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GS Paper: GS3-21.Role of External State and Non-state Actors in creating challenges to Internal Security.

  • Keen on lifting AFSPA from NE: PM

    The PM informed that AFSPA could be withdrawn partially from Assam, Manipur and Nagaland (from April 1) due to peaceful conditions since 2014.

    What is the news?

    • The AFSPA will now be applicable fully only in 31 districts and partially in 12 districts of four states in the Northeast Assam, Nagaland, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.
    • These four states together comprise 90 districts.
    • The AFSPA was completely withdrawn in Meghalaya in 2018, Tripura in 2015 and Mizoram in the 1980s.

    Immediate reasons for withdrawal

    • The Northeast has lived under the shadow of AFSPA for nearly 60 years, creating a feeling of alienation from the rest of the country.
    • The move is expected to help demilitarise the region; it will lift restrictions of movements through check points and frisking of residents.
    • Years of AFSPA regime has had psychological consequences, trauma and alienation of the people.

    AFSPA: A Backgrounder

    • The AFSPA, 1958 came into force in the context of insurgency in the North-eastern States decades ago.
    • It provides “special power” to the Armed Forces applies to the Army, the Air Force and the Central Paramilitary forces etc.
    • It has been long contested debate whether the “special powers” granted under AFSPA gives total immunity to the armed forces for any action taken by them.

    Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958

    • Armed Forces Special Powers Act, to put it simply, gives armed forces the power to maintain public order in “disturbed areas.”
    • AFSPA gives armed forces the authority use force or even open fire after giving due warning if they feel a person is in contravention of the law.
    • The Act further provides that if “reasonable suspicion exists”, the armed forces can also arrest a person without warrant; enter or search premises without a warrant; and ban the possession of firearms.

    What are the Special Powers?

    The ‘special powers’ which are spelt out under Section 4 provide that:

    (a) Power to use force, including opening fire, even to the extent of causing death if prohibitory orders banning assembly of five or more persons or carrying arms and weapons, etc are in force in the disturbed area;

    (b) Power to destroy structures used as hide-outs, training camps, or as a place from which attacks are or likely to be launched, etc;

    (c) Power to arrest without warrant and to use force for the purpose;

    (d) Power to enter and search premises without a warrant to make arrest or recovery of hostages, arms and ammunition and stolen property etc.

    What are the Disturbed Areas?

    • A disturbed area is one that is declared by notification under Section 3 of the AFSPA.
    • As per Section 3, it can be invoked in places where “the use of armed forces in aid of the civil power is necessary”.

    Who can declare/notify such areas?

    • The Central Government or the Governor of the State or administrator of the Union Territory can declare the whole or part of the State or Union Territory as a disturbed area.
    • A suitable notification would have to be made in the Official Gazette.

    Presently active ‘Disturbed Areas’

    • AFSPA is currently in force in Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, 3 districts of Arunachal Pradesh, and areas falling within the jurisdiction of 8 police stations in Arunachal Pradesh bordering Assam.
    • In Jammu and Kashmir, a separate law Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 has been in force.

    AFSPA: Is it a License to Kill?

    While the operation of the Section has been controversial in itself, it has attracted much criticism when actions have resulted in the death of civilians.

    • Power to kill: Section 4 of the Act granted officers the authority to “take any action” even to the extent to cause the death.
    • Protection against prosecution: This power is further bolstered by Section 6 which provides that legal can be instituted against the officer, except with the previous sanction of the Central Government.

    Supreme Court’s Observations over AFSPA

    • These extra-judicial killings became the attention of the Supreme Court in 2016.
    • It clarified that the bar under Section 6 would not grant “total immunity” to the officers against any probe into their alleged excesses.
    • The judgment noted that if any death was unjustified, there is no blanket immunity available to the perpetrator(s) of the offense.
    • The Court further noted that if an offense is committed even by Army personnel, there is no concept of absolute immunity from trial by the criminal court constituted under the CrPC.

    Constitutionality of AFSPA

    • Attempts have been made to examine the constitutionality of the Act on the grounds that it is contravention to the:
    1. Right to Life and Personal Liberty (Article 21) and
    2. Federal structure of the Constitution since law and order is a State subject

    Recommendations to repeal AFSPA

    (1) Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy Commission

    • The 2004 Committee headed by Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy, the content of which has never officially been revealed by the Government, recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • Additionally, it recommended that appropriate provisions be inserted in the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967 (UAPA) instead.
    • It also recommended that the UAPA be modified to clearly specify the powers of the armed forces and paramilitary forces and grievance cells should be set up in each district where the armed forces are deployed.

    (2) ARC II

    • The Administrative Reforms Commission in its 5th Report on ‘Public Order’ had also recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • It recommended adding a new chapter to be added to the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967.
    • However, the recommendation was considered first and then rejected.

    Other issues with AFSPA

    (1) Sexual Misconduct by Armed Forces

    • The issue of violation of human rights by actions of armed forces came under the consideration of the Committee on Amendments to Criminal Law (popularly known as Justice Verma Committee) set up in 2012.
    • It observed that- in conflict zones, legal protection for women was neglected.

    (2) Autocracy

    • The reality is that there is no evidence of any action being taken against any officer of the armed forces or paramilitary forces for their excesses.

    Caution given by the Supreme Court

    A July 2016 judgment authored by Justice Madan B. Lokur in Extra Judicial Execution Victim Families Association quoted the “Ten Commandments” issued by the Chief of the Army Staff for operations in disturbed areas:

    1. Definite circumstances: The “power to cause death is relatable to maintenance of public order in a disturbed area and is to be exercised under definite circumstances”.
    2. Declaration preconditions: These preconditions include a declaration by a high-level authority that an area is “disturbed”.
    3. Due warning: The officer concerned decides to use deadly force on the opinion that it is “necessary” to maintain public order. But he has to give “due warning” first.
    4. No arbitrary action: The persons against whom the action was taken by the armed forces should have been “acting in contravention of any law or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area”.
    5. Minimal use of force: The armed forces must use only the “minimal force required for effective action against the person/persons acting in contravention of the prohibitory order.”
    6. Empathy with perpetrators: The court said that: the people you are dealing with are your own countrymen. All your conduct must be dictated by this one significant consideration.
    7. People friendliness: The court underscored how the Commandments insist that “operations must be people-friendly, using minimum force and avoiding collateral damage – restrain must be the key”.
    8. Good intelligence: It added that “good intelligence is the key to success”.
    9. Compassion: It exhorted personnel to “be compassionate, help the people and win their hearts and minds. Employ all resources under your command to improve their living conditions”.
    10. Upholding Dharma (Duty): The judgment ended with the final Commandment to “uphold Dharma and take pride in your country and the Army”.

    Conclusion

    • Despite demands by civil society groups and human rights activities, none of the recommendations have not been implemented to date.

     

     

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  • International law as a means to advance national security interests

    Context

    Military experts, international relations academics, and practitioners like retired diplomats dominate the debates on global security in India. International lawyers are largely absent in these debates despite security issues being placed within the framework of international law.

    Using international law to further security interests

    In recent times, several examples demonstrate India’s failure to use an international law-friendly vocabulary to articulate its security interests.

    • First, India struck the terror camps in Pakistan in February 2019, after the Pulwama attack India did not invoke the right to self-defence; rather, it relied on a contested doctrine of ‘non-military pre-emptive action’.
    • Second, after the Pulwama attack, India decided to suspend the most favoured nation (MFN) status of Pakistan.
    • Under international law contained in the General Agreements on Tariffs and Trade, countries can deviate from their MFN obligations on grounds of national security.
    • Instead of suspending the MFN obligation towards Pakistan along these lines, India used Section 8A(1) of the Customs Tariff Act, 1975, to increase customs duties on all Pakistani products to 200%.
    • The notification on this decision did not even mention ‘national security’.
    • Third, India wishes to deport the Rohingya refugees who, it argues, pose a security threat.
    • India’s argument to justify this deportation is that it is not a signatory to the Refugee Convention.
    • This is a weak argument since India is bound by the principle of non-refoulment.
    • National security is one of the exceptions to the non-refoulment principle in international refugee law.
    • If India wishes to deport the Rohingya, it should develop a case on these lines showing how they constitute a national security threat.
    • Fourth, to put pressure on the Taliban regime to serve India’s interest, India has rarely used international law.
    •  India could have made a case for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) using its implied powers under international law to temporarily suspend Afghanistan from SAARC’s membership.

    Reasons for international law remaining at the margins

    • First, there is marginal involvement of international lawyers in foreign policymaking.
    • The Legal and Treaties Division of the Ministry of External Affairs, which advises the government on international law matters, is both understaffed and largely ignored on policy matters.
    • Second, apart from the External Affairs Ministry, there are several other Ministries like Commerce and Finance that also deal with different facets of international law.
    • They have negligible expertise in international law.
    • Third, there has been systemic neglect of the study of international law.
    • Fourth, many of the outstanding international law scholars that India has produced prefer to converse with domain experts only.

    Way forward

    • If India wishes to emerge as a global power, it has to make use of ‘lawfare’ i.e., use law as a weapon of national security.
    • To mainstream international law in foreign policymaking, India should invest massively in building its capacity on international law.

    Conclusion

    Notwithstanding the central role that international law plays in security matters, India has failed to fully appreciate the usage of international law to advance its national security interests.

     

    Back2Basics: Non-refoulement principle

    • The principle of non-refoulement constitutes the cornerstone of international refugee protection.
    • It is enshrined in Article 33 of the 1951 Convention, which is also binding on States Party to the 1967 Protocol.
    • Article 33(1) of the 1951 Convention provides:

    “No Contracting State shall expel or return (“refouler”) a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his [or her] life or freedom would be threatened on account of his [or her] race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion.”

  • The national security discourse is changing

    Context

    From a rising China to the pressures of climate change; from the challenges of counter-terrorism to the COVID-19 pandemic (the four Cs), the old order is collapsing much faster than the ability of nations to create the foundations of a new one.

    The reduced difference between the domestic and foreign policy of the  U.S.

    • The idea that foreign and domestic policies are tightly intertwined is not a novel one.
    • All serious grand strategic thinking in democracies looks for sustenance in popular public support.
    • A process that was started by former U.S. President Donald Trump has been taken forward by the Biden Administration.
    • Asserting that “foreign policy is domestic policy and domestic policy is foreign policy,” the new administration has suggested that their task is to re-imagine American national security for the unprecedented combination of crises they face at home and abroad.
    • These crises include the pandemic, the economic crisis, the climate crisis, technological disruption, threats to democracy, racial injustice, and inequality in all forms”.
    • There is a growing bipartisan acknowledgment in the U.S. today that the requirements of American national security today are different from what they were during the Cold War.
    • Today’s strategic environment requires a different response for national security: one that shores up domestic industrial base helps in maintaining pre-eminence in critical technologies, makes supply chains for critical goods more resilient, protects critical infrastructure from cyberattacks and responds with a sense of urgency to climate change.

    Indian situation: Dependence on the external supply chain is the national security challenge

    • In India too, there is greater recognition of the challenges emanating on national security from domestic vulnerabilities.
    • Dependence on Chinese manufacturing: One of the most significant consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic has been to reveal how deeply India has been dependent on Chinese manufacturing for critical supplies.
    • At a time when Indian armed forces were facing the People’s Liberation Army, this exposed India to a new realization that dependence on overseas supply chains is a national security challenge of the highest order.
    • Dimensions of national security: The Indian Army chief has argued that “national security comprises not only warfare and defence but also financial security, health security, food security, energy security, and environmental security apart from information security”.

    Way forward for India

    • Shore up domestic capacities: India has since moved towards increasing domestic capacities in critical areas and also started looking at free trade agreements through a new lens.
    • Whole-of-government approach: Army Chief had suggested that instead of viewing national security “primarily from the perspective of an armed conflict, there is a need to take a whole-of-government approach towards security”.
    • Investment in armed forces: The Army chief has pointed out that investment in the armed forces contributes to the national economy.
    • Therefore, indigenization of defence procurement provides an impetus to indigenous industries, aid to civil authorities, or Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR).
    • Demand for hi-tech military products by the armed forces helps entire industries.
    • Transportation and logistics capacities of the armed forces are acting as force enablers for the Government in times of emergencies.

    Consider the question “The idea that foreign and domestic policies are tightly intertwined is not a novel one. In light of this, examine the challenges facing India’s national security that are linked with its domestic vulnerability. Suggest the ways forward.”

    Conclusion

    As nations across the world reconceptualise their strategic priorities, policymakers will need to think more creatively about the roles of various instruments of statecraft. National security thinking is undergoing a shift. India cannot be left behind.

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  • Need for coordinated database for tracking fugitives

    Context

    India lacks a domestic tracking system for fugitives. That makes it easier for them to evade the criminal justice system.

    Challenges at investigation and prosecution level

    • Central agencies have developed reasonable expertise in investigation and prosecution because they are focussed only on investigation and prosecution work.
    • On the other hand, State police forces (except specialised wings) are engaged in law-and-order work as well as investigations.
    • The bulk of the investigation and prosecution work happens at police stations in the States.
    • There is a tendency to close investigations once the accused have absconded.
    • Some police stations do initiate proceedings for attachment of property and declaration of the accused as proclaimed offenders, but the number of cases where coordinated efforts are made to pursue fugitives – domestically or internationally – are hardly documented.

    No system for tracking criminals domestically

    • Through Interpol Notices and the sharing of immigration databases of different countries, there exists a system of tracking criminals worldwide.
    • However, there is no coordinated system or database for tracking criminals or wanted persons domestically in India.
    • In the absence of such a system, it is relatively easy for criminals from one police station/jurisdiction to melt into the population in any other area, almost undetected.

    Way forward

    • The creation of a nationwide database of wanted persons, which could be accessible for police agencies, the public and others is needed.
    • A nation-wide system of ‘Wanted Persons Notices’, similar to Interpol Notices, is required, to help track fugitives domestically.
    • The Crime and Criminal Tracking Network and Systems and the National Intelligence Grid are efforts in the right direction/
    • Countries like the U.S. have functional inter-State extradition and fugitive tracking systems.
    • India needs to set up such dedicated ‘fugitive tracking units’.
    • There needs to be enhanced integration between immigration agencies, State police agencies, Interpol-New Delhi, the External Affairs Ministry and Home Ministry and central investigation agencies.
    • Sharing India’s ‘wanted’ database or providing access to it to foreign embassies on a reciprocal basis or through treaties or arrangements would also be helpful.
    • Signing of more bilateral and multilateral conventions on criminal matters would help plug legal infirmities.
    • Signing bilateral agreements on cooperation in policing matters would also help.
    • All relevant legal processes and requirements should be incorporated into one consolidated law on international cooperation.
    • The entire gamut of activities pertaining to fugitives, from investigation to extradition, needs to be incorporated into a specialised set-up.

    Conclusion

    In the absence of a coordinated database, criminals can go undetected. What we need is a watertight system that would deter criminals from hoodwinking the law.

    Back2Basics: Crime and Criminal Tracking Network and Systems (CCTNS)

    • CCTNS aims at creating a comprehensive and integrated system for enhancing the efficiency and effective policing at all levels and especially at the Police Station level.
    • It aism at adoption of principles of e-Governance, and creation of a nationwide networked infrastructure for evolution of IT-enabled state of- the-art tracking system around “investigation of crime and detection of criminals” in real time.
    • It is is a critical requirement in the context of the present day internal security scenario.
    • The scope of CCTNS spans all 35 States and Union Territories and covers all Police Stations (15,000+ in number) and all Higher Police Offices (6,000+ in number) in the country.
    • The CCTNS project includes vertical connectivity of police units (linking police units at various levels within the States – police stations, district police offices, state headquarters, SCRB and other police formations – and States, through state headquarters and SCRB, to NCRB at GOI level) as well as horizontal connectivity, linking police functions at State and Central level to external entities.

    National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID)

    • First conceptualised in 2009, NATGRID seeks to become the one-stop destination for security and intelligence agencies to access database related to immigration entry and exit, banking and telephone details of a suspect on a “secured platform”.
    • All State police are mandated to file First Information Reports (FIR) in the CCTNS.
    • It is only a repository and the data pertaining to FIRs of a particular police station are a State subject.

  • Explained: Malabar Exercise

    Phase 1 of the Malabar Naval Exercise has kicked begun with the participation of Australian navy for the first time since 2007.

    Go through the list for once. UPSC may ask a match the pair type question asking exercise name and countries involved.

    [Prelims Spotlight] Defence Exercises

    What is Malabar Exercise?

    • It is a multilateral naval exercise that includes simulated war games and combat manoeuvres.
    • It started in 1992 as a bilateral exercise between the Indian and US navies. Japan joined in 2015.
    • This year the exercise will be held in two phases, the first from Tuesday off the coast near Visakhapatnam, and the second in the Arabian Sea in mid-November. Last year it was held in early September off the coast of Japan.

    Major highlight: Quad Participation

    • For the first time in over a decade, the exercise will see the participation of all four Quad countries.
    • This will be the second time Australia will participate. In 2007, there were two Malabar Exercises.
    • The first was held off Okinawa island of Japan in the Western Pacific — the first time the exercise was held away from Indian shores — and the second in September 2007.
    • The following year, Australia stopped participating. Japan became a regular participant only in 2015, making it a trilateral annual exercise since then.

    Why is Australia’s participation important?

    • The 2+2 dialogue ended with an agreement to uphold the rules-based international order, respect for the rule of law and freedom of navigation in the international seas and upholding the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all states.
    • As the standoff in eastern Ladakh continues, the participation of four large navies from the Indo-Pacific region will send a message to China.
    • It was the possibility of riling up China that had prevented India from expanding the Malabar Exercise, and from Australia joining it.

    Quad is an exception

    • Over the last few months, the Indian Navy has conducted a number of Passage Exercises (PASSEX) with navies from Japan, Australia and the US.
    • But those were basic exercises to increase operability between the navies, while Malabar involves simulated war games.

  •  Explained: Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) VS COMCASA VS LEMOA

    India and the United States have signed the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), which, along with the two agreements signed earlier — the LEMOA and the COMCASA.

    Try this question for mains:

    Q. What is the troika of “foundational pacts” of India with the US? Discuss each of them. (150W)

    Completing the troika

    • The two agreements signed earlier are— the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) and the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA).
    • This completes a troika of “foundational pacts” for deep military cooperation between the two countries.

    What is BECA?

    • BECA will help India get real-time access to American geospatial intelligence that will enhance the accuracy of automated systems and weapons like missiles and armed drones.
    • Through the sharing of information on maps and satellite images, it will help India access topographical and aeronautical data, and advanced products that will aid in navigation and targeting.

    Benefits of BECA

    • This could be a key to Air Force-to-Air Force cooperation between India and the US.
    • BECA will provide Indian military systems with a high-quality GPS to navigate missiles with real-time intelligence to precisely target the adversary.
    • Besides the sailing of ships, flying off aircraft, fighting of wars, and location of targets, geospatial intelligence is also critical to the response to natural disasters.

    What was the LEMOA about?

    • LEMOA was the first of the three pacts to be signed in August 2016.
    • LEMOA allows the militaries of the US and India to replenish from each other’s bases, and access supplies, spare parts and services from each other’s land facilities, air bases, and ports, which can then be reimbursed.
    • LEMOA is extremely useful for India-US Navy-to-Navy cooperation since the two countries are cooperating closely in the Indo-Pacific.

    Concretizing the mutual trust

    • The critical element that underpins LEMOA is mutual trust.
    • Without trust, no country will be willing to expose its military and strategic assets such as warships to the facilities of another country.
    • The signing of LEMOA was in itself an affirmation of the mutual trust between the two militaries, and its application will enhance the trust.
    • It took almost a decade to negotiate LEMOA, and the exercise in a sense bridged the trust deficit between India and the US and paved the way for the other two foundational pacts.

    What about the COMCASA?

    • COMCASA was signed in September 2018, after the first 2+2 dialogue during Mrs. Swarajs’ term as EAM.
    • The pact allows the US to provide India with its encrypted communications equipment and systems so that Indian and US military commanders, and the aircraft and ships of the two countries, can communicate through secure networks during times of both peace and war.
    • The signing of COMCASA paved the way for the transfer of communication security equipment from the US to India to facilitate “interoperability” between their forces.

    Specific context and practical benefit for India

    • The strengthening of the mechanisms of cooperation between the two militaries must be seen in the context of an increasingly aggressive China.
    • Amid the ongoing standoff on the LAC in Ladakh — the longest and most serious in three decades — India and the US intensified under-the-radar intelligence and military cooperation at an unprecedented level.
    • These conversations facilitated information-sharing between the two countries, including the sharing of high-end satellite images, telephone intercepts, and data on Chinese troops and weapons deployment along the LAC.

    Conclusion

    • Such agreements mark the enhancement of mutual trust and a commitment to the long-term strategic relationship.
    • The US wants India to move away from Russian equipment and platforms, as it feels this may expose its technology and information to Moscow.
    • So far, India is going ahead with the purchase of the S-400 air defence missile system from Russia, and this has been a sticking point for American interlocutors.
    • For its part, India is wary of Pakistan’s deep-rooted ties with the Pentagon, and Washington’s dependence on Rawalpindi for access to Afghanistan as well as its exit strategy.
    • But, because of the clear and present danger from China, New Delhi’s strategic embrace of Washington is the obvious outcome.

  • Security implications of Doha Accord for India

    We have been spared of some unfortunate news of terrorist attacks in the recent past, however, it would be mistake to discount the threat posed by the terrorist organisations especially when we consider the backdrop of Doha Accord. The article deals with the threat of terrorism.

    Declining support

    • Terrorist organisations like Taliban, al-Qaeda, Islamic State, Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) have been dormant during a pandemic.
    • This is partly explained by the fact that open terror attacks have been reducing, presumably because:
    • 1) Terror outfits lack resources.
    • 2) Because of temporary loss of support from those normally hostile to the non-Islamic world and tolerant Muslims.
    • However, given their past resilience, they continue to pose threats to modern society, especially to India and its neighbourhood.

    But threat persists

    • These terrorist organisations continue to be attractive to misguided youth in India whose loyalties are extraterritorial.
    • Their numbers may not be formidable, but they can cause a ripple effect that cannot be underestimated.
    • Terrorist cells are probably engaged in the quiet process of collecting resources for future lethal assaults against India and other countries in the neighbourhood.
    • Once the pandemic eases, we may see a resurgence of terror.
    • The aggravation of poverty in developing nations due to COVID-19 could offer a fertile ground for recruitment.
    • The al-Qaeda and the Islamic State are carrying out their recruitment undiminished by the problems posed by the pandemic.
    • Only these two outfits have an impressive global reach backed by global ambitions.

    What are the implications of Doha Accord?

    • The Doha Accord signed this year between the Taliban and the U.S., which has brought about an improved relationship between the two.
    • The U.S. has agreed to a near-total withdrawal of its troops in return for the Taliban’s promise to preserve peace in Afghanistan.
    • The Taliban and the al-Qaeda need each other in many areas.
    • Both are friendly towards Pakistan and could pose a problem or two to India in the near future.
    • Many recent raids by the National Investigation Agency point to an al-Qaeda network in India.
    • Once the situation gets better, the al-Qaeda, in cahoots with other aggressive Islamic outfits in and around Pakistan, is bound to escalate the offensive against India.
    • This is one factor that makes the al-Qaeda and other terror outfits still relevant to India’s security calculus.

    Consider the question “What are the implications of Doha Acord for India’s security architecture?”

    Conclusion

    The threat posed by the changing geopolitical landscape is bound to increase in the coming days and hence India should prepare itself to tackle the challenge.

  • [pib] Exercise SLINEX-20

    The Eighth Edition of annual Indian Navy (IN) – Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) bilateral maritime exercise SLINEX-20 is scheduled off Trincomalee.

    About SLINEX-20

    • SLINEX-20 aims to enhance inter-operability, improve mutual understanding and exchange best practices and procedures for multi-faceted maritime operations between both navies.
    • In addition, the exercise will also showcase the capabilities of our indigenously constructed naval ships and aircraft.
    • SLINEX series of exercise exemplifies the deep engagement between India and Sri Lanka which has strengthened mutual cooperation in the maritime domain.
    • Interaction between the SLN and IN has also grown significantly in recent years, in consonance with India’s policy of ‘Neighbourhood First’ and the vision of ‘Security and Growth for all in the Region (SAGAR)’.

  • Registration under Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA)

    The Union Home Ministry has granted FCRA registration to the famous Gurdwara Harmandir Sahib, or the Golden Temple, in Amritsar, enabling it to receive foreign donations.

    Foreign Contribution Regulation Act

    • The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010 is an act to regulate the acceptance and utilization of foreign contribution or foreign hospitality by certain individuals or associations or companies
    • It prohibits acceptance and utilization of foreign contribution or foreign hospitality for any activities detrimental to the national interest and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto
    • The central government has the power to prohibit any persons or organizations from accepting foreign contribution or hospitality if it is determined that such acceptance would likely “affect prejudicially”

    (i) the sovereignty and integrity of India,

    (ii) public interest,

    (iii) freedom or fairness of election to any legislature,

    (iv) friendly relations with any foreign State, or

    (v) harmony between religious, racial, social, linguistic or regional groups, castes or communities

    Premise for the FCRA

    • Government of India enacted the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) in the year 1976 with an objective of regulating the acceptance and utilization of foreign contribution.
    • Any association, non-government organisation (NGO) or registered society requires FCRA registration to receive foreign donations for specified purposes.
    • The act was majorly modified in 2010 with several amendments because many NGOs were found using illegal use of foreign funding.

  • Exercise Kavkaz 2020

    India has turned down Russia’s invitation to participate in the multilateral defence exercise Kavkaz 2020.

    Go through the list for once. UPSC may ask a match the pair type question asking exercise name and countries involved.

    https://www.civilsdaily.com/prelims-spotlight-defence-exercises/

    Exercise Kavkaz 2020

    • The Kavkaz 2020 is also referred to as Caucasus-2020.
    • The exercise is aimed at assessing the ability of the armed forces to ensure military security in Russia’s southwest, where serious terrorist threats persist and preparing for the strategic command-staff drills.
    • The main training grounds that will be involved are located in the Southern Military District.
    • The invitation for participation has been extended to at least 18 countries including China, Iran, Pakistan and Turkey apart from other Central Asian Republics part of the SCO.

    Why didn’t India participate?

    • While it is learned that China has confirmed its participation, Pakistan is also likely to send its troops for the exercise.
    • In the response communicated to Russia, New Delhi cited Covid-19 as the official reason to skip ‘Exercise Kavkaz 2020’.
    • The move comes in the backdrop of a border standoff with China in eastern Ladakh.

    Earlier instances

    • Exercise Tsentr last year had the participation of India, Pakistan and all Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) member-nations.
    • India had participated in SCO peace mission exercise in 2018, and in 2019, for the first time, was involved in a strategic command and staff exercise as part of Exercise Tsentr.