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GS Paper: GS2

  • Reading the new US policy on Tibet

    The Tibet Policy and Support Act (TPSA) passed by the US Senate earlier this week, bookends a turbulent year in US-China relations.

    Must read:

    Tibetan Policy and Support Act (TPSA)

    Do you think that India’s support for the Tibetan cause is the root cause of all irritants in India-China relations?

    TPSA: A backgrounder

    • The TPSA is an amended version of the Tibet Policy Act of 2002, which came into existence during the Bush Administration.
    • The act once signed into law would make it the official policy of the US Government to oppose any effort by the govt. of the People’s Republic of China to select, educate, and venerate Tibetan Buddhist religious leaders in a manner inconsistent with Tibetan Buddhism.
    • The proposed legislation will empower the US Government to impose sanctions on China who might try to interfere in the process of selecting the next incarnation of the Dalai Lama.

    US and China, today

    • US-China relations have become much more difficult over the last two decades, particularly worsening in the Trump Administration.
    • The matters range from the pandemic to trade tariffs and its cross-world coalition-building against Chinese superpower ambitions.
    • Earlier in the year, President Donald Trump signed into law the Hong Kong Autonomy Act.

    Fuelled by TPSA

    • Adding much fuel to the issue, the TPSA introduces stronger provisions on Tibet, plus teeth in the form of a threat of sanctions, including travel bans on Chinese officials.

    The Dalai Lama

    • Among the most significant amendments is that the TSPA makes it US policy to oppose attempts by Beijing to install its own Dalai Lama in a manner inconsistent with Tibetan Buddhism.
    • The legislation makes reference to the Chinese government’s ‘Measures on the Management of the Reincarnation of Living Buddhas’ in 2007.
    • China had earlier insisted that the reincarnation of living Buddhas including the Dalai Lama must comply with Chinese laws and regulations.

    Other provisions of TPSA

    • The TPSA has introduced provisions aimed at protecting the environment of the Tibetan plateau, calling for greater international cooperation and greater involvement by Tibetans.
    • Alleging that China is diverting water resources from Tibet, the TPSA also calls for a regional framework on water security, or use existing frameworks… to facilitate cooperative agreements among all riparian nations.
    • While the 2002 Act said the US should establish a “branch office” in Lhasa, the TSPA ups the ante by changing that to a “consulate”.
    • It recognizes the Central Tibetan Administration, whose Prime Minister Lobsang Sangay takes credit for ensuring that the Senate took up the legislation for a vote.

    Chinese response to TPSA

    • China had earlier said the TPSA severely breached international law and basic norms governing international relations, interfered in China’s internal affairs, and sent a wrong message to ‘Tibet independence’ forces”.
    • After the passage of the Bill through the Senate, China said it “resolutely opposes” the “adoption of Bills containing such ill contents on China.

    India’s present stance on Tibet

    • If India is pleased with this latest US barb to China, it has not said so openly.
    • India has mostly refrained from playing the Tibet card against China, and like the US, has a one-China policy.
    • It was only this year, in the ongoing Ladakh standoff, that it used Special Forces made up almost entirely of Tibetan exiles to occupy strategic heights in Pangong Tso’s south bank.

  • Issues related to Urban local bodies

    The inability of ULBs’ to raise revenue

    • Although it is envisaged that municipal revenue should be 1% of GDP, between 2010 and 2018 revenues declined from 0.48% to 0.43%.
    • As against the municipal revenue of Rs 4,624 per capita, own-source revenue was only Rs 1,975 in 2018 (ICRIER, 2019).
    • This affects the low-levels of municipal services and translates into salary delays for employees.

    8-way strategy to increase the revenue of ULBs

    1) Increasing the property tax base

    • In India, property taxes only account for 0.15% of GDP, whereas in developing economies they account for 0.6% and the global average is 1.04%.
    • To double the property tax collection the property tax base needs to be expanded using GIS mapping, cross-checking with building licenses, ration cards, mutations, electricity/gas accounts, and review of exemptions.
    • This also needs to cover government properties as per GoI circular 2009 and the SC judgment in Rajkot Corporation vs Railways.
    • Similarly, rates need revision in the guiding value for rent or unit area; for instance, in Delhi, rates are fairly low.
    • The collection process needs to be automated too.
    • ABC (Always best Control) analysis should be done to target the top 10-20% properties, and measures such as attaching bank accounts must be implemented.

    2) Upward revision of various fees

    • The value capture taxes need to include upward revision of building license fee and new sources like impact fee, as imposed in Telangana, exactions, and betterment levy like the one imposed in Gujarat.

    3) Levy advertisement fee

    • An advertisement fee needs to be levied.
    • Thiruvananthapuram listed the sites and plugged leakages for 33,170 unauthorized boards to double its income from 2018 to 2019.
    • South Delhi MC has achieved a three-time increase with revision of rates in a ratio of 1:8 as per location and by dividing the city into clusters.

    4) Local fee

    • Local fee/charges also have immense potential such as (i) recovery on user charges (water, etc) which is only 20% (ii) right of way from gas/electricity and fiber optic lines, (ii) cell tower, (iii) leasing electricity poles, etc.

    5) Participatory funding

    • The potential of participatory funding (private sector, CSR, and local community) needs to be tapped.
    • This has been done by Bengaluru, Ahmedabad, Mathura (Hybrid Annuity project), Indore, and Pune.

    6) Special attention for assigning and activating the fiscal instrument

    • Sixth, small and medium-sized municipal bodies need special attention for assigning and activating fiscal instruments.
    • Better mobilization of own sources may also lead to revenue account surplus.
    • This has been achieved in Ahmedabad, Pune, etc and it also enables access to the capital market.

    7) Revision of Article 243X

    • Article 243X needs suitable revision to allow larger inclusion of fiscal instruments above within the scope of a municipality’s own sources.

    8) Creating ULBs as per MoHUA’s advisory

    • Over 3,000 census towns not having city government need special attention to create ULBs in line with MoHUA’s advisory in 2016.
    • It will create an innovative and effective financing framework for sustainable urban development.

    Conclusion

    Financially strong local bodies hold the key to the development of the country. The steps mentioned here needs to be implemented effectively to make the ULBs financially strong.

    Source:-

    https://www.financialexpress.com/opinion/bolster-ulbs-capacity-to-raise-revenue/2157171/

  • Governance reforms in central universities

    Central Universities need reforms in their Governing Councils to make them realise their potential.

    Central Universities in the need of reforms

    • There are 55 central universities.
    • These are endowed with prime land, extensive funding from the central government and there is a long line of students waiting to get in.
    • However, they are in turmoil. In recent years, six vice-chancellors (VCs) of central universities have been sacked.
    • Some of these institutions have seen their glory days, yet increasingly, the energy is going out of the system.
    • However, not a single new private university has so far been able to create a true broad-based Vishwa Vidyalaya with the full range of humanities, social and natural sciences, and professional disciplines.
    • Therefore, to save academia in India, central universities must be saved.

    Organizational structure

    • Each of the 55 central universities is governed by a separate Act. but the broad structure is as follows.
    • The Visitor of the university is the President of India.
    • On his behalf, the Ministry of Education recommends an eminent citizen as the chancellor, whose role is mostly ceremonial.
    • The Ministry also constitutes a search committee for the post of VC, which comes up with a list of 3 candidates.
    • From this list, the government picks a VC.
    • Separately, and through a different process, the governing council (GC) is chosen.
    • The governing council (GC) of the university usually have nominees from various stakeholders, including the government, faculty, students, and citizens.
    • The university’s work is carried out by the executive council chaired by the VC, who also appoints the registrar.
    • A separate finance committee is constituted, headed by a chief finance officer, who is often a civil servant on secondment to the university.
    • This arrangement is designed to maintain financial checks and balances.

    Issues with the governance

    • The GC has no say in the selection of the VC.
    • The GC typically meets only once a year and its size is usually very large.[Delhi University has 475 members]
    • In theory, the VC presents and gets approval for the annual plan of the university from the GC.
    • In practice, after much grandstanding on both sides, the plan is rubberstamped.
    • After that, throughout the year, there is the minimal direction or monitoring from the GC, which may or may not meet again.
    • There are typically no quarterly updates, and there is little oversight.
    • Under the circumstances, the high number of failures should not come as a surprise, since effectively, there is minimal governance.

    Comparing with provisions in IIM Bill

    • The new IIM Bill very sensibly limits the GC to at most 19 members.
    • They are expected to be eminent citizens, with broad social representation and an emphasis on alumni.
    • This GC chooses the director, provides overall strategic direction, raises resources, and continuously monitors his or her performance.
    • Within the guidelines provided by the GC, the director has full autonomy but also full accountability.

    Way forward

    • The governing councils of all central universities, IITs, and all other central institutions, need to be restructured by an Act of Parliament.
    • The most eminent alumni of these institutions must be brought on their boards.
    • The dynamism and exposure that these alumni bring to the table will promptly lead to world-class innovations.

    Conclusion

    To allow central universities, the IITs and other public institutions to truly blossom, we need to reform their Governance. There is no time to waste.

  • Declining seating of the state legislature and issues with it.

    Recently, Governor turned down the recommendation of the Kerala government to convene the session of the state legislature. It also points to the trend of declining seating of the state legislature and issues with it.

    Governor-Government conflict

    • The Kerala government made a recommendation to the governor for summoning the state’s legislature for a one-day session.
    • The government wanted to discuss the situation arising out of the farmers’ protest in the legislative assembly.
    • Media reports suggest that the governor turned down the government on the grounds that there is no emergent situation for which the state assembly should be called to meet at short notice.
    • Earlier this year, the Rajasthan governor had rejected the recommendation of the government to call a session.
    • The chief minister wanted a session of the legislature called so that he could prove his majority on the floor of the house.

    Constitutional provisions

    • The Constitution is clear: The government has the power to convene a session of the legislature.
    • The council of ministers decides the dates and the duration of the session.
    • Their decision is communicated to the governor, who is constitutionally bound to act on most matters on the aid and advice of the government.
    • The governor then summons the state legislature to meet for a session.
    • The refusal of a governor to do so is a matter of concern.

    Declining sittings of the state legislature

    • In the last 20 years, state assemblies across the country, on average, met for less than 30 days in a year.
    • But states like Kerala, Odisha, Karnataka are an exception.
    • The Kerala Vidhan Sabha, for example, has on average met for 50 days every year for the last 10 years.
    • The trend across the country is that legislatures meet for longer budget sessions at the beginning of the year.
    • Then for the rest of the year, they meet to fulfill the constitutional requirement that there should not be a gap of six months between two sessions.

    Why is it a matter of concern

    • Close scrutiny: Continuous and close scrutiny by legislatures is central to improving governance in the country.
    • Voice to public opinion: Legislatures are arenas for debate and giving voice to public opinion.
    • Accountability institutions: As accountability institutions, they are responsible for asking tough questions of the government and highlighting uncomfortable truths. So, it is in the interest of a state government to convene lesser sittings of the legislature and bypass their scrutiny.
    • Prevent ordinance: Lesser number of sitting days also means that state governments are free to make laws through ordinances. And when they convene legislatures, there is little time for MLAs to scrutinize laws brought before them.

    Way forward

    • Convening legislatures to meet all around the year.
    • In many mature democracies, a fixed calendar of sittings of legislatures, with breaks in between, is announced at the beginning of the year.
    • It allows the government to plan its calendar for bringing in new laws.
    • It also has the advantage of increasing the time for debate and discussion in the legislative assembly.
    • And with the legislature sitting throughout the year, it gets rid of the politics surrounding the convening of sessions of a legislature.

    Conclusion

    Continuous and close scrutiny by legislatures is central to improving governance in the country. Increasing the number of working days for state legislatures is a first step in increasing their effectiveness.

  • Key lesson from farmers’ protest

    A key lesson from the farmers’ opposition to the farm laws is that following the parliamentary procedure in the passage of legislation always pays dividend more so if the changes introduced by the legislation bring substantial changes. 

    Vested interests resulting in opposition to legislation

    • There are strong indications that the new legislation is desirable and will bring in much-needed market reforms in the overregulated farm sector.
    • There is no contrary evidence that the new proposals will adversely affect farmers in the long run.
    • There is no justification for a minimum support price regardless of demand and supply.
    • Legislation that benefits the nation but hurts vested interests will always meet with vehement opposition.

    How liberalisation helps: Lessons from non-agricultural sector

    • The benefits of liberalising the non-agricultural sector of the economy in 1991 established that market forces cannot be ignored.
    • For the first 30 years, under the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, several control orders were passed.
    • Orders under ECA were passed on products such as cement and steel, and these were intended to ensure their availability at fair prices.
    • The result was just the opposite: Severe shortages, a huge black market and massive corruption.
    • Equally disastrous were laws relating to monopolies and industrial development.

    Importance of parliamentary procedures

    • At the heart of a constitutional democracy based on the Westminster model is the importance of Parliament, which is the fountainhead of all laws.
    • But, Parliament includes the Opposition as well and even though a bill may be certain to become the law, it is necessary that the established procedure is followed.
    • In the face of opposition to the farm laws, it is necessary that the benefits of a new law are demonstrated through debate and discussion.
    • There must be empirical or other evidence that shows the deleterious economic consequences of continuing with the status quo.
    • As the farm bills marked a radical departure from the existing system of selling agricultural produce, the least that could have been done was to refer them to a Select Committee.
    • It is a matter of concern that fewer and fewer bills are being referred to Select Committees or even deliberated upon.
    • While 71 per cent of the bills were referred to a Select Committee in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-14), only 25 per cent were so referred in the 16th Lok Sabha (2014-19).

    Way forward

    • A new law can always come into force at a later date and can even be made applicable piecemeal.
    • It is also possible to notify it to apply to select states or districts.
    • If laws are likely to meet with opposition by vested interests, the best way to demonstrate their beneficial effects is to implement the laws in select states or districts for a year. 
    • It is worthwhile considering the implementation of a controversial law on a trial basis.

    Consider the question “Describe the important role played by the Select Committee in the passage of the bill. Why the decline in the number of bills referred to the Select Committees is the matter of concern?” 

    Conclusion

    The biggest lesson for the goverment is that following constitutional conventions always pays dividends — it benefits the nation and preserves the dignity of Parliament.

  • Scheduled Castes Post-matric Scholarship Plan

    The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs has approved changes to the post-matric scholarship scheme for students from the Scheduled Castes (SCs), including a new funding pattern of 60-40 for the Centre and States.

    Note:

    Equality enshrined in the Constitution is not mathematical equality and does not mean all citizens will be treated alike without any distinction.

    To this effect, the Constitution underlines two distinct aspects which together form the essence of equality law:

    1) Non-discrimination among equals, and

    2) Affirmative action to equalize the unequal

    About the Scholarship

    • It is a Centrally Sponsored Scheme and implemented through State Government and UT administration.
    • Under the scheme, the government provides financial assistance to students from SCs for higher education at post-matriculation and post-senior-secondary stages, which means Class XI onwards.
    • It can be availed by those, whose household incomes are less than Rs 2.5 lakh annually.

    What are the new changes?

    • States would carry out verification of the students’ eligibility and caste status and collect their Aadhaar and bank account details.
    • Transfer of financial assistance to the students under the scheme shall be on DBT [direct benefit transfer] mode, and preferably using the Aadhaar Enabled Payment System.
    • Starting from 2021-22, the Central share [60%] in the scheme would be released on DBT mode directly into the bank accounts of the students as per a fixed time schedule.

    Why such changes now?

    • The changes were aimed at enabling four crore students to access higher education over the next five years.
    • Switching from the existing “committed liability” formula, the new funding pattern would increase the Centre’s involvement in the scheme.

    Benefits of the scheme

    • The changes approved by the Cabinet were aimed at enrolling the poorest students, ensuring timely payments, and maintaining accountability.
    • An estimated 1.36 crore students who would otherwise drop out after Class 10 would be brought into the higher education system under the scheme in five years.

  • The new League of Nations

    Despite China’s rise, the world will remain committed to multi-polar order. The article highlights the emerging trends in the global order against the backdrop of a pandemic and explains how there could be an opportunity for India.

    Changing geopolitical landscape and choices India face

    • As the world is slowly recovering from the disruption caused by the pandemic, there are worrying intimations of other crises looming round the corner.
    • Geopolitics has been transformed and power equations are being altered.
    • There are a new set of winners and losers in the economic changes.
    • Technological advancement will magnify these changes.
    • India will need to make difficult judgements about the world that is taking shape and find its place in a more complex and shifting geopolitical landscape.
    • As the pandemic recedes, the world could draw the right lessons and proceed on a more hopeful trajectory.

    Unlearnt lessons: lack of international cooperation

    • Most challenges the world faces are global, like the pandemic.
    • However, international cooperation in either developing an effective vaccine or responding to its health impacts has been minimal.
    • The pre-existing trend towards nationalist urgings, the weakening of international institutions and multilateral processes continues.
    • Even in the distribution of vaccines, we are witnessing a cornering of supplies by a handful of rich nations.

    Need for a collaborative solution

    • Global challenges such as climate change, cybersecurity, space security, terrorism, drug trafficking, money laundering and ocean and terrestrial pollution demand collaborative, not competitive solutions.
    • The challenges require some display of statesman-like leadership to mobilise action on a global scale.
    • The nation-state will endure but its conduct will need to be tempered by a spirit of internationalism and a sense of common humanity.

    Role of China and Asia

    • The pre-pandemic shift in the centre of gravity of the global economy and political power and influence, from the trans-Atlantic to the trans-Pacific, has been reinforced under the impact of the crisis.
    • East Asian and South-East Asian countries are the first to register the green shoots of recovery.
    • China has been the first large economy to witness a significant rebound in its growth rate.
    • The regional supply chains centred on China have been reinforced rather than disrupted.
    • China will emerge in pole position in the geopolitical sweepstakes commencing in 2021.
    • The power gap with its main rival, the US, will shrink further.

    Why should India prefer multi-polar world order

    • As the power gap between India and China is expanding, the threat from China will intensify and demand asymmetrical coping strategies.
    • Despite China emerging a relative gainer from the pandemic the trend towards multi-polarity is here to stay.
    • Neither the US nor China can singly or as a duopoly manage a much more diffused distribution of economic and military capabilities across the globe.
    • This is only possible through multilateral approaches and adherence to the principle of equitable burden-sharing.
    • But a multipolar order can only be stable and keep the peace with a consensus set of norms, managed through empowered institutions of international governance and multilateral processes.
    • India’s instinctive preference has been for a multipolar order as the best assurance of its security and as most conducive to its own social and economic development.
    • India now has the opportunity to make multipolar order as its foreign policy priority as this aligns with the interests of a large majority of middle and emerging powers.
    • This will be an important component of a strategy to meet the China challenge.

    The favourable geopolitical moment for India

    • Due to China’s aggressive posture across the board and its unilateral assertions of power, there is a significant push-back even from smaller countries, for example, in South-East Asia and Africa.
    • China’s blatant “weaponisation of economic interdependence” such as action against Australia, has made its economic partners increasingly wary.
    • In this context, India is seen as a potential and credible countervailing power to resist Chinese ambitions.
    • The world wants India to succeed because it is regarded as a benign power wedded to a rule-based order.
    • India can leverage this propitious moment to encourage a significant flow of capital, technology and knowledge to accelerate its own modernisation.

    Consider the question “Though it may sound counterintuitive, India which is dealing with pessimism about its economic prospect in the wake of the pandemic, may be located at favourable geopolitical moment” Comment.

    Conclusion

    India should seize the opportunity and make multi-polar world order a pillar of its foreign policy to counter China threat while trying to leverage the moment to attract the flow of capital, technology and knowledge to accelerate its own modernisation.

  • Tibetan Policy and Support Act (TPSA)

    The US and China sparred over Tibet and the South China Sea over the passing of the Tibetan Policy and Support Act (TPSA).

    Do you think that India’s support for the Tibetan cause is the root cause of all irritants in India-China relations?

    About TPSA

    • The TPSA once signed into law would make it the official policy of the US Government to oppose any effort by the govt. of the People’s Republic of China to select, educate, and venerate Tibetan Buddhist religious leaders in a manner inconsistent with Tibetan Buddhism.
    • The proposed legislation will empower the US Government to impose sanctions on China who might try to interfere in the process of selecting the next incarnation of the Dalai Lama.

    Why such a law?

    • Tibetans were concerned over the possibility of the Chinese Government making an attempt to install someone loyal to it as the 15th Dalai Lama after the death of the incumbent.
    • The PRC could use him as a puppet to fizzle out the global campaign against its occupation of Tibet.
    • The incumbent and the 14th Dalai Lama have been living in exile in India ever since his 1959 escape from Tibet, which had been occupied by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in 1950-51.
    • He has been leading the movement for “genuine autonomy” for Tibet and the Tibetans.

    Significance of TPSA

    • The TPSA acknowledged the legitimacy of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile elected by the exiled community as well as the CTA.
    • It seeks to introduce key provisions aimed at protecting the environment and water resources on the Tibetan Plateau.
    • In an aggressive move, the PRC government has forced resettlement of the nomads from grasslands.
    • TPSA recognizes the importance of traditional Tibetan grassland stewardship in mitigating the negative effects of climate change in the region.
    • In addition, it calls for greater international cooperation to monitor the environment on the Tibetan plateau.

  • India’s new Europolitik

    The article explains the shift in India’s foreign policy in its relations with the European middle powers against the backdrop of churn in the geopolitics.

    India’s changing perception of Europe

    • Three recent developments underline India’s changing perceptions of Europe.
    • 1) India’s support for France’s membership of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA).
    • 2) India’s backing for a larger European role in the Indo-Pacific.
    • Delhi has welcomed the interest of Germany and the Netherlands in building a new geopolitical architecture in the Indo-Pacific.
    • 3) Security cooperation in the Indo-Pacific is also emerging as an important theme in partnership between India and the U.K.

    Reasons for India’s shift

    • India is looking beyond the bipolar geopolitical competition between the US and China.
    • Delhi also wants to insure against the inevitable volatility in the complex dynamic between Washington and Beijing.
    • To cope with the uncertain political trajectory of the US, Delhi is already supplementing its American partnership with a network of multilateral groups with other middle powers, such as the India-Australia-Japan forum and the trilateral dialogue with France and Australia.

    Rebuilding ties with Europe and challenges

    • Rebuilding ties with Europe needs a significant corrective to Delhi’s traditional strategic neglect of the continent.
    • The bipolar Cold War dynamic and the North-South framework developing world versus the developed prevented Delhi from taking a more nuanced view of Europe’s political agency after WWII.
    • Attempts to impart strategic momentum after the Cold War did not really succeed.
    • As the economic gap between China and India widened, so did the scale of European interest in both countries.
    • It is also true that the European ability to project military power into the Indo-Pacific is limited.
    • But in combination with Asian democracies, Europe can certainly make a difference.
    • It can mobilize massive economic resources, wield political influence, and leverage its significant soft power to shape the Indo-Pacific discourse.

    An exceptional relationship with Frace

    • France has been an exception in Europe in its connection with India.
    • India’s partnership with France now has a strong regional anchor — the Indo-Pacific as it has its territories in the Western Indian Ocean and the South Pacific.
    • France and Britain have lingering disputes leftover from the era of decolonization in parts of the Western Indian Ocean.
    • India will have to contribute to the amicable resolution of those problems.

    Consider the question “A strong coalition with the European middle powers should be the indispensable element of India’s foreign policy in the face of changing geopolitical circumstances. Comment.”

    Conclusion

    As China transforms the Eurasian landmass as well as the Indo-Pacific, it is abundantly clear that the US alone cannot redress the imbalance. A strong coalition of Asian and European middle powers must now be an indispensable element of the geopolitics of the East. Such a coalition can’t be built overnight. But India could push for a solid start in 2021.

  • Establishing trust between government and citizens

    The article highlights the important role played by the intermediaries in connecting the citizens with the government.

    Addressing the connect between government and citizens

    • By exploring how digitally excluded communities engage with governance we understand that humans are significant in brokering trust between governments and citizens.
    • This is true even for the ‘Digital India’.
    • However, only a few States have built a cadre of individuals for last mile governance.
    • Andhra Pradesh, for instance, rolled out a ward secretariat programme with over 16,000 ward secretaries and volunteers for delivering government services at citizens’ doorstep.

    Understanding the role played by intermediaries

    • Intermediaries help citizens overcome barriers to awareness of availability of digital services and rights from the state and ability.
    •  Intermediaries support individuals by placing complaints, directing them to the right authorities, and following up.
    • Intermediaries are crucial offline architectures that enable the state to do its work better.
    • Community-based organisations and NGOs see their work as allied to their core work.

    Way forward

    • Various types and forms of intermediation emerge based on regional, social, cultural and economic contexts.
    • Equally, it is essential to pay attention to the varying incentives of intermediaries and not romanticise the benefits.
    • We need to see intermediaries as crucial to the realisation of governance outcomes.
    • India has formalised intermediation in traditional markets such as mutual funds from which we can learn.
    • In these areas, formal governance mechanisms, structured capacity building, widespread awareness campaigns, and process re-engineering enabled growth and usage.
    • At a broader level, increasing digitisation of governance across domains including healthcare, financial inclusion, justice and social services should be considered.

    Conclusion

    By acknowledging the role of intermediaries and supporting them, we will be able to support the process of responsible, responsive and data-driven governance across domains.