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GS Paper: Laws, Institutions & Bodies Constituted For The Vulnerable Sections

  • Rajya Sabha passes MTP Bill, 2020

    The Rajya Sabha has passed the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (Amendment) Bill, 2020 that increases the time period within which an abortion may be carried out.

    What are the differing opinions with regards to the Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Amendment Bill, 2020? Discuss.

    MTP Bill, 2020

    The MTP Bill was passed in Lok Sabha in March 2020. Its salient features included:

    • Proposing requirement for the opinion of one provider for termination of pregnancy, up to 20 weeks of gestation and introducing the requirement of the opinion of two providers for termination of pregnancy of 20-24 weeks of gestation.
    • Enhancing the upper gestation limit from 20 to 24 weeks for special categories of women which will be defined in the amendments to the MTP Rules and would include ‘vulnerable women including survivors of rape, victims of incest and other vulnerable women (like differently-abled women, Minors) etc.
    • Upper gestation limit not to apply in cases of substantial foetal abnormalities diagnosed by Medical Board. The composition, functions and other details of the Medical Board to be prescribed subsequently in Rules under the Act.
    • Anonymity of the person: The name and other particulars of a woman whose pregnancy has been terminated shall not be revealed except to a person authorised in any law for the time being in force.

    Benefits sought with the bill

    • It is seen as a step towards the safety and well-being of the women and many women will be benefitted from this.
    • Recently several petitions were received by the Courts seeking permission for aborting pregnancies at a gestational age beyond the present permissible limit on grounds of foetal abnormalities or pregnancies due to sexual violence faced by women.
    • The proposed increase in gestational age will ensure dignity, autonomy, confidentiality and justice for women who need to terminate the pregnancy.

    Flaws in the bill

    • The Bill allows abortion after 24 weeks only in cases where a Medical Board diagnoses substantial foetal abnormalities.
    • This implies that for a case requiring abortion due to rape, that exceeds 24-weeks, the only recourse remains through a Writ Petition.
    • The Bill does not specify the categories of women who may terminate pregnancies between 20-24 weeks and leaves it to be prescribed through Rules.
    • The Act (and the Bill) requires an abortion to be performed only by doctors with a specialization in gynaecology or obstetrics.
    • As there is a 75% shortage of such doctors in community health centres in rural areas, pregnant women may continue to find it difficult to access facilities for safe abortions.

    Key Issues and Analysis

    • There are differing opinions with regard to allowing abortions. One opinion is that terminating a pregnancy is the choice of the pregnant woman and a part of her reproductive rights.
    • The other is that the state has an obligation to protect life, and hence should provide for the protection of the foetus.
    • Across the world, countries set varying conditions and time limits for allowing abortions, based on foetal health, and risk to the pregnant woman.
    • Several Writ Petitions have been filed by women seeking permission to abort pregnancies beyond 20-weeks due to foetal abnormalities or rape.
  • [pib] 17 States implement One Nation One Ration Card System

    Seventeen (17) States have successfully operationalised the “One Nation One Ration Card system” with Uttarakhand being the latest State to complete the reform.

    Practice question for mains:

    The ‘One nation one ration card ‘scheme would bring perceptible changes to the lives of India’s internal migrant workers. Comment.

    One Nation One Ration Card

    • This scheme aims to ensure all beneficiaries, especially migrants get ration (wheat, rice and other food grains) across the nation from any Public Distribution System (PDS) shop of their own choice.
    • Under the existing system, a ration cardholder can buy food grains only from the fair price shop (FPS) in the locality where he or she lives.
    • It was also launched with the purpose that no poor person should be deprived of getting subsidised food grains under the food security scheme when they shift from one place to another.
    • It aims to reduce instances of corruption by middlemen and fraudulence in ration cards to avail benefits from different states.

    Who is eligible under this scheme?

    • Any citizen, who is declared under the Below Poverty Line (BPL) category, will be eligible to get the benefit of this scheme across the country.
    • The beneficiaries will be identified on the basis of their Aadhar based identification through the electronic point of sale (PoS) device.
    • All the PDS shops will have the facility of electronic PoS devices.

    Impact on states

    • The reform enables the States to better targeting of beneficiaries, elimination bogus/ duplicate/ineligible cardholders resulting in enhanced welfare and reduced leakage.
    • An additional borrowing limit of 0.25 per cent of the Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) is allowed to the States only on completion of both of the following actions:
    1. Aadhar Seeding of all the ration cards and beneficiaries in the State
    2. Automation of all the FPSs in the State.

    Back2Basics: Public distribution system (PDS)

    • The public distribution system (PDS) is an Indian food Security System established under the Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food, and Public Distribution.
    • PDS evolved as a system of management of scarcity through the distribution of food grains at affordable prices.
    • PDS is operated under the joint responsibility of the Central and the State Governments.
    • The Central Government, through the Food Corporation of India (FCI), has assumed the responsibility for procurement, storage, transportation and bulk allocation of food grains to the State Governments.
    • The operational responsibilities including allocation within the State, identification of eligible families, issue of Ration Cards and supervision of the functioning of FPSs etc., rest with the State Governments.
    • Under the PDS, presently the commodities namely wheat, rice, sugar and kerosene are being allocated to the States/UTs for distribution.
    •  Some states/UTs also distribute additional items of mass consumption through PDS outlets such as pulses, edible oils, iodized salt, spices, etc.
  • NITI Aayog’s Draft National Policy on Migrant Workers

    Spurred by the exodus of 10 million migrants from big cities during the Covid-19 lockdown, the NITI Aayog has prepared a draft national migrant labour policy.

    Highlights of the Policy

    • The draft describes two approaches to policy design:
    1. To focus on cash transfers, special quotas, and reservations
    2. To enhance the agency and capability of the community and thereby remove aspects that come in the way of an individual’s own natural ability to thrive

    A rights-based approach

    • The policy rejects a handout approach, opting instead for a rights-based framework.
    • It seeks to remove restrictions on the true agency and potential of the migrant workers.
    • The goal a/c to the document should not be to provide temporary or permanent economic or social aids”, which is “a rather limited approach”.
    • Migration, the draft says, should be acknowledged as an integral part of the development and government policies should not hinder but…seek to facilitate internal migration.

    Issues with existing law

    • The 2017 report argued that specific protection legislation for migrant workers was unnecessary.
    • Migrant workers aren’t yet integrated with all workers as part of an overarching framework that covers regular and contractual work.
    • The report discussed the limitations of The Inter-State Migrant Workers Act, 1979, which was designed to protect labourers from exploitation by contractors by safeguarding their right to non-discriminatory wages.
    • It mentions that the Ministry of Labour and Employment should amend the 1979 Act for “effective utilization to protect migrants”.

    Restructuring the institutions

    The NITI draft lays down institutional mechanisms to coordinate between Ministries, states, and local departments to implement programmes for migrants.

    • Nodal agency: It identifies the Ministry of Labour and Employment as the nodal Ministry for implementation of policies, and asks it to create a special unit to help to converge the activities of other Ministries.
    • Resources centre: This unit would manage migration resource centres in high migration zones, a national labour Helpline, links of worker households to government schemes, and inter-state migration management bodies.
    • Migration corridors: On the inter-state migration management bodies, it says that labour departments of source and destination states along major migration corridors, should work together through the migrant worker cells.
    • Labour officers from source states can be deputed to destinations – e.g., Bihar’s experiment to have a joint labour commissioner at Bihar Bhavan in New Delhi.
    • Role for Panchayats: Alongside the long-term goal, policies should promote the role of panchayats to aid migrant workers and integrate urban and rural policies to improve the conditions of migration.
    • Migration management: Panchayats should maintain a database of migrant workers, issue identity cards and passbooks, and provide “migration management and governance” through training, placement, and social-security benefit assurance, the draft says.

    Ways to stem migration

    • Even as it underlines the key role of migration in development, the draft recommends steps to stem migration.
    • The draft asks source states to raise minimum wages to bring a major shift in the local livelihood of tribal that may result in stemming migration to some extent.
    • The absence of community building organisations (CBO) and administrative staff in the source states have hindered access to development programmes, pushing tribals towards migration, the draft says.
    • The “long term plan” for CBOs and panchayats should be to “alleviate distress migration policy initiatives” by aiming “for a more pro-poor development strategy in the sending areas.

    The importance of data

    • The draft calls for a central database to help employers “fill the gap between demand and supply” and ensures “maximum benefit of social welfare schemes”.
    • It asks the Ministries and the Census office to be consistent with the definitions of migrants and subpopulations, capture seasonal and circular migrants, and incorporate migrant-specific variables in existing surveys.
    • Both documents see limited merit in Census data that comes only once a decade.
    • It asked the National Sample Survey Office to include questions related to migration in the periodic labour force survey and to carry out a separate survey on migration.

    Preventing exploitation

    • The policy draft describes a lack of administrative capacity to handle issues of exploitation.
    • State labour departments have little engagement with migration issues, and are in “halting human trafficking mode”, the draft says.
    • The local administration, given the usual constraints of manpower, is not in a position to monitor.
    • This has become the breeding ground for middlemen to thrive on the situation and entrap migrants which leads to potential exploitation and trafficking.

    Specific recommendations

    • The draft asks the various ministries to use Tribal Affairs migration data to help create migration resource centres in high migration zones.
    • It asks the Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship to focus on skill-building at these centres.
    • The Ministry of Education should take measures under the Right to Education Act to mainstream migrant children’s education, to map migrant children, and to provide local-language teachers in migrant destinations.
    • The Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs should address issues of night shelters, short-stay homes, and seasonal accommodation for migrants in cities.
    • The National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) and Ministry of Labour should set up grievance handling cells and fast track legal responses for trafficking, minimum wage violations, and workplace abuses etc.
  • Ramani Judgement

     

    Why the Ramani judgement matters

    • The verdict went beyond a mere refusal to convict Ramani for criminal defamation.
    • The verdict vindicated Ramani by accepting Ramani’s truth as a defence to the charge of defamation.
    • The verdict urged society to “understand that sometimes a victim may for years not speak up due to mental trauma,” and underlined that a woman has a right to speak up about the abuse, even after decades.
    • It pointed out that since sexual harassment typically takes place in private, women’s testimonies cannot be dismissed as untrue or defamatory simply because they are unable to provide other witnesses to back their allegations.
    • Institutional mechanisms have systemically failed to protect women or provide justice, the verdict reasoned.
    • Therefore, survivors are justified in sharing their testimonies on media or social media platforms as a form of self-defence.

    Right to dignity

    • The Ramani verdict points out that sexual abuse violates the constitutionally recognised rights to dignity (Article 21) and equality (Articles 14 and 15), and that (a man’s) right to reputation cannot be protected at the cost of (a woman’s) right to dignity. 
    • The Ramani verdict is a huge moral vindication of the #MeToo movement and will serve to deter powerful men from using the defamation law to silence survivors.

    Problem of institution

    • Sexual harassment is a problem of institutions rather than of individuals alone.
    • The world over, employers deploy sexual harassment as a means to discipline and control women workers.
    • In India and Bangladesh, at least 60 per cent of garment factory workers experience harassment at work.
    • In Guangzhou, China, a survey found that 70 per cent of female factory workers had been sexually harassed at work, and 15 per cent quit their jobs as a result.
    • For factory workers, domestic workers, street vendors, sanitation and waste workers, construction workers, sex workers, labour laws or laws against sexual harassment exist only on paper.

    Conclusion

    The women who spoke were unanimous that individual complaints were not an option, they needed unions to fight collectively. Women workers fighting sexual harassment, need more support and attention.

  • Proposed amendments to the Juvenile Justice Act, 2015

    The Union Cabinet has approved a slew of amendments to the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015.

    What are the key features of Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015? Discuss the proposed amendments by the WCD ministry.

    Juvenile Justice Act, 2015

    • The JJ Act, 2015 replaced the Indian juvenile delinquency law, Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000.
    • It allows for juveniles in conflict with Law in the age group of 16–18, involved in Heinous Offences, to be tried as adults.
    • The Act also sought to create a universally accessible adoption law for India.
    • The Act came into force from 15 January 2016.

    Key features

    • Change in nomenclature from ‘juvenile’ to ‘child’ or ‘child in conflict with law’, across the Act to remove the negative connotation associated with the word “juvenile”
    • Inclusion of several new definitions such as orphaned, abandoned and surrendered children; and petty, serious and heinous offences committed by children;
    • The Act mandates setting up Juvenile Justice Boards and Child Welfare Committees in every district. Both must have at least one woman member each.
    • Special provisions for heinous offences committed by children above the age of sixteen years – Under Section 15, special provisions have been made to tackle child offenders committing heinous offences in the age group of 16-18 years (in response to the juvenile convict in Nirbhaya Case).
    • Separate new chapter on Adoption to streamline adoption of orphan, abandoned and surrendered children – To streamline adoption procedures for orphan, abandoned and surrendered children, the existing Central Adoption Resource Authority (CARA) is given the status of a statutory body.
    • Inclusion of new offences committed against children – Sale and procurement of children for any purpose including illegal adoption, corporal punishment in child care institutions, use of child by militant groups, offences against disabled children and, kidnapping and abduction of children.
    • Penalties for cruelty against a child– offering a narcotic substance to a child, and abduction or selling a child has been prescribed.
    • Mandatory registration of Child Care Institutions

    What are the news amendments?

    The amendments are aimed at strengthening the Child Protection set-up to ensure the best interest of children.

    (A) More powers to the DM

    • These include empowering the DMs and the additional DMs to monitor the functioning of agencies responsible for implementing the JJ Act.
    • The District Child Protection Units will function under the DMs.

    (B) Evaluating shelter homes

    • Before someone sets up a shelter home for children and sends their proposal for registration under the JJ Act to the State, a DM will have to assess their capacity and conduct a background check.
    • A DM could also independently evaluate the functioning of the Child Welfare Committee, Special Juvenile Protection Units and registered childcare institutes, the Minister stated.

    (C) Members of committees

    • The proposed amendments also define the eligibility parameters for the appointment of members of the Child Welfare Committees.
    • These committees are tasked to decide on children in need of care and protection and mandate their background checks.

    (D) Definition of Children

    • It is also proposed to expand the definition of children in need of care and protection and include those children who have been victims of trafficking or drug abuse or child labour.
    • It would also include those children who have been abandoned by their guardians.
  • [pib] Child Beggars and their protection

    The Union Minister of Women and Child Development has given important information regarding the protection of child beggars in India under various acts and ministries.

    Q.What are the various legislatures aimed at protecting Child Beggars in India? Discuss their efficacy in the prevention of child begging as well as abuse.

    Protection of Child Beggars

    (A) JJ Act, 2015

    • The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015 (JJ Act) is the primary law for children in the country.
    • The Section 2 (14) (ii) of the Act, 2015, considers a child being in force or is found begging, or living on the street as a “child in need of care and protection”.
    • As per Section 76 of JJ Act, whoever employs or uses any child for the purpose of begging or causes any child to beg shall be punishable with imprisonment.
    • The Act provides a security net of service delivery structures along with measures for institutional and non-institutional care, to ensure the comprehensive well being of children in distress situations.
    • The primary responsibility of execution of the Act rests with the States/UTs.

    (B) Child Protection Services (CPS)

    • The Ministry implements a centrally sponsored scheme CPS under the umbrella Integrated Child Development Services scheme.
    • It supports the children in difficult circumstances including child beggars and destitute children.
    • Under the scheme, institutional care is provided through Child Care Institutions (CCIs), as a rehabilitative measure.
    • The programmes and activities in CCIs inter-alia include age-appropriate education, access to vocational training, recreation, health care, counselling etc.
    • The scheme supports 24×7 emergency outreach/ helpline service for children in distress conditions.
    • The service is accessible through a dedicated toll-free number, 1098 from anywhere in India.

    (C) Rehabilitation measures

    • The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, has undertaken a pilot project for Comprehensive Rehabilitation of Persons engaged in the act of begging.
    • It is currently held in ten (10) cities; namely Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Ahmadabad, Hyderabad, Bangalore, Lucknow, Patna, Nagpur and Indore.
    • The initiative aims for identification, rehabilitation, counselling, skill development of beggars.
    • It includes education of children engaged in begging/children of persons engaged in the begging.

    The children of today are assets of tomorrow. Yet education, which is a fundamental right to every child in our country, is still a dream for many children in India, especially the ones who are poor, downtrodden and in dire need.

  • POCSO doesn’t brook dilution

    The recent Bombay High Court judgement has raised controversy for its interpretation of certain Section of the POCSO Act. The article deals with this issue.

    Object of the POCSO Act

    • The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act was enacted in 2012 especially to protect children (aged less than 18) from sexual assault.
    • The Statement of Objects and Reasons of the Act admitted that a number of sexual offences against children were neither specifically provided for in extant laws nor adequately penalised.
    • The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, ratified by India in 1992, also requires sexual exploitation and sexual abuse to be addressed as heinous crimes.

    Issues with Bombay High Court’s Judgement

    • The Bench acquitted a man under the POCSO Act found guilty of assault on the grounds that he groped his victim over her clothes and there was no skin-to-skin contact between them.
    • As this judgment was likely to set a dangerous precedent, the apex court stayed the acquittal.
    • Section 7 of the POCSO Act, along with other things, says that whoever with sexual intent touches the breast of the child is said to commit sexual assault.
    • Whereas Section 8 of the Act provides minimum imprisonment of three years for sexual assault.
    • Section 354 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) lays down a minimum of one year imprisonment for outraging the modesty of a woman.

    Difference between IPC and POCSO

    • The difference between POCSO and IPC, as far as the offence of sexual assault is concerned, is two-fold.
    • One, the definition of ‘assault or criminal force to woman with intent to outrage her modesty’ given in the IPC is generic.
    • Whereas in POCSO, the acts of sexual assault are explicitly mentioned such as touching various private parts.
    • ‘Sexual assault’ in POCSO specifically excludes rape which requires penetration; otherwise the scope of ‘sexual assault’ under POCSO and ‘outraging modesty of a woman’ under the IPC is the same.
    • Two, whereas the IPC provides punishment for the offence irrespective of any age of the victim, POCSO is specific for the protection of children.
    • Higher punishment is provided under POCSO not because more serious allegations of sexual assault are required but because the legislature wanted punishment to be more deterrent if the victims are children.

    Conclusion

    In the absence of any specific provision in the POCSO Act which requires skin-to-skin touch as a mandatory element of an offence, any interpretation which dilutes protection to children must be declared ultra vires.

  • Sub-categorization of OBCs: Development so far

    The Centre has extended the tenure of the Commission to Examine Sub-categorisation of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) headed by Justice G Rohini, till 31st July this year.

    Rs 1.92 crore have been spent on the Commission including salary, consultant fee and other expenses and the report is yet to be publicized. It is can be very well understood that the report will have huge political consequences.

    What is the sub-categorisation of OBCs?

    • OBCs are granted 27% reservation in jobs and education under the central government.
    • In September 20202, a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court reopened the legal debate on sub-categorisation of SCs and STs for reservations.
    • The debate arises out of the perception that only a few affluent communities among over 2,600 included in the Central List of OBCs have secured a major part of this 27% reservation.

    Need for sub-categorization

    • The argument for sub-categorisation — or creating categories within OBCs for reservation — is that it would ensure “equitable distribution” of representation among all OBC communities.
    • To examine this, the Rohini Commission was constituted on October 2, 2017.
    • At that time, it was given 12 weeks to submit its report but has been given several extensions since, the latest one being the 10th.
    • Before the Rohini Commission was set up, the Centre had granted constitutional status to the National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC).

    What are the Commissions’ terms of reference?

    It was originally set up with three terms of reference:

    1. To examine the extent of inequitable distribution of benefits of reservation among the castes or communities included in the broad category of OBCs with reference to such classes included in the Central List;
    2. To work out the mechanism, criteria, norms and parameters in a scientific approach for sub-categorisation within such OBCs;
    3. To take up the exercise of identifying the respective castes or communities or sub-castes or synonyms in the Central List of OBCs and classifying them into their respective sub-categories.

    The fourth term of reference was added on January 22, 2020, when the Cabinet granted it an extension:

    1. To study the various entries in the Central List of OBCs and recommend correction of any repetitions, ambiguities, inconsistencies and errors of spelling or transcription.

    Why so many extensions are being given?

    • This was added following a letter to the government from the Commission on July 30, 2019.
    • In process of preparing the sub-categorised central list of OBCs, the Commission has noted several ambiguities in the list as it stands now.
    • The Commission is of the opinion that these have to be clarified/rectified before the sub-categorised central list is prepared.

    What progress has it made so far?

    • In its letter to the government on July 30, 2019, the Commission wrote that it is ready with the draft report (on sub-categorisation).
    • Following the latest term of reference given (on January 22, 2020) to the Commission, it is studying the list of communities in the central list.

    How smooth has its work been?

    • A hurdle for the Commission has been the absence of data for the population of various communities to compare with their representation in jobs and admissions.
    • On August 31, 2018, then Home Minister had announced that in Census 2021, data of OBCs will also be collected, but since then the government has been silent on this.
    • Many groups of OBCs have been demanding enumeration of OBCs in the Census.

    What have its findings been so far?

    • In 2018, the Commission analysed the data of 1.3 lakh central jobs given under OBC quota over the preceding five years and OBC admissions to central higher education institutions.
    • The findings were: 97% of all jobs and educational seats have gone to just 25% of all sub-castes classified as OBCs; 24.95% of these jobs and seats have gone to just 10 OBC communities.
    • 983 OBC communities — 37% of the total — have zero representation in jobs and educational institutions; 994 OBC sub-castes have a total representation of only 2.68% in recruitment and admissions.
  • [pib] Shramshakti Portal

    The Union Minister of Tribal Affairs has launched the “ShramShakti” Portal.

    Earlier we had ONORC move, now a repository for migrant workers. Keep a tab on all such updates for the welfare of migrant workers.

    Shramshakti Portal

    • It is a National Migration Support Portal.
    • It will record various data including demographic profile, livelihood options, skill mapping, and migration pattern.
    • It would effectively help in the smooth formulation of state and national level programs for migrant workers.

    Why need such a portal?

    • Migrants all over the country had to face after the lockdown was announced due to the pandemic caused by a coronavirus.
    • The migration of the tribal population is distress-driven and the migrants are exposed to difficult and unsafe conditions.
    • Sometimes they face trafficking or wage harassment issues including many occupational hazards at the workplace.
    • The lack of real-time data of migrants was the biggest challenge for governments in formulating effective strategies and policy decisions for the welfare of migrant workers at both source and destination states.

    Benefits of the portal

    • The tribal migration repository would be able to successfully address the data gap and empower migrant workers who generally migrate in search of employment and income generation.
    • It would also help the government for linking the migrant population with the existing Welfare Scheme- under Aatmanirbhar Bharat.

    A move for tribals

    • Tribal migrant workers often have low awareness about their rights and entitlements and ways to access services and social security in source and destination areas.
    • With this, they will be able to demand and access services, rights, and entitlements related to livelihood and social security at their village before migration, as well after migration at destination towns and cities.
  • Social sector: the post-Covid priority

    The article highlights the need for more focus on the social sector in the post-Covid society and suggest ways to do the same.

    Why focus on social sector

    • No country has progressed without investing in the social sector.
    • India is committed to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030, and social sector development is important in reaching them.
    • Progress in this sector has intrinsic (for its own sake) and instrumental (for higher growth) value.
    • It is needed even to build a $5 trillion economy faster.

    India’s social sector expenditure

    • India’s progress in the social sector has been much slower compared to its GDP growth.
    • In the social sector expenditure, the share of education as a percentage of GDP has been stagnant around 2.8-3 per cent during 2014-15 to 2019-20.
    • In the case of health, the expenditure as a percentage of GDP increased from 1.2 per cent to 1.5 per cent.
    • This is lower than the required 2-3 per cent of GDP.
    • An increase in health expenditure is also important to take care of the present and future pandemics.
    • There are supply side problems regarding the health infrastructure.
    • It is essential to have a huge increase in public expenditure on health and provide accessible, affordable and quality health coverage to all.

    Following are some key issues in the social sector India needs to focus on.

    1) The problem of undernutrition

    • The NFHS-5 report shows that malnutrition level has reduced marginally in a few states and has worsened in some other states between 2015-16 and 2019-20.
    • We can’t have a society with 35 per cent of our children suffering from malnutrition.
    • Apart from undernutrition, obesity seems to be increasing in both rural and urban areas.
    • There is a need to raise allocations for ICDS and other nutrition programmes.
    • The determinants of nutrition are agriculture, health, women’s empowerment, including maternal and child practices, social protection, nutrition education, sanitation and drinking water.
    • The Poshan Abhiyan is a good programme, but has to cover all these determinants with a multi-pronged approach to reduce undernutrition.

    2) Quality education

    • Quality education is key for raising human development.
    • The pandemic has enhanced inequalities in education and has revealed the widening digital gap.
    • Equality of opportunity in terms of quality education is the key for raising human development and for reducing inequalities in the labour market.
    • Several committees have recommended that public expenditure on education should be at 6 per cent of GDP.

    3) Social safety nets

    •  It is known that migrant workers were the most affected during the pandemic and that they do not have any safety nets.
    • There is a need to have safety nets like an employment guarantee scheme for the urban poor and facilities for migrants.
    • Similarly in rural areas, allocations to MGNREGA have to be increased because of the reverse migration.

    4) Programs for vulnerable section need to be continued

    • The government has done well in providing cooking gas through Ujjwala Yojana and electricity through Saubhagya Yojana, introducing programmes such as Swachh Bharat Abhiyan and initiatives for housing, financial inclusion and providing loans to the self-employed.
    • These programmes have helped the vulnerable sections, particularly women.
    • Another initiative of the government was to facilitate direct benefit transfers (DBT) for welfare schemes.
    • These initiatives have to be continued.

    Way forward

    • The government should give more focus to the social sector with better policies and implementation.
    • It has to work closely with the states in revitalising the social sector as major expenditures particularly on health and education are met by them.
    • The 15th Finance Commission also seems to have mentioned that health expenditure should be increased to 2.1 per cent of GDP.
    • The Commission may also suggest some incentives for states to increase health expenditure.
    • Both Centre and states should have a five-year vision on the social sector.

    Consider the question “No country has progressed without investing in the social sector. In the post pandemic world India needs to chart the plan to invest more in the sector. In light of this, examine the challenges in the social sector and suggest the ways to deal with them.

    Conclusion

    India, aspiring to be a global power, should have a harmonious and inclusive social sector development. This is also important for achieving the SDGs, reducing inequalities and building a $5 trillion economy faster.