💥Join UPSC 2027,2028 Mentorship (July Batch) + XFactor Notes & Microthemes PDF

GS Paper: Indian Economy

  • ECGC to seek RBI nod for payment in forex to exporters

    ECGC Ltd., the government enterprise that provides export credit insurance, will soon approach the Reserve Bank of India for approval to deal in foreign currency for the benefit of exporters.

    What is ECGC?

    • ECGC is an acronym for Export Credit Guarantee Corporation of India Ltd.
    • It is a government owned export credit provider.
    • It is under the ownership of Ministry of Commerce and Industry and is based in Mumbai.
    • It provides export credit insurance support to Indian exporters.
    • Its topmost official is designated as Chairman and Managing Director who is a central government civil servant under ITS cadre.
    • The GoI had initially set up Export Risks Insurance Corporation (ERIC) in July 1957.
    • It was transformed into Export Credit and Guarantee Corporation Limited (ECGC) in 1964 and to Export Credit Guarantee Corporation of India in 1983.

    Functions of ECGC

    • ECGC provides a range of credit risk insurance covers to exporters against loss in export of goods and services as well.
    • It offers guarantees to banks and financial institutions to enable exporters to obtain better facilities from them.
    • It provides Overseas Investment Insurance to Indian companies investing in joint ventures abroad in the form of equity or loan and advances.

    Facilities by ECGC

    • It offers insurance protection to exporters against payment risks.
    • It provides guidance in export-related activities.
    • It makes available information on different countries with its own credit ratings.
    • It makes it easy to obtain export finance from banks/financial institutions.
    • It assists exporters in recovering bad debt.
    • It provides information on the creditworthiness of overseas buyers.

    Why need export credit insurance?

    • Payments for exports are open to risks even at the best of times.
    • The risks have assumed large proportions today due to the far-reaching political and economic changes that are sweeping the world.
    • An outbreak of war or civil war may block or delay payment for goods exported. Ex. Ukraine War.
    • Economic difficulties or balance of payment problems may lead a country to impose restrictions on either import of certain goods or on transfer of payments for goods imported. Ex. Sri Lankan Crisis.
    • In addition, the exporters have to face commercial risks of insolvency or protracted the default of buyers.
    • Export credit insurance is designed to protect exporters from the consequences of the payment risks, both political and commercial, and to enable them to expand their overseas business without fear of loss.

     

    UPSC 2023 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Tackling the inflation

    Context

    Expectations that commodity and oil prices would cool down in 2022 as the pandemic ebbed were belied by the Russia-Ukraine conflict, which exacerbated existing pressures. Fresh lockdowns in China are also extending the pandemic-induced supply-chain bottlenecks.

    Challenges for central banks

    • Systemically important central banks that viewed the consistent uptick in inflation as transitory — caused by post-pandemic supply shocks — are now finding it hard to bottle the genie.
    • Inflation in the time of weak growth: What central banks like even less is having to deal with rising inflation in times of weak growth.
    • Because the primary tool they have to fight it — the interest rate hikecan be recessionary.

    Inflation in India

    • CPI inflation averaged 6.3 per cent in the January-March 2022, above the RBI’s target range of 2-6 per cent.
    • The RBI forecasts inflation for April-June at 6.3 per cent.
    • One more quarter over the 6 per cent mark, and the central bank would owe the government an explanation.
    • Factors driving inflation: Fiscal 2021-In fiscal 2021, inflationary pressures came largely from food and, to some extent, core which excludes fuel and food.
    • Fiscal 2022- In fiscal 2022, crude prices hardened to emerge as the new driver. Core inflation firmed up further.
    • But the drop in food inflation offset this, so overall inflation was lower at 5.5 per cent compared with 6.2 per cent the previous year.

    Understanding inflation in fiscal 2023

    • What makes this fiscal worrying is, all three-fule, food and core are firmly pointing in the same direction — up.
    • Fuel inflation, in double digits for a year now, shows no signs of easing.
    • Energy prices have risen sharply across the board — from crude oil to coal and natural gas.
    • The cut in excise duties on petrol and diesel in November 2021 is insufficient to bring down fuel inflation, in the event crude prices stay above $90 per barrel this fiscal.
    • Food inflation: Food is the most volatile component and biggest mover of CPI inflation, given that it occupies 39 per cent weight in the average consumption basket.  
    • On the positive side, India looks set to enjoy a fourth successive year of normal monsoon and still has good buffer stocks of rice and wheat.
    • What is certain, though, is the rising cost of food production.
    • Prices of fertilisers, pesticides, diesel and animal feed are all surging.
    • Already pricey edible oils are set to get even costlier, with Indonesia’s recent ban on refined palm oil exports adding pressure.
    • No wonder then, food inflation is expected to rise.
    • Core inflation: Core inflation, a barometer of demand pressures, will continue to climb despite an environment of weak demand due to the persistence of supply shocks.
    • For producers, the bump-up in international prices across energy and metal commodities since the war has brought more pain.
    • But a weak and uneven demand recovery means producers had limited ability to pass on cost pressures to consumers.
    • Such pass-through has been partial, at best.
    • For most goods, CPI inflation has been much lower than the corresponding WPI last fiscal.
    • The pattern of recovery is also uneven across different segments, with contact-intensive services lagging formal manufacturing.
    • But contact-based services will catch up sooner or later, as restrictions become a thing of the past.
    • The last time we saw such broad-basing of inflationary pressures was after the Global Financial Crisis.
    • The difference this time around is consumer demand, which remains weak and will limit the extent of pass-through.

    Conclusion

    Forecasting inflation in such uncertain times is fraught with risk. The RBI has predicted ~5.7 per cent consumer inflation this fiscal, while professional forecasters see it at 5.6 per cent. The odds currently favour a higher inflation print, and a rate hike in June.

    UPSC 2023 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • State of (un)employment in India

    Data from the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) shows that India’s labour force participation rate (LFPR) has fallen to just 40% from an already low 47% in 2016.

    What is LFPR?

    • Before understanding LFPR, we need to define the labour force itself.
    • According to the CMIE, the labour force consists of persons who are of age 15 years or older, and belong to either of the following two categories:
    1. are employed
    2. are unemployed and are willing to work and are actively looking for a job
    • There is a crucial commonality between the two categories — they both have people “demanding” jobs.
    • This demand is what LFPR refers to. While those in category 1 succeed in getting a job, those in category 2 fail to do so.
    • Thus, the LFPR essentially is the percentage of the working-age (15 years or older) population that is asking for a job; it represents the “demand” for jobs in an economy.
    • It includes those who are employed and those who are unemployed.
    • The Unemployment Rate (UER), which is routinely quoted in the news, is nothing but the number of unemployed (category 2) as a proportion of the labour force.

    What is the significance of LFPR in India?

    • Typically, it is expected that the LFPR will remain largely stable.
    • As such, any analysis of unemployment in an economy can be done just by looking at the UER.
    • But, in India, the LFPR is not only lower than in the rest of the world but also falling. This, in turn, affects the UER because LFPR is the base (the denominator) on which UER is calculated.
    • The world over, LFPR is around 60%. In India, it has been sliding over the last 10 years and has shrunk from 47% in 2016 to just 40% as of December 2021.
    • This shrinkage implies that merely looking at UER will under-report the stress of unemployment in India.
    • Recent trend suggests that not only that more than half of India’s population in the working-age group is deciding to sit out of the job market, but also that this proportion of people is increasing.

    How is it under-reported?

    • Imagine that there are just 100 people in the working-age group but only 60 ask for jobs — that is, the LFPR is 60% — and of these 60 people, 6 did not get a job. This would imply a UER of 10%.
    • Now imagine a scenario when the LFPR has fallen to 40% and, as such, only 40 people are demanding work. And of these 40, only 2 people fail to get a job.
    • The UER would have fallen to 5% and it might appear that the economy is doing better on the jobs front but the truth is starkly different.
    • The truth is that beyond the 2 who are unemployed, a total of 20 people have stopped demanding work.
    • Typically, this happens when people in the working-age get disheartened from not finding work.

    So, what is the correct way to assess India’s unemployment stress?

    • When LFPR is falling as steadily and as sharply as it has done in India’s case, it is better to track another variable: the Employment Rate (ER).
    • The ER refers to the total number of employed people as a percentage of the working-age population.
    • By using the working-age population as the base and looking at the number of people with jobs, the ER captures the fall in LFPR to better represent the stress in the labour market.

    ER trends in India

    • If one looks at the ER data (Chart 1), it becomes clear that while India’s working-age population has been increasing each year, the percentage of people with jobs has been coming down sharply.
    • Looking at the absolute numbers makes the stress even more clear.
    • In December 2021, India had 107.9 crore people in the working age group and of these, only 40.4 crore had a job (an ER of 37.4%).
    • Compare this with December 2016 when India had 95.9 crore in the working-age group and 41.2 crore with jobs (ER 43%).
    • In five years, while the total working-age population has gone up by 12 crore, the number of people with jobs has gone down by 80 lakh.

    Why is India’s LFPR so low?

    • The main reason for India’s LFPR being low is the abysmally low level of female LFPR.
    • According to CMIE data, as of December 2021, while the male LFPR was 67.4%, the female LFPR was as low as 9.4%.
    • In other words, less than one in 10 working-age women in India are even demanding work.
    • Even if one sources data from the World Bank, India’s female labour force participation rate is around 25% when the global average is 47%.

    Why do so few women demand work?

    • One reason is essentially about the working conditions — such as law and order, efficient public transportation, violence against women, societal norms etc — being far from conducive for women to seek work.
    • The other has to do with correctly measuring women’s contribution to the economy.
    • There are methodological issues in formally capturing women’s contribution to the economy since a lot of women in India are exclusively involved within their own homes.
    • Lastly, it is also a question of adequate job opportunities for women.

    How do people who leave the labour force survive?

    • Households with more than one working member often witness this phenomenon.
    • The fall in the LFPR since 2016 has been accompanied by a fall in the proportion of households where more than one person is employed.
    • The fall in LFPR has largely been the result of the additional person employed in a typical household losing a job.

     

    UPSC 2023 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • State Taxes on Fuels

    PM has said that fuel prices were too high in some States ruled by other parties and they were not passing on the benefits of the Centre’s excise duty cut to the people.

    Why are states reluctant?

    • The reluctance to reduce excise duty and VAT on fuel stems from the fact that it constitutes an important source of revenue for both the Union government and the states.
    • Excise duty on fuel makes up about 18.4 per cent of Centre’s gross tax revenues.
    • Petroleum and alcohol, on an average, account for 25-35 per cent of the own tax revenue of states

    Present taxation of Fuels

    What is Excise Duty?

    • Excise duty is a form of tax imposed on goods for their production, licensing and sale.
    • It is the opposite of Customs duty in sense that it applies to goods manufactured domestically in the country, while Customs is levied on those coming from outside of the country.
    • At the central level, excise duty earlier used to be levied as Central Excise Duty, Additional Excise Duty, etc.
    • Excise duty was levied on manufactured goods and levied at the time of removal of goods, while GST is levied on the supply of goods and services.

    Purview of excise duty

    • The GST introduction in July 2017 subsumed many types of excise duty.
    • Today, excise duty applies only on petroleum and liquor.
    • Alcohol does not come under the purview of GST as exclusion mandated by constitutional provision.
    • States levy taxes on alcohol according to the same practice as was prevalent before the rollout of GST.
    • After GST was introduced, excise duty was replaced by central GST because excise was levied by the central government.
    • The revenue generated from CGST goes to the central government.

    Types of excise duty in India

    Before GST, there were three kinds of excise duties in India.

    (1) Basic Excise Duty

    • Basic excise duty is also known as the Central Value Added Tax (CENVAT).
    • This category of excise duty was levied on goods that were classified under the first schedule of the Central Excise Tariff Act, 1985.
    • This duty applied on all goods except salt.

    (2) Additional Excise Duty

    • Additional excise duty was levied on goods of high importance, under the Additional Excise under Additional Duties of Excise (Goods of Special Importance) Act, 1957.
    • This duty was levied on some special category of goods.

    (3) Special Excise Duty

    • This type of excise duty was levied on special goods classified under the Second Schedule to the Central Excise Tariff Act, 1985.
    • Presently the central excise duty comprises of a Basic Excise Duty, Special Additional Excise Duty and Additional Excise Duty (Road and Infrastructure Cess) on auto fuels.

    Present taxation of Fuels

    • Currently, taxes on petroleum products are levied by both the Centre and the states.
    • While the Centre levies excise duty, states levy value-added tax (VAT).
    • For instance, VAT on petroleum products is as high as 40% in Maharashtra, contributing over ₹25,000 crores annually.
    • By being able to levy VAT on these products, the state governments have control over their revenues.
    • When a national GST subsumed central taxes such as excise duty and state levies like VAT on July 1, 2017, five petroleum goods – petrol, diesel, ATF, natural gas and crude oil – were kept out of its purview.

     

    UPSC 2023 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Direct Tax collections surge in FY22

    India’s net direct tax collections amounted to ₹14,09,640.83 crore for FY22, which is the highest collection ever.

    What are Direct Taxes?

    • A type of tax where the impact and the incidence fall under the same category can be defined as a Direct Tax.
    • The tax is paid directly by the organization or an individual to the entity that has imposed the payment.
    • The tax must be paid directly to the government and cannot be paid to anyone else.

     Why in news?

    • The surge in direct tax collection signals that the Indian economy has bounced back after two years of the pandemic.

    Rise in direct tax collection

    • As against ₹14.09 lakh crore this year, our collection in 2020-21 was only ₹9.45 lakh crore.
    • In a single year, the economy has moved upward by nearly ₹4.5 lakh crore, registering a growth of 49%.
    • The collection is the best-ever as far as income tax and corporation tax are concerned.

    What about direct tax-to-GDP ratio?

    • The direct tax-to-GDP ratio is around 12%.
    • The Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT) was working to raise the ratio to 15-20% in 5-10 years.

    Why is it significant?

    • A tax-to-GDP ratio is a gauge of a nation’s tax revenue relative to the size of its economy as measured by gross domestic product (GDP).
    • The ratio provides a useful look at a country’s tax revenue because it reveals potential taxation relative to the economy.
    • It also enables a view of the overall direction of a nation’s tax policy, as well as international comparisons between the tax revenues of different countries.

    Back2Basics: Types of Direct Taxes

    The various types of direct tax that are imposed in India are mentioned below:

    (1) Income Tax

    • Depending on an individual’s age and earnings, income tax must be paid.
    • Various tax slabs are determined by the Government of India which determines the amount of Income Tax that must be paid.
    • The taxpayer must file Income Tax Returns (ITR) on a yearly basis.
    • Individuals may receive a refund or might have to pay a tax depending on their ITR. Penalties are levied in case individuals do not file ITR.

    (2) Wealth Tax

    • The tax must be paid on a yearly basis and depends on the ownership of properties and the market value of the property.
    • In case an individual owns a property, wealth tax must be paid and does not depend on whether the property generates an income or not.
    • Corporate taxpayers, Hindu Undivided Families (HUFs), and individuals must pay wealth tax depending on their residential status.
    • Payment of wealth tax is exempt for assets like gold deposit bonds, stock holdings, house property, commercial property that have been rented for more than 300 days, and if the house property is owned for business and professional use.

    (3) Estate Tax

    • It is also called Inheritance Tax and is paid based on the value of the estate or the money that an individual has left after his/her death.

    (4) Corporate Tax

    • Domestic companies, apart from shareholders, will have to pay corporate tax.
    • Foreign corporations who make an income in India will also have to pay corporate tax.
    • Income earned via selling assets, technical service fees, dividends, royalties, or interest that is based in India is taxable.
    • The below-mentioned taxes are also included under Corporate Tax:
    1. Securities Transaction Tax (STT): The tax must be paid for any income that is earned via security transactions that are taxable.
    2. Dividend Distribution Tax (DDT): In case any domestic companies declare, distribute, or are paid any amounts as dividends by shareholders, DDT is levied on them. However, DDT is not levied on foreign companies.
    3. Fringe Benefits Tax: For companies that provide fringe benefits for maids, drivers, etc., Fringe Benefits Tax is levied on them.
    4. Minimum Alternate Tax (MAT): For zero tax companies that have accounts prepared according to the Companies Act, MAT is levied on them.

    (5) Capital Gains Tax:

    • It is a form of direct tax that is paid due to the income that is earned from the sale of assets or investments. Investments in farms, bonds, shares, businesses, art, and home come under capital assets.
    • Based on its holding period, tax can be classified into long-term and short-term.
    • Any assets, apart from securities, that are sold within 36 months from the time they were acquired come under short-term gains.
    • Long-term assets are levied if any income is generated from the sale of properties that have been held for a duration of more than 36 months.

    Advantages of Direct Taxes

    The main advantages of Direct Taxes in India are mentioned below:

    • Economic and Social balance: The Government of India has launched well-balanced tax slabs depending on an individual’s earnings and age. The tax slabs are also determined based on the economic situation of the country. Exemptions are also put in place so that all income inequalities are balanced out.
    • Productivity: As there is a growth in the number of people who work and community, the returns from direct taxes also increases. Therefore, direct taxes are considered to be very productive.
    • Inflation is curbed: Tax is increased by the government during inflation. The increase in taxes reduces the necessity for goods and services, which leads to inflation to compress.
    • Certainty: Due to the presence of direct taxes, there is a sense of certainty from the government and the taxpayer. The amount that must be paid and the amount that must be collected is known by the taxpayer and the government, respectively.
    • Distribution of wealth is equal: Higher taxes are charged by the government to the individuals or organizations that can afford them. This extra money is used to help the poor and lower societies in India.

    What are the disadvantages of direct taxes?

    • Easily evadable: Not all are willing to pay their taxes to the government. Some are willing to submit a false return of income to evade tax. These individuals can easily conceal their incomes, with no accountability to the law of the land.
    • Arbitrary: Taxes, if progressive, are fixed arbitrarily by the Finance Minister. If proportional, it creates a heavy burden on the poor.
    • Disincentive: If there are high taxes, it does not allow an individual to save or invest, leading to the economic suffering of the country. It does not allow businesses/industry to grow, inflicting damage to them.

     

    UPSC 2023 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Anchoring inflationary expectations

    Context

    The RBI released the Inflation Expectations Survey of Households (IESH) for March 2022 on April 8. The survey results present interesting behavioural insights for public policy, particularly from a gender perspective.

    Significance of inflation expectations

    • The impact of inflation — the overall increase in the prices in an economy — is felt by everyone.
    • High inflation adversely affects the poor.
    • Individuals, therefore, form expectations about how prices will behave in the future to take precautions.
    • If they anticipate high inflation, they negotiate wages or rents to compensate against a potential fall in their purchasing power.
    • Self-fulfilling: Increased wages increase the cost of production, making expectations self-fulfilling and, therefore, playing a pivotal role in determining inflation.
    • Anchoring inflation expectations: Central banks raise interest rates to ‘anchor’ high inflationary expectations when temporary price shocks, on account of drought or disruption in global supply chains, entail the risk of getting transmitted into actual inflation.

    What shapes inflation expectations of individuals?

    • A recent study carried out by Acunto et al., 2020, validates that what agents frequently purchase, instead of those purchased infrequently, shape their perception of the general level of inflation.
    • Factors shaping individual’s perception: A significant factor shaping perceptions on inflation are the prices that individuals observe in their daily lives, originally posited by Robert Lucas in his seminal Islands model.
    • Therefore, generalising aggregate inflation expectations for making general views of prices in the economy could be misleading.
    • This insight has implications for gender-based differences in anticipating inflation in the future.
    • Existing literature shows that women have higher inflationary expectations compared to men.
    •  However, a new study reveals that it is not the innate characteristics as much as the traditional gender roles that explain this divergence.

    Natural experiments

    • To test its validity, trends of Inflation Expectations Survey of Households (IESH) before and after the lockdown period present itself as a crude ‘natural experiment’.
    • The authors hypothesise that if traditional gender roles are the primary reasons behind the gender inflation expectation gap, then the lockdown-imposed work-from-home (WFH) arrangements or loss of employment should contribute in closing this gap.
    • The logic: during the lockdown, people in urban areas lost jobs or remained at home, taking a relatively equal share in the frequent day-to-day purchases.
    • Two categories of occupations are studied here: homemakers (assumed to be dominated by women) and financial sector employees (assumed to be dominated by men).
    • Looking at the trends of the RBI surveys for the period between March 2018 and March 2020, homemakers report higher inflation expectations than financial sector employees.
    • However, this gap has narrowed over the last two years and has almost converged in March 2022.
    • A possible explanation of closing of the gap could be the gradual ‘experience effect’ of male-dominated financial sector employees.
    • Experience effect, contrary to Rational Expectations Theory that assumes individuals base their decisions on the information available to them, is based on the premise that actual personal experiences shape behaviour more than being informed about the outcome of the event.

    Conclusion

    Focus could be shifted more on the microfoundations — understanding macroeconomic outcomes by studying factors that shape individual behaviour and decision making — for making better policy decisions concerning macroeconomic phenomena.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Effective and Efficient: The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code

    Context

    The performance of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC) has been under intense scrutiny.

    Basis for the criticism of IBC

    • The Code has been mainly criticised on three counts:
    • 1] Delay in resolution: There are inordinate delays in the resolution procedure.
    • 2] Liquidation:  There have been more liquidations than resolutions.
    • 3] Low recovery amount: The recovery amounts under IBC are not substantial, making it more of a talking point than an effective structural reform.

    Is the criticism about the delay justified?

    • Assessing IBC based only on the average time taken to resolve successful cases does a substantial disservice to how much more efficient the IBC is compared to the previous regimes.
    •  It is calculated by taking a simple average of time taken on each completed case.
    • This is one of the metrics used by the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Board of India (IBBI) to compare the IBC regime with the earlier Board of Industrial and Financial Reconstruction (BIFR) regime.
    •  However, the performance of a bankruptcy resolution should ideally be evaluated along at least three dimensions:
    • The average time taken to resolve a case, the fraction of cases resolved within a given timeframe, and the recovery rate conditional on resolution.
    • Focusing on any single parameter may result in a gross under (over) estimation of the IBC’s (BIFR’s) performance.
    • By examining the fraction of cases that are resolved within a specific timeframe, we see that for any fraction of the total cases resolved under each scheme, the IBC took considerably less time than BIFR.
    • Total number of cases solved: Since its inception in 1987, the BIFR has resolved less than 3,500 cases while the IBC, since it was launched in 2016, resolved about 1,178 cases until it was suspended at the onset of the COVID pandemic.
    • Most analyses of IBC’s performance overlook the important fact that many of the legacy BIFR cases were subsumed by IBC, and these were often zombie firms that were kept alive due to massive evergreening of loans between 2008-2015.

    Conclusion

    The bottom line is straightforward: The IBC has significantly outperformed the earlier BIFR regime in terms of the speed of resolution.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • All-India Household Consumer Expenditure Survey

    The All-India Household Consumer Expenditure Survey, usually conducted by the National Statistical Office (NSO) every five years, is set to resume this year after a prolonged break.

    What is the Consumer Expenditure Survey (CES)?

    • The CES is traditionally a quinquennial (recurring every five years) survey conducted by the government’s National Sample Survey Office (NSSO).
    • It is designed to collect information on the consumer spending patterns of households across the country, both urban and rural.
    • Typically, the Survey is conducted between July and June and this year’s exercise is expected to be completed by June 2023.

    Utility of the survey

    • The data gathered in this exercise reveals the average expenditure on goods (food and non-food) and services.
    • It helps generate estimates of household Monthly Per Capita Consumer Expenditure (MPCE) as well as the distribution of households and persons over the MPCE classes.
    • It is used to arrive at estimates of poverty levels in different parts of the country and to review economic indicators such as the GDP, since 2011-12.

    Why need this survey?

    • India has not had any official estimates on per capita household spending.
    • It provides separate data sets for rural and urban parts, and also splice spending patterns for each State and Union Territory, as well as different socio-economic groups.

    What about the previous survey?

    • The survey was last held in 2017-2018.
    • The government announced that it had data quality issues.
    • Hence the results were not released.

     

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Digital Service Tax

    Context

    Over the past four years, 137 countries have engaged intensively with the OECD to find a solution to the tax challenges arising from digitalisation. Like any international agreement, finding a middle ground has been difficult and a series of compromises have been made.

    What makes it difficult to tax the digital economy?

    • Operation across the border: The unique feature of the digital economy is that firms can operate seamlessly across borders and users and their data contribute to their profits.
    • However, this made it harder to tax such an economy.
    • It was not clear how profits were to be pinned down to any jurisdiction.
    • Political issues: Taxing digital economy became a political issue because the largest technology firms are tax residents of developed countries and redefining digital presence as the basis of taxation would potentially allow large markets like India more right to tax.
    • Developing vs. developed countries: Developing countries wanted that profits from digital operations should be fractionally apportioned to markets while developed countries believe that a fraction of residual profit, mainly arising from marketing functions, should be taxed in markets.

     Equalisation levy and DST issue

    • The divergence in developed and developing countries as explained above compelled countries to implement unilateral measures.
    • India was the first country to implement a gross equalisation levy on turnover.
    • This is not covered by tax treaties.
    • So, while the income tax act does not apply to the levy, credit is available for the tax paid by the company in its home country.
    • Similarly, several other countries have announced or implemented a digital services tax (DST).
    • In 2021, India expanded the scope of the equalisation levy.
    • The US initiated the US Trade Representative investigations which found DST to be discriminatory, and then announced retaliatory tariffs.

    Two-pillar approach and issues with its adoption

    • The DSTs encouraged the US to actively participate in finding a consensus-based solution.
    • As talks progressed, the OECD announced that the issue of allocation of taxing rights would be actively considered and adopted a two-pillar approach.
    • Pillar One approach: The first pillar was to define the rules for taxing digital companies.
    • Sovereignty issue: Pillar One was to go beyond digital companies and apply to large companies with annual revenue over € 20 billion. To ensure certainty to taxpayers, the solution will require excessive global coordination.
    • Whether this will undermine sovereignty, remains to be seen.
    • Therefore, it is important to consider if the consensus approach is worth pursuing.
    • EL may still apply to companies not covered by OECD proposal: In fact, the EL may apply to companies that are not covered by the OECD proposal, leaving one to wonder whether it will truly address the tax challenges from digitalisation. 
    • Complications: Corporations that argue in favour of simplicity must also consider the potential benefits from an EL like tax that sets aside the complications of attributing profits to complex functions.
    • The OECD approach creates a fiction of reallocation, where the profits reallocated through Pillar One could in fact be compensated for by taxing back global profits taxed below 15 per cent.

    Conclusion

    As per Pillar One proposal, DSTs will be removed once the OECD approach is ratified in 2023. It is imperative therefore that countries assess the price of compromise.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Indians can now make Payments using UPI in UAE

    Tourists or migrants to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) with Indian bank accounts will be able to make UPI payments at shops, retail establishments and other merchants in the gulf nation.

    What is UPI?

    • Unified Payments Interface (UPI) is an instant real-time payment system developed by National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) facilitating inter-bank transactions.
    • The interface is regulated by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and works by instantly transferring funds between two bank accounts on a mobile platform.

    How does the service work?

    • The NPCI and UAE’s Mashreq Bank’s NEOPAY have partnered for this service
    • It will be mandatory for users to have a bank account in India with UPI enabled on it.
    • The users will also need an application, like BHIM, to make UPI payments.

    Will UPI be accepted everywhere in the UAE?

    • Payments using UPI will only be accepted at those merchants and shops which have NEOPAY terminals.

    Does NPCI have other such international arrangements?

    • NPCI’s international arm NIPL have several such arrangements with international financial services providers for its products, including UPI and RuPay cards.
    • Globally, UPI is accepted in Bhutan and Nepal, and is likely to go live in Singapore later this year.
    • In Singapore, a project to link UPI with the city-state’s instant payment system PayNow is being undertaken by the RBI and the Monetary Authority of Singapore.
    • The linkage is targeted for operationalization by July this year.

    Back2Basics: Bharat Interface for Money (BHIM)

    • BHIM is an Indian mobile payment App developed by the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI), based on the Unified Payments Interface (UPI).
    • Named after B. R. Ambedkar and launched on 30 December 2016 it is intended to facilitate e-payments directly through banks and encourage cashless transactions.
    • The application supports all Indian banks which use UPI, which is built over the Immediate Payment Service (IMPS) infrastructure and allows the user to instantly transfer money between bank accounts of any two parties.
    • It can be used on all mobile devices.

    Answer this PYQ in the comment box:

    Q. With reference to digital payments, consider the following statements:

    1. BHIM app allows the user to transfer money to anyone with a UPI-enabled bank account.
    2. While a chip-pin debit card has four factors of authentication, BHIM app has only two factors of authentication.

    Which of the statements given above is/ are correct? (CSP 2018)

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”ra78wdcdft” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)