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Subject: Economics

  • Rising unemployment is yet to receive the attention it deserves from government

    Context

    India’s unemployment rate in August was 8.3 per cent. This was higher than the 7 per cent recorded in July. The month-to-month variations notwithstanding, these are all very high unemployment rates.

    Why inflation gets more attention in India than unemployment?

    • Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) results showed the historically high unemployment rate of 6.1 per cent for 2017-18 (July to June). It was at a 45-year high.
    • New norm at 7-8 per cent: Till then, India was used to recording an unemployment rate of around 3 per cent. 
    • Today, an unemployment rate of 7-8 per cent seems to be the norm and such levels do not seem to matter.
    • The unemployment rate is not the most important labour market indicator for a country like India.
    • Why inflation gets preference: Between inflation and unemployment, the two economic indicators conjoined theoretically by the Phillips curve, it is inflation that wields political power.
    • Inflation hurts almost the entire population.
    • Equally importantly, high inflation rates can upset financial markets that in turn exert pressure on regulators to keep inflation in control.
    • Unemployment directly impacts only the unemployed, who don’t count much.
    • Worse still, society perceives being unemployed as an individual shortcoming, and not an outcome of a macroeconomic malaise.

    What does low labour force participation rate (LFPR) indicate about the labour market in India?

    • The unemployment rate is a measure of the economy’s inability to provide jobs only for those who seek work.
    • But, in India, very often people do not look for jobs in the belief that none are available which is reflected in a low labour force participation rate (LFPR).
    • India’s LFPR is at around 40 per cent when the global rate is close to 60 per cent.
    • It is important that this belief in the futility of a job hunt is overcome by an explosive creation of new good quality formal jobs.

    Why employment rate is a useful indicator for India

    • A useful labour market metric for a country like India is the employment rate.
    • This measures the proportion of the population over 14 years of age that is employed.
    • The definition of employment needs to be changed, at present, engaging in some economic activity for just one hour in any of the past seven days is counted as employment.
    • India’s record in providing employment to its people has been abysmally poor.
    • CMIE’s definition of employment indicates that in 2016-17, only 42.8 per cent of the working-age population was employed.
    •  In the year of the pandemic, it fell to 36.5 per cent.

    Reverse migration in employment from manufacturing to low productivity employment

    • People are moving away from factories as manufacturing jobs shrink, to farms that provide shelter largely in the form of disguised unemployment.
    • It cannot be the desire of a nation to move people away from high productivity, better quality jobs in manufacturing to low productivity employment in agriculture or as gardeners or security guards in the household sector.
    • Employment opportunities need to expand in areas where labour is deployed to deliver higher productivity for enterprise and higher returns to labour.

    Way forward

    • Increase investment: A large part of the solution to this lack of adequate jobs is in increasing investments.
    • Focus on demand size: For this, the investment climate needs to be business-friendly and government interventions must shift away from supply-side support to spurring demand.

    Conclusion

    The government needs to come up with policies for generating employment opportunities and stemming the reverse migration from manufacturing jobs to low productivity employment.

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  • National Monetization Pipeline shows promise — and limits

    The government of India recently announced an asset monetization plan, wherein existing public assets worth Rs 6 trillion would be monetized by leasing them out to private operators for fixed terms.

    The plan has generated a lot of print so it is worth discussing its pros and cons.

    About NMP

    • The identified assets are primarily concentrated in roads, railways, power, oil and gas, and telecoms.
    • The lease proceeds are expected to be used for new infrastructure investment which, in turn, will contribute to the government’s ambitious Rs 111 trillion infrastructure investment plan.

    Important issues raised by the plan

    [I] How much should the government expect to raise from the plan?

    Revenue Potential

    • In deciding the amount to bid for leasing rights, bidders compute the present discounted value of the annual cash flow from the asset for the duration of the lease.
    • The biggest uncertainty in this calculation surrounds the cash flow on these public assets.
    • Rates of return estimates on public capital in the US have been estimated to be upwards of 15 per cent.
    • However, this is India with its myriad uncertainties regarding pricing, bill collection, asset quality, regulatory framework as well as policy reversals.
    • Hence there is significant uncertainty regarding the revenue potential of the plan.

    [II] Is the plan likely to increase the efficiency of the economy?

    a. Efficiency of the economy

    • The NITI Aayog believes that the private sector is better at managing and operating the identified public assets than the public sector.
    • There is certainly scope for efficiency gains. However, there are significant efficiency impediments too.
    • One set of efficiency issues surrounds usage fees. A second factor related to efficiency is the effect of the plan on competition.

    b. Stressed sectors

    • The identified assets belong to core sectors of the economy spanning transport, energy and communication.
    • Sectors like telecoms and ports have already seen rising concentration of ownership in recent years.
    • An acceleration and extension of this trend to other segments of the infrastructure landscape would be seriously worrying.
    • While some of this could well be rationalized through the stipulation of rules for the allocation of leasing rights, the plan is silent on this.

    c. Financing of the lease bids

    • If bidders finance their bids using domestic savings, there is a clear opportunity cost of the plan since these savings would otherwise have been invested in alternative projects.
    • Moreover, the bidding for scarce domestic savings by prospective investors will also raise domestic interest rates which will put downward pressure on domestic private investment.
    • It would also be worth reminding ourselves that the last round of PPP-based infrastructure funding routed through banks ended up with a heap of NPAs in public sector bank balance sheets.

    Biggest flaw of the NMP

    • No clear objective: The biggest drawback of the plan is that it fails to articulate the reasons for public sector inefficiency in asset management.
    • No focus on management: If it is personnel-related, then privatizing management may be the right answer. If the inefficiency is related to constraints on pricing and bill collection, then the roots of the problem are unlikely to be addressed by leasing out their management to private operators.
    • No clear assessment of underperforming sectors: The plan document also fails to outline whether the identified brownfield assets are the public sector’s highest cash flow assets or the relatively under-performing ones.

    Better alternatives for the govt

    • The way around this is to welcome foreign investors to bid for the assets.
    • But this will require serious political will since entrenching foreign influence on Indian public assets will generate controversy.
    • On this aspect too, the announced plan is low on details.

    Way forward

    • If the private sector is indeed more efficient in running infrastructure assets, the most efficient strategy would be to lease out the worst-performing assets rather than the best performing ones.
    • The NITI Aayog would do the policy landscape a big service by following up the proposal with a white paper that addresses some of these efficiency-related issues.
    • Without that, the monetization plan, while intriguing, is incomplete.

    Conclusion

    • A monetization plan envisages the private sector paying an upfront fee to the government which the government uses for new infrastructure investment.
    • As much as private bidders finance themselves by borrowing, this amounts to the private sector borrowing and handing over the funds to the government to invest in infrastructure.
    • This could enhance efficiency in infrastructure investment only if the government faces higher interest rates in capital markets than the private sector.

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  • GST Council not for inclusion of Petroleum Products

    The Goods and Services Tax (GST) Council has decided to keep petroleum products out of the GST regime.

    Present taxation of Fuels

    • Currently, taxes on petroleum products are levied by both the Centre and the states.
    • While the Centre levies excise duty, states levy value added tax (VAT).
    • For instance, VAT on petroleum products is as high as 40% in Maharashtra, contributing over ₹25,000 crore annually.
    • By being able to levy VAT on these products, the state governments have control over their revenues.

    Impact of inclusion of fuel under GST

    • If petroleum products are included under the GST, there will be a uniform price of fuel across the country.
    • However, petroleum products coming under GST not necessarily means that taxes or prices will come down.
    • If the GST council decides to opt for a lower slab, taxes may come down.
    • At present, India has four primary GST rates – 5 percent, 12 percent, 18 percent and 28 percent.
    • Levying a standard rate of GST on petrol would mean that the prices increase dramatically in Andaman and Nicobar, but on the flip side, they would fall in Maharashtra if the cumulative rate is lower than the current rate.

    Key takeaways from States VAT

    • Among the states, Rajasthan levies the highest tax across the country keeping VAT on petrol at 36 percent, followed by Telangana at 35.2 percent.
    • Other states with more than 30 per cent VAT on petrol include Karnataka, Kerala, Assam, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi and Madhya Pradesh.
    • On diesel, the highest VAT rates are charged by states like Odisha, Telangana, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh.
    • So far, five states, West Bengal, Rajasthan, Meghalaya, Assam and Nagaland have cut taxes on fuel this year.

    Back2Basics: Petroleum Pricing Mechanism

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  • Building a resilient economy

    Context

    To revive and sustain growth, action is needed both at the international and national levels.

    Hopes of V-shaped recovery of Indian economy

    • The National Statistical Office (NSO) had recently estimated that India’s economic growth has surged to 20.1% in the April-June quarter.
    • In its recently launched Trade and Development Report 2021, UNCTAD has estimated global growth to hit 5.3% in 2021 and growth in India to hit 7.2%.
    • According to the report, India showed strong quarterly growth of 1.9% in the first quarter of 2021, on the back of the momentum of the second half of 2020 and supported by government spending in goods and services.
    • Given the inherent fragilities, India’s growth in 2021 as a whole is estimated at 7.2%, which is one of the fastest compared to most countries in the analysis.
    • But it is still not sufficient to regain the pre-COVID-19 income level.
    • However, going forward, the economy is likely to experience a deceleration of growth to 6.7% growth in 2022.

    Ways to sustain growth

    1) Efforts at the International level

    • To revive and sustain growth, action is needed both at the international and national levels.
    • TRIPS waiver: The report strongly supports India’s proposed temporary suspension of the World Trade Organization TRIPS waiver.
    • Waiver is considered as a necessary step to enable the local manufacture of vaccines in developing countries

    2) Steps to be taken at the national level

    • Resilience: At the national level, COVID-19 has reinforced the idea that resilience is a public good and responsibility of the state.
    • It has to be delivered through a robust public sector with the resources to make the necessary investments, provide the complementary services and coordinate the multiple activities that building resilience involves.
    • Mobilising financial resources: We need a financial system that accords a more significant role to public banks, breaks up and guards against the emergence of megabanks, and exercises stronger regulatory oversight is more likely to deliver a healthier investment climate.
    • Minimum wage:  Wages are a critical source of demand and their growth can stimulate productivity and underpin a strong social contract.
    • Minimum wages and related labour legislation are needed for appropriate protection against abusive practices.
    • Policies for informal sector: Policies targeting informality are of particular importance, especially for a country like India with a large informal economy.

    Conclusion

    It is important to build a healthy, diversified economy. For this, a strong industrial policy focusing on building digital capacities is needed. A resilient economy goes beyond offering a residual category of safety nets designed to stop those left behind from falling further.

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  • Government sets up ‘bad bank’ to clear the NPA mess

    Paving the way for a major clean-up of bad loans in the banking system, the Union Cabinet has cleared a ₹30,600-crore guarantee programme for securities to be issued by the newly incorporated ‘bad bank’ for taking over and resolving non-performing assets (NPAs) amounting to ₹2 lakh crore.

    What is a Bad Bank?

    • A bad bank conveys the impression that it will function as a bank but has bad assets to start with.
    • Technically, it is an asset reconstruction company (ARC) or an asset management company that takes over the bad loans of commercial banks, manages them and finally recovers the money over a period of time.
    • Such a bank is not involved in lending and taking deposits, but helps commercial banks clean up their balance sheets and resolve bad loans.
    • The takeover of bad loans is normally below the book value of the loan and the bad bank tries to recover as much as possible subsequently.

    Bad Banks to be established

    • The NARCL-IDRCL structure is the new bad bank.
    • The National Asset Reconstruction Company Limited (NARCL) has already been incorporated under the Companies Act.
    • It will acquire stressed assets worth about Rs 2 lakh crore from various commercial banks in different phases.
    • Another entity — India Debt Resolution Company Ltd (IDRCL), which has also been set up — will then try to sell the stressed assets in the market.

    How will the NARCL-IDRCL work?

    • The NARCL will first purchase bad loans from banks.
    • It will pay 15% of the agreed price in cash and the remaining 85% will be in the form of “Security Receipts”.
    • When the assets are sold, with the help of IDRCL, , the commercial banks will be paid back the rest.
    • If the bad bank is unable to sell the bad loan, or has to sell it at a loss, then the government guarantee will be invoked.
    • The difference between what the commercial bank was supposed to get and what the bad bank was able to raise will be paid from the Rs 30,600 crore that has been provided by the government.

    Will a bad bank resolve matters?

    • From the perspective of a commercial bank saddled with high NPA levels, it will help.
    • That’s because such a bank will get rid of all its toxic assets, which were eating up its profits, in one quick move.
    • When the recovery money is paid back, it will further improve the bank’s position.
    • Meanwhile, it can start lending again.

    Why do we need a bad bank?

    • The idea gained currency during Rajan’s tenure as RBI Governor.
    • The RBI had then initiated an asset quality review (AQR) of banks and found that several banks had suppressed or hidden bad loans to show a healthy balance sheet.
    • However, the idea remained on paper amid lack of consensus on the efficacy of such an institution.
    • ARCs have not made any impact in resolving bad loans due to many procedural issues.
    • While commercial banks resume lending, the so-called bad bank, or a bank of bad loans, would try to sell these “assets” in the market.

    Good about the bad banks

    • The problem of NPAs continues in the banking sector, especially among the weaker banks.
    • The bad bank concept is in some ways similar to an ARC but is funded by the government initially, with banks and other investors co-investing in due course.
    • The presence of the government is seen as a means to speed up the clean-up process.
    • Many other countries had set up institutional mechanisms such as the Troubled Asset Relief Programme (TARP) in the US to deal with a problem of stress in the financial system.

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  • [pib] PLI Scheme for White Goods

    A total of  52 companies have filed their application with a committed investment of Rs 5,866 crore under the PLI scheme to incentivize the domestic manufacturing of components of White Goods.

    What are White Goods?

    • White goods refer to heavy consumer durables or large home appliances, which were traditionally available only in white.
    • They include appliances such as washing machines, air conditioners, stoves, refrigerators, etc. The white goods industry in India is highly concentrated.

    Why PLI scheme for white goods?

    • Indian appliance and consumer electronics (ACE) market reached INR 76,400 crore (~$10.93 bn) in 2019.
    • Appliances and consumer electronics industry is expected to double to reach INR 1.48 lakh crore (~$21.18 bn) by 2025.
    • The PLI Scheme on White Goods is designed to create complete component ecosystem for Air Conditioners and LED Lights Industry in India and make India an integral part of the global supply chains.
    • Only manufacturing of components of ACs and LED Lights will be incentivized under the Scheme.

    What is PLI Scheme?

    • As the name suggests, the scheme provides incentives to companies for enhancing their domestic manufacturing apart from focusing on reducing import bills and improving the cost competitiveness of local goods.
    • PLI scheme offers incentives on incremental sales for products manufactured in India.
    • The scheme for respective sectors has to be implemented by the concerned ministries and departments.

    Criteria laid for the scheme

    • Eligibility criteria for businesses under the PLI scheme vary based on the sector approved under the scheme.
    • For instance, the eligibility for telecom units is subject to the achievement of a minimum threshold of cumulative incremental investment and incremental sales of manufactured goods.
    • The minimum investment threshold for MSME is Rs 10 crore and Rs 100 crores for others.
    • Under food processing, SMEs and others must hold over 50 per cent of the stock of their subsidiaries, if any.
    • On the other hand, for businesses under pharmaceuticals, the project has to be a greenfield project while the net worth of the company should not be less than 30 per cent of the total committed investment.

    What are the incentives offered?

    • An incentive of 4-6 per cent was offered last year on mobile and electronic components manufacturers such as resistors, transistors, diodes, etc.
    • Similarly, 10 percent incentives were offered for six years (FY22-27) of the scheme for the food processing industry.
    • For white goods too, the incentive of 4-6 per cent on incremental sales of goods manufactured in India for a period of five years was offered to companies engaged in the manufacturing of air conditioners and LED lights.

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  • How not to deal with recession

    Context

    The Centre is facing a serious financial crisis because of the exigencies created by the pandemic and its own policies. However, monetising assets and cutting down funds to states could aggravate the crisis.

    3 Policies aggravating the crisis

    1) NMP and disinvestment

    • Union Finance Minister, while announcing the National Monetisation Pipeline (NMP), said that asset monetisation is based on the philosophy of creation through monetisation and is aimed at “tapping private sector investment for new infrastructure creation”.
    • Loss of dividend: Disinvestment of profitable Navratna companies will result in a loss of dividend, a major source of income for the Centre.
    • Loss due to tax exemptions: Tax exemptions to the investors will take away another major share of income.
    • Central funds will be squeezed and this, in turn, will have a bearing on state finances.
    • NMP will seriously hurt the interests of the country.

    2) Cutting down funds to States

    • Kerala’s case: The state was getting about 3.92 per cent from the divisible pool in the 1970s and 1980s.
    • It came down to 2.66 per cent and 2.34 per cent in the awards of the 12th and 13th Finance Commissions.
    • The 14th Finance Commission award increased it to 2.45 (2.50) per cent.
    • Now, the 15th Finance Commission has reduced it to 1.92 per cent.
    • This arbitrary cut is a result of the adoption of certain new yardsticks by the commission without considering the state government’s views
    • The 15th Finance Commission’s special grant (RD grant) of Rs 19,800 crore for this year will no longer be available in the coming years.
    • Karnataka and many other states have also suffered because of the policy to reduce the divisible pool share.

    3) Tax exemptions and surcharge

    • Exemptions amounting to Rs 99,842.06 crore were extended to corporate houses in 2019-20.
    • Many taxes on goods were reduced because of electoral compulsions. This reduced central revenues.
    • Along with such tax exemptions, the increased use of cesses and surcharges is responsible for the shrinking of the shareable pool.
    • The shareable resources with the Centre was around Rs 6.8 lakh crore in 2019-20 which has come down to Rs 5.5 lakh crore in 2020-21.
    • All the cesses and surcharges that are not shared with states come to about 20 per cent of the total revenues of the Centre.
    • States have been demanding that this money should be shared with them, particularly while fighting a pandemic.
    • States complaining for resources does not augur well for cooperative federalism.

    Way forward

    • Developing basic infrastructure and the production sector is the only way to face an economic crisis.
    • That should not be done by selling or handing over public assets to private individuals and corporations.
    • We need massive public investment that will help people to form cooperatives and collectives in agriculture and industrial production.
    • Parliament, the National Development Council and the GST Council should discuss this unprecedented situation.

    Conclusion

    We need to find a way out collectively. Handing over the rights on public properties to private individuals will take the country back to the colonial era. This must not be allowed.

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  • Centre and states must strike bargain on GST

    Context

    After one and a half years of dispute, and with the economy showing signs of recovery, a path forward for the GST finally seems visible. This opportunity needs to be seized to strike the Centre-State bargain.

    How GST performed so far

    •  The contributors are many but the critical one has been simply a lack of revenues.
    • Initially, the GST performed well, with collections soaring to Rs 11.8 lakh crore in the first full year of implementation in 2018-19.
    • But in 2019-20, the growth rate decelerated sharply. And in 2020-21, collections actually fell.
    • As future collections became uncertain, a gap opened up between the amount that the Centre felt it could afford to promise and the minimum that the states felt they needed and were entitled to.
    • More recently, however, confidence in GST has improved.
    • Collections have revived, averaging Rs 1.1 lakh crore in the first five months of the current fiscal year, exceeding even pre-pandemic levels.

    What explains the weak revenue performance of the GST?

    • Slowing economy: The GST’s past performance now seems much better than it once did.
    • We now know that after 2018-19, nominal GDP growth slowed from 10.5 per cent in 2018-19 to 7.8 per cent the next year and -3 per cent in 2020-21.
    • Effective rate cuts: The RBI has pointed out, the effective tax rate has fallen by nearly 3 percentage points because of rate cutting in 2019, in which both the Centre and states were complicit.
    • Thus the weak revenue performance of the GST now seems attributable to wider economic difficulties and policy actions, rather than problems with the tax itself.

    Necessary changes: Opportunity for striking bargain for Centre and States

    1) Principle of compensation must be re-cast: Create revenue buffer

    • As the GST was a new tax, so states were guaranteed against the teething troubles that would inevitably arise for the next five years.
    • Five years on, this logic is less compelling.
    • The GST as tax reform has reached maturity, well understood by producers, consumers, and tax officials.
    • At the same time, the last few years have exposed the vulnerability of the states to shocks such as Covid-19 pandemic.
    • Way forward: To prevent this situation from recurring, the authorities should create a revenue buffer that could be tapped in a time of need.
    • In sum, there is a bargain waiting to be struck: The states give up their demand for an extension of the compensation mechanism, while the Centre offers a new counter-cyclical buffer.
    • As the figure shows, in good economic times, GST revenues will be robust but it is against downturns that states need protection.
    • The shift to revenue insurance, in turn, should allow the compensation cess to be abolished. 

    2) The GST structure needs to be simplified and rationalised

    • The GST structure needs to be simplified and rationalised, as recommended by the Fifteenth Finance Commission and the Revenue Neutral Rate report.
    • New rate structure: A new structure should have one low rate (between 8 and 10 per cent), one standard rate (between 16 and 18 per cent) and one rate for all demerit goods.
    • The single rate on demerit goods also requires eliminating the cesses with all their complexity.

    3) The GST Council’s working needs changes

    • Consensus-based decision making in GST Council can be sustained only if there is a shared sense of participatory and inclusive governance. 
    • Nearly two decades ago, when the VAT was being introduced, Yashwant Sinha established a culture of consensual discussions on indirect taxes.
    • He did this by requiring the Empowered Committee of State Finance Ministers to be headed by a finance minister from an Opposition-run state government.
    • The spirit of this idea could be translated to the GST Council.

    Consider the question “Inherent importance of GST and its significance for the cooperative federalism underline the necessity for the Centre and the States to strike the win-win bargain. In light of this, examine the issues with the GST and suggest the way forward to deal with these issuef.”

    Conclusion

    Cooperative federalism is not a gesture or one-off outcome. It is, above all, a disposition, resulting from quotidian democratic practice. By rehabilitating cooperative federalism’s finest achievement — the GST — the Centre and states can help restore India’s broader economic prospects.

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  • Four-year moratorium for AGR dues

    In big bang reforms, the Union Cabinet approved a relief package for the telecom sector that includes a four-year moratorium on payment of statutory dues by telecom companies as well as allowing 100% foreign investment through the automatic route.

    What is AGR?

    • Adjusted Gross Revenue (AGR) is the usage and licensing fee that telecom operators are charged by the Department of Telecommunications (DoT).
    • It is divided into spectrum usage charges and licensing fees, pegged between 3-5 per cent and 8 per cent respectively.

    Why is AGR important?

    • The definition of AGR has been under litigation for 14 years.
    • While telecom companies argued that it should comprise revenue from telecom services, the DoT’s stand was that the AGR should include all revenue earned by an operator, including that from non-core telecom operations.
    • The AGR directly impacts the outgo from the pockets of telcos to the DoT as it is used to calculate the levies payable by operators.
    • Currently, telecom operators pay 8% of the AGR as licence fee, while spectrum usage charges (SUC) vary between 3-5% of AGR.

    Why do telcos need to pay out large amounts?

    • Telecom companies now owe the government not just the shortfall in AGR for the past 14 years but also an interest on that amount along with penalty and interest on the penalty.
    • While the exact amount telcos will need to shell out is not clear, as in a government affidavit filed in the top court, the DoT had calculated the outstanding licence fee to be over ₹92,000 crore.
    • However, the actual payout can go up to ₹1.4 lakh crore as the government is likely to also raise a demand for shortfall in SUC along with interest and penalty.
    • Of the total amount, it is estimated that the actual dues is about 25%, while the remaining amount is interest and penalties.

    Is there stress in the sector?

    • The telecom industry is reeling under a debt of over ₹4 lakh crore and has been seeking a relief package from the government.
    • Even the government has on various occasions admitted that the sector is indeed undergoing stress and needs support.
    • Giving a ray of hope to the telecom companies, the government recently announced setting up of a Committee of Secretaries to examine the financial stress in the sector, and recommend measures to mitigate it.

    Issue of lower tariff

    • Currently, telecom tariffs are among the lowest globally, driven down due to intense competition following the entry of Reliance in the sector.
    • The TRAI examines the merits of a “minimum charge” that operators may charge for voice and data services.

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  • GST Council may consider bringing petrol, diesel under GST

    The GST Council might consider taxing petrol, diesel and other petroleum products under the single national GST regime.

    About GST Council

    • The GST Council is a constitutional body that aims to bring together states and the Centre on a common platform for the nationwide rollout of the indirect tax reform.
    • It is an apex member committee to modify, reconcile or to procure any law or regulation based on the context of goods and services tax in India.
    • It dictates tax rate, tax exemption, the due date of forms, tax laws, and tax deadlines, keeping in mind special rates and provisions for some states.
    • The predominant responsibility of the GST Council is to ensure to have one uniform tax rate for goods and services across the nation.

    How is the GST Council structured?

    • The GST is governed by the GST Council. Article 279 (1) of the amended Indian Constitution states that the GST Council has to be constituted by the President within 60 days of the commencement of Article 279A.
    • According to the article, the GST Council will be a joint forum for the Centre and the States. It consists of the following members:
    1. The Union Finance Minister will be the Chairperson
    2. As a member, the Union Minister of State will be in charge of Revenue of Finance
    3. The Minister in charge of finance or taxation or any other Minister nominated by each State government, as members.

    Terms of reference

    • Article 279A (4) specifies that the Council will make recommendations to the Union and the States on the important issues related to GST, such as the goods and services will be subject to or exempted from the Goods and Services Tax.
    • They lay down GST laws, principles that govern the following:
    1. Place of Supply
    2. Threshold limits
    3. GST rates on goods and services
    4. Special rates for raising additional resources during a natural calamity or disaster
    5. Special GST rates for certain States

    Why bring Petro/Diesel under GST?

    • GST is being thought to be a solution for the problem of near-record high petrol and diesel rates in the country, as it would end the cascading effect of tax on tax.
    • The state VAT is being levied not just on the cost of production but also on the excise duty charged by the Centre on such output.

    Why were they left out of GST?

    • When a national GST subsumed central taxes such as excise duty and state levies like VAT on July 1, 2017, five petroleum goods – petrol, diesel, ATF, natural gas and crude oil – were kept out of its purview.
    • This is because both central and state government finances relied heavily on taxes on these products.
    • Since GST is a consumption-based tax, bringing petroleum under the regime would have mean states where these products are sold get the revenue and not the producer ones.
    • Simply put, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar with their huge population and a resultant high consumption would get more revenues at the cost of states like Gujarat.

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