a disburser of different kinds of economic largesse, especially just before elections, as political parties cast about for simple ideas for easy mass communication.

    Reasons for the breakdown of the process

    • Weakly institutionalised nature of state and politics: Indian politics and the state are weakly institutionalised to begin with, which leads to an all-around fuzziness in the relationship between politics and policy.
    • However, this is as much an effect as it is cause, with the direction of change towards greater deinstitutionalisation instead of the opposite.
    • Lack of consensus-building: Another contributing factor is that traditional sites of consensus-building such as media, civil society, and political parties have developed pathologies which have rendered sustained consensus-building almost impossible. 
    • Centralisation of power: The excessive centralisation of power in party platforms and the head of the government (state and national).
    • This renders the individual elected representative extraneous to governance even in their own constituency, where their function is to provide representation and oversight.

    Way forward

    • There’s too much at stake to allow such a state of affairs to continue.
    •  It is important to rescue public interest from partisanship and cut through at least some of the bad-faith crosstalk across partisan divides.
    • Cross-cutting collaboration: There are many issues which lend themselves to cross-cutting collaboration outside of ideological affiliations.
    • Need for reforms: Institutional reforms are required to create such a space but public-spirited individuals across political divides can lay the foundation for such collaboration through issue-based discipline, moderation and intellectual independence.

    Consider the question “There has been a growing disconnect in India between policy and politics. Examine the factors responsible for this. Suggest the way forward.”

    Conclusion

    We need to address the disconnect between policy and politics to make the functioning of democracy more meaningful for us.

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  • Duare Ration Scheme in West Bengal

    West Bengal CM has launched an ambitious “Duare Ration” Scheme.

    Duare Ration Scheme

    • The Scheme aims for providing food grains under the public distribution system (PDS) at the doorstep for the entire population of the State.
    • It aims to unload the person carrying huge chunk of food grains manually.
    • Vehicles will carry ration in a particular street or lane and employees of ration dealers will make the food grains available to the people near their residence.

    Key arrangements

    • The state govt would provide around 21,000 ration dealers with the financial assistance of ₹1 lakh each to purchase vehicles for delivering ration to people in this manner.
    • It also announced financial assistance to ration dealers to hire additional staff to make the scheme a success.

    Back2Basics: Public Distribution System

    • The PDS is an Indian food Security System established under the Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food, and Public Distribution.
    • PDS evolved as a system of management of scarcity through the distribution of food grains at affordable prices.
    • PDS is operated under the joint responsibility of the Central and State Governments.
    • The Central Government, through the Food Corporation of India (FCI), has assumed the responsibility for procurement, storage, transportation, and bulk allocation of food grains to the State Governments.
    • The operational responsibilities including allocation within the State, identification of eligible families, issue of Ration Cards and supervision of the functioning of Fair Price Shops (FPSs) etc., rest with the State Governments.
    • Under the PDS, presently the commodities namely wheat, rice, sugar and kerosene are being allocated to the States/UTs for distribution. Some States/UTs also distribute additional items of mass consumption through the PDS outlets such as pulses, edible oils, iodized salt, spices, etc.

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  • [pib] Digital India Land Record Modernization Program

    Union Minister for Rural Development and Panchayati Raj has recently held a workshop on Digital India Land Record Modernization Programme (DILRMP).

    About DILRMP

    • The DILRMP was previously known as the National Land Record Modernization Programme (NLRMP).
    • It was launched in 2008 with the purpose to digitize and modernizing land records and developing a centralized land record management system.
    • The DILRMP is the amalgamation of two projects:
    1. Computerization of Land Records (CLR)
    2. Strengthening of Revenue Administration and Updating of Land Records (SRA & ULR)
    • The district will be taken as the unit of implementation, where all activities under the programme will converge.

    Components of DILRMP

    The DILRMP has 3 major components

    1. Computerization of land record
    2. Survey/re-survey
    3. Computerization of Registration

    Key features: Unique Land Parcel Identification Numbers

    • It is just like the Aadhar Number of land parcels.
    • A unique ID based on Geo-coordinates of the parcels is generated and assigned to the plots.
    • This has been introduced to share the computerized digital land record data among different States/Sectors and a uniform system of assigning a unique ID to the land parcel across the country.

    Benefits offered

    The citizen is expected to benefit from DILRMP in one or more of the following ways;

    • Real-time land ownership records will be available to the citizen
    • Property owners will have free access to their records without any compromise in regard to the confidentiality of the information
    • Abolition of stamp papers and payment of stamp duty and registration fees through banks, etc. will also reduce interface with the Registration machinery
    • These records will be tamper-proof
    • This method will permit e-linkages to credit facilities

     

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  • Dalit capitalism and Dalit entrepreneurship

    Context

    In a departure from the fixation on traditional parameters for the study of Dalit rights and empowerment, there is now a focus on how market forces can be expanded to address social exclusion.

    How Dalit entrepreneurship can help in Dalit entrepreneurship

    • While entrepreneurship alone isn’t the panacea to caste-based exclusion or marginalisation, Dalit entrepreneurship is the new narrative changing the discourse of Dalit empowerment.
    • Entrepreneurship can shape access to rights and push against entrenched social hierarchies.
    • The circulation of material benefits and the relative autonomy that comes with entrepreneurship are added advantages.
    • As per the reports by the MSME ministry, Dalit-owned ventures are still minimal in terms of numbers as well as revenue.
    • To overcome hindrances to the establishment of networks across various social groups, Dalit entrepreneurs take recourse to their internal ties and use them to sustain their economic gains.
    • It is increasingly becoming clear that supporting Dalits entrepreneurs is integral to the nation’s inclusive development and this is why institutional aid is required in this regard.

    Steps taken so far

    • The District Industries Centre (DIC) stipulates that to nurture entrepreneurs, the government must increase the share of goods produced by Dalits in its procurement.
    • State financial corporations have also been instructed to increase financial support to Scheduled Caste entrepreneurs.
    • The Andhra Pradesh Industrial Infrastructure Corporation has allocated 16.2 per cent of plots to SC entrepreneurs, while the Small Industries Development Bank of India offers an additional subsidy to them.
    • One of the focussed financial interventions for SC/ST entrepreneurs is the Stand Up India initiative, guaranteeing credit up to Rs 1 crore.

    Challenges

    • Stand Up India initiative failed to deliver the expected results due to the unavailability of so-called eligible SC/ST entrepreneurship, with most of the fund lying unutilised.
    • This was primarily due to the apathy of loaning branches and officials towards proposals by Dalit entrepreneurs.
    • It is evident that despite the existence of government schemes and policies to support such initiatives, the actual benefit could never reach the beneficiaries due to the artificial inaccessibility created by inherent social and caste biases.

    Way forward

    • There is a need for Dalit-focussed alternate investment finance (AIF) and private equity (PE) funds to create a vibrant and inclusive MSME ecosystem.
    • It is evident that despite the existence of government schemes and policies to support such initiatives, the actual benefit could never reach the beneficiaries due to the artificial inaccessibility created by inherent social and caste biases.
    • There is a need to formulate multiple credit guarantee trusts by raising contributions from MNCs, FDIs, portfolio investors, corporates, etc.
    • A social vulnerability index also needs to be introduced, addressed and assessed.

    Conclusion

    Dalit entrepreneurship today holds the promise of an exciting and uncharted future for social transformation.

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  • MPLAD Scheme

    Citing economic recovery, the Union Cabinet has restored the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) till 2025-26.

    What is the MPLAD scheme?

    • The Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) is a program first launched during the Narasimha Rao Government in 1993.
    • It is a Central Sector Scheme fully funded by Government of India.
    • It was aimed towards providing funds for developmental works recommended by individual MPs.

    Funds available

    • The MPs then were entitled to recommend works to the tune of Rs 1 crore annually between 1994-95 and 1997-98, after which the annual entitlement was enhanced to Rs 2 crore.
    • The UPA government since 2011-12 raised the annual entitlement to Rs 5 crore per MP.

    Implementation

    • To implement their plans in an area, MPs have to recommend them to the District Authority of the respective Nodal District.
    • The District Authorities then identify Implementing Agencies that execute the projects.
    • The respective District Authority is supposed to oversee the implementation and has to submit monthly reports, audit reports, and work completion reports to the Nodal District Authority.
    • The MPLADS funds can be merged with other schemes such as MGNREGA and Khelo India.

    Guidelines for MPLADS implementation

    • The document ‘Guidelines on MPLADS’ was published by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation in June 2016 in this regard.
    • It stated the objective of the scheme to enable MPs to recommend works of developmental nature with emphasis on the creation of durable community assets.
    • Durable assets of national priorities viz. drinking water, primary education, public health, sanitation, and roads, etc. should be created.
    • It recommended MPs to works costing at least 15 percent of their entitlement for the year for areas inhabited by Scheduled Caste population and 7.5 percent for areas inhabited by ST population.
    • It lays down a number of development works including construction of railway halt stations, providing financial assistance to recognized bodies, cooperative societies, installing CCTV cameras etc.

    Impact of the scheme continuation

    • It will restart the community developmental projects / works in the field which are halted / stopped due to lack of funds under MPLADS.
    • It will restart fulfilling the aspirations and developmental requirements of the local community and the creation of durable assets, which is the primary objective of the MPLADS.
    • It will also help in reviving the local economy.

    Answer this PYQ from CSP 2020:

    Q. With reference to the funds under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS), which of the following statements are correct?

    1. MPLADS funds must be used to create durable assets like physical infrastructure for health, education, etc.
    2. A specified portion of each MP’s fund must benefit SC/ST populations.
    3. MPLADS funds are sanctioned on a yearly basis and the unused funds cannot be carried forward to the next year.
    4. The district authority must inspect at least 10% of all works under implementation every year.

    Select the correct answer using the code given below:

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 3 and 4 only

    (c) 1, 2 and 3 only

    (d) 1, 2 and 4 only

     

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  • There are shades of equality

    Context

    On October 29, the Supreme Court issued notice on an appeal of the Kerala government against a High Court order directing it to award the scholarships by the proportion of minorities in the overall population of the State. This case will be significant for constitutional law.

    Background

    • The Kerala government passed an executive order in 2015 prescribing that minority communities will be entitled to scholarships.
    •  Of the scholarships, 80% were distributed to Muslim students.
    •  In Justine Pallivathukkal v. State of Kerala (2021), the Kerala High Court set aside this order holding that all minorities must be treated alike. 
    • The government argued that its policy was based on the findings of the Sachar Committee report and the Kerala Padana report on the disadvantages faced by Muslims.
    •  It pointed out that Muslims were far behind Christians, Dalits and Adivasis in college enrolment, just as they are in employment and land ownership.

    Justification

    • The different kinds of backwardness of a community must be considered while awarding scholarship schemes.
    • Any other scheme defeats the purpose of offering scholarships to students from minority communities.
    • The High Court prohibited an allocation sensitive to social realities by adopting a form of blind equality approach.
    • It is important, therefore, that the Supreme Court corrects the error of the High Court.
    • The High Court’s reasoning suggests that access to the benefits of affirmative action must follow an approach which is blind to the relative backwardness of different communities.

    Conclusion

    Even when we identify disadvantaged castes or communities, we need to remember the forms of inequality and hierarchy among them. The logic of the High Court’s judgment forbids this.

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