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Subject: Tribal Issues

  • Perilous retreat: Gram sabhas must have a veto on issues relating to tribal land

    Why in the News

    The Committee on Public Undertakings has suggested that a project require the consent of only most, rather than all, of the gram sabhas affected by it. The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 is framed in spirit to require the consent of every affected village assembly before forest land is diverted. The Tribal Affairs Ministry has declined to claim jurisdiction over the question, leaving the reading of that requirement to the Centre and the State governments. The contest is between a consent rule that protects the specific village losing its land and a counting rule under which the villages losing least can decide for the village losing most.

    What is the Forest Rights Act, 2006?

    1. What it recognises: The Act recognises individual and community rights over forest land for Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers who have depended on that land.
    2. Why it was passed: It was enacted to undo the “historical injustices” meted out to forest-dependent communities whose occupation of forest land had never been recorded.
    3. Where the authority sits: The gram sabha is the body that initiates the determination of the nature and extent of individual and community forest rights.
    4. What it does to land diversion: The consent of the affected gram sabhas is the barrier a project must clear before forest land is diverted for non-forest use.

    What would a majority consent threshold change?

    1. Assemblies become stakeholders: A regime deeming the acquiescence of 70 to 75 per cent of affected gram sabhas to suffice would reduce them from democratic bodies protecting the constitutional rights of their specific inhabitants to corporate stakeholders.
    2. The village that loses most can be outvoted: A project developer may bypass the consent of a village located directly within a proposed reservoir, once less affected villages provide their no-objection certificates.
    3. The change is jurisprudential, not procedural: A right held by a particular community because of its dependence on a particular forest cannot be surrendered by the agreement of other communities, so the threshold alters what the consent requirement is for.
    4. Classification disputes feed the same result: The political fight over classifying tribal communities alters who qualifies as a community member, which makes it easier to split a village assembly and engineer consent.

    What does the Tribal Affairs Ministry’s recusal produce?

    1. A regulatory vacuum: The refusal of the Tribal Affairs Ministry to claim jurisdiction leaves the Centre and the State governments unchecked in rewriting the rules by which forested land is diverted for non-forest use.
    2. The recusal rests on a technicality: The Ministry has located the question between the Forest Rights Act and the Environment Ministry’s rules in order to recuse itself.
    3. The consequence is substantive: That bureaucratic manoeuvre could strip forest-dependent communities of their most potent legal instrument.

    What is the legal position on consent as it stands?

    1. No express clause for every gram sabha: The Forest Rights Act does not include a clause requiring a no-objection certificate from every affected gram sabha.
    2. That does not make consent optional: The claim that no legal requirement presently exists, and that gram sabha decisions can be bypassed, is untrue.
    3. The route to any change is legislative: A government that wishes to move to a majority rule must change the relevant rules or legislation openly and democratically, rather than through an administrative reading of the existing text.

    Why do energy targets and forest rights collide?

    1. Infrastructure is being scaled rapidly: The government has been scaling up energy infrastructure, including the long-stalled Teesta-IV project, to meet macroeconomic goals.
    2. The same state wrote the protection: The Forest Rights Act was passed by that state to undo historical injustices, so the consent requirement is a commitment it made against its own future convenience.
    3. The chosen path avoids the argument: Proceeding on the notion that the consent requirement was never part of the Act settles the conflict by denying that it exists, rather than by weighing the claims on either side.

    What does land carry for forest-dependent communities?

    1. It is the base of everything else: Land is the foundation of these communities’ livelihoods, culture, identity and political autonomy.
    2. The struggle has been over dispossession: Communities have fought to resist displacement and dispossession and to secure customary collective ownership.
    3. They also supply public goods: Scheduled Tribe communities render social and environmental services and contribute to national development, including by helping meet India’s climate commitments.
    4. The recommendation follows from that: The Centre and the States should strengthen the powers conferred on gram sabhas in Scheduled Areas by the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 and the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996.

    Challenges to gram sabha consent under the Forest Rights Act

    1. Community forest rights lag individual titles: Most titles distributed under the Act are individual. Community forest resource rights, which are what a gram sabha exercises against a diversion, are recognised in a small share of eligible villages. Eg. Recognised community forest resource titles are concentrated in Maharashtra, Odisha and Chhattisgarh, with minimal recognition in several other States.
      The Fix: Complete community forest resource mapping and vesting in a village before any diversion proposal over its forest is processed.
    2. The consent requirement rests on executive instruction: It operates through Ministry circulars in the forest clearance process rather than through an express section of the Act, so it can be narrowed without going to Parliament. Eg. A 2009 circular of the Ministry of Environment and Forests made a gram sabha consent certificate part of the forest clearance record.
      The Fix: Write the consent requirement into the Act itself, so that any dilution requires an amendment debated in Parliament.
    3. Statutory exemptions have been widening: The Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act, 2023 removes categories of land from the forest clearance process, and the consent step travels with that process. Eg. Land within 100 km of an international border proposed for a strategic linear project falls outside the clearance requirement.
      The Fix: Retain the gram sabha consent step for every exempted category where forest rights have been recognised, independent of the clearance exemption.
    4. A refusal has no protected life: Nothing bars a fresh proposal over the same forest after a gram sabha has rejected one, so refusal delays a project rather than settling the question. Eg. In Orissa Mining Corporation v. Ministry of Environment and Forests (2013) the Supreme Court referred the bauxite mining question in the Niyamgiri hills to 12 gram sabhas, and all of them rejected it.
      The Fix: Bar a fresh diversion proposal over the same land for a fixed period following a gram sabha rejection, as land acquisition law already does.

    Conclusion

    The consent requirement is the one instrument that makes a village’s refusal legally consequential, and the change under discussion replaces refusal with arithmetic. Two positions cannot both hold: that the right belongs to a particular community because it depends on a particular forest, and that other communities may supply the consent on its behalf. The Environment Ministry can settle which of the two governs, and the honest route to that is an open amendment rather than a fresh reading of existing rules. Until it does, the strength of a village assembly’s veto depends on which ministry is willing to claim jurisdiction over it.

    Back2Basics: Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996

    1. What it does: It extends Part IX of the Constitution, on panchayats, to the Fifth Schedule areas with modifications.
    2. The gram sabha’s status: It makes the gram sabha, rather than the elected panchayat, the primary body competent to safeguard traditions, customs, cultural identity and community resources.
    3. Consultation before acquisition: It requires consultation with the gram sabha before land is acquired in Scheduled Areas and before displaced persons are resettled.
    4. Control over resources: It vests ownership of minor forest produce in the gram sabha and gives it a role in preventing land alienation and in granting minor mineral concessions.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2013] Under the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, who shall be the authority to initiate the process for determining the nature and extent of individual or community forest rights or both? (a) State Forest Department (b) Distrit Collector/Deputy Commissioner (c) Tahsildar/Block Develoment Officer/Mandal Revenue Officer (d) Gram Sabha ANSWER: (d)”

  • Gen Z Adivasis ask for more

    Why in the News

    Tribal students at the Manjari Scheduled Tribes (ST) hostel near Pune have been on a hunger strike for over two weeks, part of protests at 25 locations across Maharashtra since August 12, demanding that the state act on 14 charges, chief among them a Supreme Court-mandated 2017 order to fill 12,500 government job positions reserved for tribals. The immediate trigger was an August 5 state order capping the age limit for staying in tribal hostels at 26 years, which the government raised to 30 on August 14 after protests began. The agitation gained force after three tribal schoolgirls died of snakebite at a Gadchiroli ashram school that had no beds. The state has held four rounds of talks and withdrawn the age cap, but has given the protesters no timeline on the pending job vacancies, and students say the same demands recur every year.

    What are the students protesting, and what triggered this round?

    1. Fourteen charges, only one conceded early: The students placed 14 demands before the government, of which it first agreed only to scrap the hostel age limit for admission.
    2. A punitive age cap sparked the protest: The August 5 order capping hostel stay at 26 years threatened students who use the hostel to prepare for competitive exams and city jobs, and was raised to 30 only after protests spread.
    3. Snakebite deaths widened the demands: Three tribal schoolgirls died of snakebite at an ashram school in Gadchiroli that had no beds, after which protesters added a demand for 1 crore compensation and health insurance for the families.
    4. Invasive hostel practices are also contested: The students want Government Resolutions restricting assembly, protests and union participation withdrawn, and an end to compulsory practices such as pregnancy tests in female hostels.

    Why has the 2017 Supreme Court-mandated job quota gone unfilled for nine years?

    1. A binding order without a deadline mechanism: The Supreme Court directed in 2017 that 12,500 government job positions be filled for tribals, but nine years on the vacancies remain open with no fixed completion date.
    2. The state cites inter-departmental delay: A government official said filling the vacancies “cannot be done overnight” because multiple departments are involved, without naming a target date.
    3. Hostel capacity has not kept pace with demand: The state runs 490 tribal hostels housing 59,020 students, and students say the government has not expanded this capacity for several years even as demand for seats in city hostels has grown.

    What does the state’s handling of the protest reveal about tribal welfare governance?

    1. Concessions follow political pressure, not review: The age cap was withdrawn only after Congress leader Rahul Gandhi gave the protesters a platform at a Pune rally and wrote to the Chief Minister, not through an internal policy review.
    2. Design choices override student preference: The state defends centrally cooked meals for hostels as easier to monitor, while students say food travelling up to 100 km from central kitchens often spoils by the time it reaches them.
    3. The protest is a recurring one: Students say they have held similar protests for four consecutive years over the same unmet demands, including hostel safety and hygiene.
    4. The hunger strike has produced a medical emergency: Two of the six students on hunger strike, weak after 14 days without food, needed to be moved for hospital treatment as their blood pressure and blood sugar dropped.

    Challenges to filling the Scheduled Tribes job quota

    1. No enforcement timeline attached to the court order: A Supreme Court direction to fill a quota carries no built-in penalty for delay, so the executive can let vacancies persist for years without consequence. Eg. The 2017 order remains unimplemented nine years later even as the state government publicly reaffirms it will comply. Fix. Require the state to file a compliance affidavit before the Court every six months, naming the number of posts filled and the department responsible for the remainder.
    2. Fragmented departmental ownership slows recruitment: Filling a quota spread across “many departments” leaves no single authority accountable for the shortfall. Eg. A state official cited inter-departmental coordination as the reason recruitment “cannot be done overnight.” Fix. Designate one nodal department to consolidate vacancy data and recruitment timelines across departments and report progress publicly.

    Conclusion

    The Manjari hunger strike has forced the Maharashtra government to withdraw one contested order and promise action on the rest, but the core grievance, a Supreme Court-mandated tribal job quota unfilled nine years on, remains unresolved without a stated timeline. Whether this round of protest produces a written, binding commitment or another round of verbal assurance will determine if the annual cycle of protest continues.

  • Rules at tribal hostels undermining dignity of students, says Rahul Gandhi

    Why in the News

    The Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi, raised concerns over conditions at government tribal hostels, known as Ashram Shalas, in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, citing hunger strikes by students and reported malnutrition and snakebite deaths at a hostel in Gadchiroli. Ashram Shalas are residential schools set up specifically to house tribal students, often from remote forested areas, so they can access schooling that would otherwise require an impractical daily commute. Reports of hunger strikes and deaths at these hostels raise the question of whether the facilities meant to widen tribal access to education are instead exposing students to conditions that undermine their basic dignity and safety.

    What specific conditions have been raised at the hostels?

    1. Hunger strikes reported by students: Students at tribal hostels in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh have gone on hunger strikes to protest hostel conditions, an extreme form of protest by residents that itself signals that ordinary grievance channels were not working.
    2. Malnutrition deaths reported at a Gadchiroli hostel: Deaths attributed to malnutrition among students at a hostel in Gadchiroli, a tribal-majority district in Maharashtra, point to a failure in the hostel’s food quality or quantity standards.
    3. A snakebite death reported at the same hostel: A student death from snakebite at the Gadchiroli hostel points to inadequate hostel infrastructure and the absence of timely medical evacuation in a forested, remote location.
    4. Concerns framed as a dignity issue, not only a facilities issue: The complaint frames the hostel rules themselves, not merely infrastructure gaps, as undermining student dignity, pointing to disciplinary or restrictive practices inside the hostels as part of the problem.

    Why do tribal hostels carry this specific set of risks?

    1. Remote locations limit emergency response: Ashram Shalas are deliberately located in or near tribal habitations, which are often in forested, hard-to-access terrain where the nearest primary health centre may be hours away, turning a treatable snakebite into a fatality.
    2. Chronic underfunding of hostel messing and staffing: Tribal welfare hostels are frequently reported to run on messing grants that have not kept pace with food costs, and with warden-to-student ratios too thin to catch early signs of malnutrition or illness.
    3. Weak grievance redress inside a residential, closed setting: Students living inside the hostel have limited means to escalate a complaint beyond the hostel’s own staff, which is part of why a hunger strike, rather than a formal complaint, became the mode of protest.

    Conclusion

    The Leader of the Opposition’s intervention puts political attention on a welfare infrastructure gap that had, until the hunger strikes and deaths came to light, received limited scrutiny. Whether the State governments of Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh respond with an audit of hostel messing, staffing and medical-evacuation arrangements will determine if this becomes a one-time political exchange or a lasting reform.

    Back2Basics: Ashram Shalas

    1. Residential schools established specifically for children from Scheduled Tribe communities, run by State tribal welfare departments with central assistance under centrally sponsored schemes for tribal education.
    2. Intended to widen access to schooling for tribal children in remote, forested habitations where a daily commute to a regular school is not feasible.
    3. Provide free boarding, lodging and schooling, funded through State messing and infrastructure grants supplemented by central tribal welfare allocations.
    4. Have periodically drawn scrutiny over understaffing, poor food quality, and inadequate health and safety infrastructure.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2025, GS1, 15 marks] Does tribal development in India centre around two axes, those of displacement and of rehabilitation? Give your opinion.”

  • Three girls die of a krait bite in a Gadchiroli ashram school, triggering a third party audit of all 513 private aided residential tribal schools in Maharashtra

    Why in the News

    A common krait entered the girls’ dormitory of a private aided Ashram School at Japtalai in Dhanora taluka of Gadchiroli district, Maharashtra, on the night of 9 and 10 August, bit six girls aged 8 to 14 and killed three. The deaths expose how a residential school built to carry tribal children out of poverty had neither the beds and nets to prevent the bite nor the road and ambulance to survive it.

    What is an Ashram School?

    1. About: An Ashram School is a residential school for Scheduled Tribe children, providing free education, boarding and lodging, run either directly by a State tribal development department or by a private body on government aid.
    2. Purpose: They exist because tribal habitations are scattered across remote forest hamlets where a day school is not viable. e.g. most children on the rolls of the Japtalai school come from Etapalli, a village at least five hours away by road.
    3. Funding route: Central support flows largely through grants in aid under Article 275(1) of the Constitution and through State tribal sub plan funds.

    What is a common krait?

    1. About: The common krait is a nocturnal, highly venomous snake of the Elapidae family and one of India’s Big Four venomous species, alongside the Indian spectacled cobra, Russell’s viper and the saw scaled viper.
    2. Why the bite goes unnoticed: Its venom is neurotoxic, attacking the nervous system, and its bite feels like a mosquito bite with fang marks often impossible to locate. Treating clinicians place it at at least ten times more venomous than the king cobra.

    What is anti snake venom and why does timing decide survival?

    1. About: Anti snake venom (ASV) is an antibody preparation that neutralises circulating venom, and India uses a polyvalent formulation raised against the Big Four species.
    2. The golden hour: The effective window for administering ASV is about half an hour after the bite. Beyond it neurotoxic paralysis of the respiratory muscles progresses even after the correct dose is given.

    What happened at the Japtalai Ashram School?

    1. The dormitory: Anu Koreti, aged 8, and 111 other girls from Classes 1 to 10 were sleeping on the floor of a hall measuring about 850 square feet when the krait entered.
    2. The bite: The snake bit six girls aged between 8 and 14. Three died and three survived.
    3. The alarm: The snake coiled around the leg of a fourth child, who woke screaming, and the children woke the cook. The cook struck the snake with a stick and called the peon, the only school employee on campus, who killed it.
    4. The transport: The first two girls reached Dhanora Rural Hospital, 9 km away, at about 2.20 a.m. in a vegetable delivery van. Three more arrived at 2.40 a.m., and over 12 panicked girls were taken directly to Gadchiroli.
    5. The deaths: Two girls were declared dead at about 4.10 a.m. after all protocol doses and cardiopulmonary resuscitation. The 8 year old died on the way to Gadchiroli’s main hospital after referral for ventilator support.
    6. The survivors: One girl was airlifted to Nagpur and is home recovering, one remains on ventilator support at Gadchiroli but out of danger, and one is recovering.

    What do the hostel’s living conditions reveal about residential school standards?

    1. Sleeping arrangements: Over 100 girls slept on mattresses on the floor with no beds. The only bed in the hall belonged to the cook, a contractual worker.
    2. No mosquito nets until after the deaths: Nets were fitted only afterwards, and the cook states the demand had been raised repeatedly in the past with no response.
    3. Snake habitat at the window: Piles of bricks and wooden logs stood next to open windows and were removed only after the incident. Moist, cool wood is the most conducive environment for a krait.
    4. Supervision gap: The school’s woman supervisor had allegedly gone on leave without the principal’s approval, which is why the cook was sleeping with the girls that night. She is absconding after a first information report for negligence.
    5. Scale against space: The campus is about half a football field, with a two storied classroom block and a separate building of halls, holding 233 enrolled children.

    Why did the emergency response fail?

    1. The unusable highway: The 9 km stretch on National Highway 930 was so potholed it was unmotorable, forcing a 35 km detour and consuming the ASV golden hour.
    2. No ambulance: The first children were moved in a vegetable delivery van, since the school had no ambulance and no accessible emergency medical service.
    3. Delayed information to parents: A peon reached one father at 9 a.m., hours after the death, and did not tell him his daughter had died. He learnt it from a policeman outside the post mortem room.
    4. Referral without capacity assessment: The 8 year old was referred onward for ventilator support even though the rural hospital had a ventilator, and she died in transit.
    5. Seasonal isolation as a standing condition: Residents state the same highway stretch stays shut for three months every monsoon and the State bus service is suspended annually on that stretch.
    6. The official position: The district Collector’s position is that responding quickly and bringing children in during an emergency is the school’s responsibility.

    Why is Gadchiroli particularly exposed to snakebite?

    1. Forest cover: Gadchiroli is Maharashtra’s easternmost district with dense forest cover of over 75 percent and a scattered tribal population across remote hamlets.
    2. Reptile diversity: The dry deciduous forests and river basins of Gadchiroli and neighbouring Chandrapur support over 21 species of snakes, including all four of the Big Four venomous species.
    3. The mortality record: 99 people have died of snakebite in Gadchiroli in the last five years.
    4. Development profile: The district was earlier part of the Red Corridor and remains among the most underdeveloped and remote parts of the State, with the Chief Minister as its guardian minister.

    What has the State done in response?

    1. Criminal action: Separate first information reports have been registered against five persons, including the former Member of Parliament who ran the school, under several bailable sections.
    2. Licence cancellation: The State government has said the school’s licence will be cancelled.
    3. Systemwide audit: A third party has been appointed to audit all 513 private aided residential tribal schools in Maharashtra.
    4. Physical fixes: Mosquito nets have been fitted and the brick and log piles near the windows have been cleared.
    5. Road repair on ministerial visit: Contractors were called overnight to patch the road with gravel once ministers announced visits, after years of complaints produced nothing.

    Why does closing the school not solve the problem for these families?

    1. All children are now home: All 233 enrolled children have returned to their villages, with the academic year interrupted.
    2. No affordable alternative: Parents who work as farm labour say they cannot afford schools that require them to buy books and uniforms, so closure ends schooling rather than relocating it.
    3. The parents’ demand: Parents are asking the government to provide facilities in the same school and let it function rather than shut it down.
    4. Access was already fragile: One parent reports her daughter has lost three months of school every year for the last two years because the road is unusable in the monsoon.
    5. What the school represented: For two generations of Gonds, a Scheduled Tribe, the school was the only route out of poverty, and the 8 year old who died wanted to become an Anganwadi Sevika.

    What does the wider ashram school record show?

    1. Scale of the system: Maharashtra runs 1,056 ashram schools for tribal children, of which 513 are private and aided.
    2. The death toll: Opposition leaders cite reports that 584 students have died in these schools in the past two years, with the education system described as obsolete.
    3. Accountability inversion: The project officer whose lapse is alleged to have led to the incident is the complainant in the case, which is the specific objection raised against the State’s response.
    4. Supervision of quality: The demand is for action against senior government officials responsible for overseeing the quality of these schools, not only against school staff.

    Challenges to the Ashram School system

    1. Overcrowded residential infrastructure: Dormitory space is allotted by headcount rather than by norm, so basic safety fails. e.g. over 100 girls from Classes 1 to 10 sleeping on the floor of an 850 square feet hall at Japtalai.
    2. Absent or unqualified wardens and supervisors: Residential care depends on a single staff member who may be absent without sanction. e.g. the woman supervisor at Japtalai who left on unapproved leave, leaving a contractual cook in charge overnight.
    3. No emergency medical linkage: Schools in remote blocks have no ambulance, no tie up with a rural hospital and no protocol for night emergencies. e.g. children carried to Dhanora Rural Hospital in a vegetable delivery van.
    4. Road connectivity failure in the monsoon: Physical access collapses for months every year, breaking both schooling and emergency evacuation. e.g. National Highway 930 between Dhanora and Japtalai, which is motorable in adjoining Chhattisgarh but not on the Maharashtra stretch.
    5. Weak inspection and grant conditionality: Aid continues without verified compliance with hostel norms until a death forces an audit. e.g. the third party audit of Maharashtra’s 513 aided residential tribal schools ordered only after three girls died.
    6. Political and private control of aided schools: Management by politically connected trusts blunts enforcement. e.g. the Japtalai school was run by a former Member of Parliament, and a first information report followed only after the deaths.
    7. Nutrition and health monitoring gaps: Residential schools carry a documented record of student deaths from disease, suicide and accidents. e.g. the reported 584 student deaths across Maharashtra’s 1,056 ashram schools in two years.

    Conclusion

    The krait was the immediate cause of death, and every other cause was an administrative decision taken long before that night. A hall with no beds and no nets, a supervisor absent without sanction, a highway that turns 9 km into 35 km, and a vegetable van standing in for an ambulance together consumed the half hour in which anti snake venom works. The State’s response so far is a licence cancellation, five first information reports and a third party audit of 513 aided residential schools. The families most affected are asking for the school to be fixed rather than closed, since closure removes the only schooling their children have.

    Tribal Education in India

    1. About: Tribal education policy relies on residential schooling, since Scheduled Tribe habitations are dispersed across forest and hill terrain where a viable day school catchment does not exist.
    2. Population base: Scheduled Tribes number about 10.45 crore, roughly 8.6 percent of India’s population as per Census 2011, spread across more than 700 notified communities.
    3. The persistent gap: Scheduled Tribe literacy and school retention remain below the national average, with the steepest dropout at the transition from upper primary to secondary.
    4. Institutional structure: Delivery runs through State run and aided Ashram Schools, centrally supported Eklavya Model Residential Schools, and hostels funded under Article 275(1) grants.
    5. Administrative frame: Scheduled Areas are governed under the Fifth Schedule, with Tribes Advisory Councils and a Governor’s report to the President on their administration.

    Constitutional Framework Governing Tribal Welfare

    1. Article 15(4): Enables the State to make special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes and Scheduled Tribes.
    2. Article 21A: Makes free and compulsory education for children aged 6 to 14 a fundamental right.
    3. Article 46: Directs the State to promote the educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and protect them from social injustice and exploitation.
    4. Article 244 and the Fifth Schedule: Provide for the administration and control of Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes outside the North East.
    5. Sixth Schedule: Provides for autonomous district and regional councils in the tribal areas of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram.
    6. Article 275(1): Provides grants in aid from the Union to States for tribal welfare schemes and administration of Scheduled Areas, which funds ashram schools and hostels.
    7. Article 338A: Establishes the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes to investigate and monitor safeguards for Scheduled Tribes.
    8. Article 342: Empowers the President to specify the tribes deemed to be Scheduled Tribes in each State and Union Territory.

    Laws and Rules Governing Tribal Welfare and Child Safety

    1. Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996: Extends Panchayati Raj to Fifth Schedule areas with adaptations.
    2. Makes the Gram Sabha competent to safeguard community resources and mandates its consultation before land acquisition.
    3. Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006: Recognises individual and community forest rights of forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes.
    4. Recognises the right to community forest resources and to convert forest villages into revenue villages.
    5. Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009: Guarantees free and compulsory elementary education and prescribes school infrastructure and pupil teacher norms.
    6. Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015: Regulates institutions housing children and prescribes standards of care and mandatory reporting.
    7. Residential facilities housing children in need of care require registration and inspection under the Act.
    8. Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989: Penalises offences against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and provides for special courts.
    9. Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012: Applies to residential institutions and imposes mandatory reporting duties on staff.

    Back2Basics: Eklavya Model Residential Schools (EMRS)

    1. Ministry: Ministry of Tribal Affairs, implemented through the National Education Society for Tribal Students (NESTS).
    2. Launch: Introduced in 1997 to 1998 and restructured in 2018 to expand coverage.
    3. Norm: An EMRS in every block with more than 50 percent Scheduled Tribe population and at least 20,000 tribal persons.
    4. Design: Fully residential co educational schools from Class 6 to Class 12, with a sanctioned capacity of about 480 students each.
    5. Objective: Provide quality education comparable to Navodaya Vidyalayas to Scheduled Tribe children in remote areas, covering boarding, lodging and academic costs.
    6. Funding: Central capital and recurring grants, with construction and running costs met from the Ministry of Tribal Affairs budget and Article 275(1) grants.

    Government Initiatives for Tribal Welfare and Snakebite Control

    1. Eklavya Model Residential Schools: Central residential schools for Scheduled Tribe children in tribal majority blocks.
    2. Pre Matric and Post Matric Scholarships for Scheduled Tribe students: Fee and maintenance support to reduce dropout at the secondary and higher education stages.
    3. Pradhan Mantri Janjati Adivasi Nyaya Maha Abhiyan (PM JANMAN): Saturation approach for Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups covering housing, roads, electricity, water and mobile connectivity.
    4. Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan: Saturation of basic amenities and services across tribal majority villages.
    5. National Action Plan for Prevention and Control of Snakebite Envenoming (NAPSE), 2024: Aims to halve snakebite deaths and disabilities by 2030 through ASV availability, training and surveillance.
    6. Snakebite as a notifiable condition: States have been advised to make snakebite cases and deaths notifiable so that the true burden is captured.
    7. Van Dhan Vikas Kendras: Value addition and marketing support for minor forest produce collected by tribal households.
    8. Ashram School scheme under Article 275(1) grants: Central assistance to States for construction and upgradation of tribal residential schools and hostels.

    Key Facts about Tribal Welfare and Snakebite in India

    1. World Tribal Day, the International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples, is observed on 9 August.
    2. Janjatiya Gaurav Divas is observed on 15 November, the birth anniversary of Birsa Munda.
    3. India accounts for roughly half of global snakebite deaths, with about 58,000 deaths a year estimated by large mortality studies.
    4. The World Health Organization classifies snakebite envenoming as a neglected tropical disease and targets halving deaths and disabilities by 2030.
    5. The Big Four venomous snakes responsible for most Indian envenomations are the Indian spectacled cobra, common krait, Russell’s viper and saw scaled viper.
    6. Gadchiroli has over 75 percent forest cover and is Maharashtra’s easternmost district.
    7. Scheduled Tribes constitute about 8.6 percent of India’s population as per Census 2011.

    Challenges in Tribal Residential Education

    1. Distance between habitation and school: Enrolment forces children to live five hours or more from home, which raises both dropout and vulnerability. e.g. most children at the Japtalai school come from Etapalli, at least five hours away by road.
    2. Infrastructure norms that exist on paper: Hostel space, bedding, sanitation and boundary walls are prescribed but unverified. e.g. no beds and no mosquito nets for 112 girls at Japtalai despite repeated staff requests.
    3. Staffing and warden accountability: Residential care is left to contractual or unqualified staff at night. e.g. a contractual cook and a peon were the only adults handling a mass envenomation emergency.
    4. Health and emergency infrastructure deficit in Scheduled Areas: Primary health centres lack ASV stocks, ventilators and trained staff, and referral chains are long. e.g. 99 snakebite deaths in Gadchiroli in five years in a district with over 75 percent forest cover.
    5. Road and connectivity failure: Monsoon isolation cuts both schooling and evacuation for months. e.g. the kuccha forest road to Kehakawahi hamlet in Murumgaon, blocked by fallen trees and unusable in the monsoon.
    6. Language and curriculum mismatch: Instruction in the State language alienates first generation tribal learners in early grades. e.g. Gond speaking children entering Class 1 in Marathi medium ashram schools.
    7. Weak grievance and reporting culture: Parents learn of serious incidents late and through informal channels. e.g. a father informed at 9 a.m. by a peon who did not disclose that his daughter had died.

    Way Forward

    1. Make grant release conditional on a safety audit: Tie continued aid to each residential school to an annual verified certification of beds, nets, sanitation, boundary walls and fire and snake proofing.
    2. Post a qualified resident warden and a nurse in every hostel: Replace overnight cover by contractual staff with trained residential staff and a mandatory night duty roster.
    3. Stock anti snake venom and train staff at the nearest facility: Ensure every rural hospital and primary health centre in a high burden block holds polyvalent ASV and can begin treatment within the golden hour.
    4. Attach a dedicated ambulance or emergency vehicle to remote residential schools: Provide a defined emergency transport arrangement rather than relying on whatever vehicle is available.
    5. Prioritise all weather road connectivity in Scheduled Areas: Complete and maintain the Dhanora to Japtalai type stretches under road connectivity schemes so monsoon isolation ends.
    6. Repair rather than close failing schools: Upgrade facilities in place where closure would end schooling for children with no affordable alternative.
    7. Fix accountability upward: Ensure inquiries name the supervising project officers and departmental officials, and bar an official whose lapse is under examination from acting as complainant.
    8. Notify and monitor snakebite: Make snakebite reporting mandatory across the district and publish block level data so preventive investment follows the burden.

    PYQ:

    “`

    [2025, GS1, 15 marks] Does tribal development in India centre around two axes, those of displacement and of rehabilitation? Give your opinion.

    “`

  • Tribal Council says Shompen concerns overlooked in the Great Nicobar Island project

    Why in the News?

    The Tribal Council of Great and Little Nicobar has raised concerns that the Great Nicobar Island (GNI) Project could lead to assimilation and disturbance of the Shompen, a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG).

    What is the GNI Project?

    • Large infrastructure and township project in Great Nicobar.
    • Estimated cost: around ₹91,000 crore.
    • Includes a proposed power plant at Galathea, near Shompen settlements.

    Who are the Shompen?

    • Hunter-gatherer indigenous community.
    • Fewer than 300 members.
    • Recognised as a PVTG.
    • Their isolation makes contact, displacement and forced assimilation particularly sensitive.

    What are PVTGs?

    • PVTG = Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group: Identified based on characteristics such as:
    • Pre-agricultural technology
    • Low literacy
    • Stagnant or declining population
    • Economic backwardness
    • India recognises 75 PVTGs.

    Key Concerns

    • Assimilation: Proposal to shift the Shompen towards a modern lifestyle.
    • Displacement: Concern over possible settlement and relocation.
    • Consent: Questions regarding consultation over wildlife reserves and project decisions.
    • Health risks: Contact with isolated communities can expose them to diseases and other risks.
    • Assurance gap: Earlier assurance stated that the project would not disturb or displace the Shompen.

    Laws Protecting Tribal Rights

    • Forest Rights Act, 2006: Recognises individual and community forest rights.
    • PESA, 1996: Provides self-governance and consent provisions in Scheduled Areas.
    • Andaman and Nicobar Islands (Protection of Aboriginal Tribes) Regulation, 1956: Restricts entry into tribal reserves.

    Government Initiatives

    • PM-JANMAN: Development of PVTG households and habitations.
    • Development of PVTGs Scheme: Habitat-specific support for 75 PVTGs.

    “[2009] In which one of the following places is the Shompen tribe found?

    (a) Nilgiri Hills

    (b) Nicobar Islands

    (c) Spiti Valley

    (d) Lakshwadeep Islands

  • Examine the uniqueness of tribal knowledge system when compared with mainstream knowledge and cultural systems. (150 words)

    According to Census 2011, Tribals constitute 8.6% of India’s population. Their knowledge systems are rooted in local ecology, collective life, and cultural continuity.

    Features of Mainstream Knowledge and Cultural Systems

    Text-based and codified knowledge

    Anthropocentric- Nature is viewed as a “resource”

    Institutional and formal transmission (schools, universities, laboratories)

    Specialisation and compartmentalisation of disciplines

    Market-oriented and productivity-driven approach

    Intellectual property regimes

    Universalist- Aims for “one-size-fits-all” solutions

    Uniqueness of Tribal Knowledge Systems

    Ecology-Centred Knowledge – Eg- Baiga tribe (Madhya Pradesh) practising bewar (shifting cultivation) with long fallow cycles that allow forest regeneration.

    Sustainability and Conservation Ethic – Resource use governed by restraint and regeneration. Eg- Sacred groves.

    Oral Transmission of Knowledge through folklore, rituals, and practice. Eg- Santhal songs encoding agricultural seasons and crop cycles.

    Community Ownership of Knowledge rather than individual control. Eg- Seed sharing by Maliya Kondh tribe in Odisha during Burlang Yatra

    Holistic Worldview – No rigid separation between nature, religion, economy, and culture. Eg- Dongria Kondh (Odisha) worship Niyamgiri hills as a living deity.

    Indigenous Medical Systems – Plant-based, preventive, and locally adapted healthcare. Eg- Irula tribe (Tamil Nadu) using forest herbs for snakebite treatment.

    Climate and Weather Prediction Skills – Eg- Bhils predicting monsoon patterns through bird migration and flowering cycles.

    Low-Cost, Locally Available Technologies – Eg- Living Root Bridges of Meghalaya

    Cultural sanctions regulate exploitation of resources. Eg- Hunting restrictions during breeding seasons among Gonds.

    Cultural Continuity – Eg- Tribal festivals like Sarhul among Mundas reinforcing ecological and social values.

    Measures taken to preserve tribal knowledge systems in India

    Tribal Health Care Research Programme (THCRP) for collecting information on folk medicines / traditional practices

    Traditional Knowledge Digital Library (TKDL) – to create digital knowledge repository

    PM Janjatiya Vikas Mission (PM-JVM) to promote “forest-based livelihoods.”

    UNDPs North-East India Biocultural Initiative (NEBI) for revitalizing traditional knowledge and promoting ecosystem-based solutions

    Adi Sanskriti – “world’s first digital university to preserve and promote the culture and knowledge of tribal communities.”

    In an era of climate change, biodiversity loss, and sustainability crises, integrating tribal knowledge is essential for achieving inclusive and sustainable development.

  • Given the diversities among tribal communities in India, in which specific contexts should they be considered as a single category ?

    India’s 110 million tribal population (8.6%) comprise over 705 distinct ethnic groups. However, they are legally and politically unified under the category of “Scheduled Tribes” (STs).

    Diversities Among Tribal Communities in India

    Ethnic and Racial – Negrito (Andamanese) and Proto-Australoid (Central Indian tribes) to Mongoloid (Northeast tribes).

    Modes of Subsistence- Hunter-Gatherers (Sentinels), Pastoralists (Toda), Shifting Cultivators (Jhumias of Mizoram), Settled Agriculturists (Meenas of).

    Geographical Dispersion- arid deserts of Rajasthan (Bhils), high Himalayas (Gaddis), tropical rainforests of the Andamans.

    Social Organization- Matrilineal societies of Meghalaya (Khasis, Garos), Patrilineal systems of Central India.

    Religious Beliefs- Sarnaism (nature worship), Christianity (Northeast), Buddhism (Ladakh), or Hinduism (Central India).

    Demographic Scale- Gonds and Bhils number in millions, PVTGs like the Great Andamanese fewer than 50 members.

    Educational Attainment- nearly 90% in Mizoram to less than 30% among PVTGs in Chhattisgarh.

    Specific contexts where tribes can be considered as a single category

    Political Representation and Voice – limited representation in “cabinet” as well as in administration. Eg- less than 5% SC/ST at secretary level

    Constitutional and Legal Safeguards – Unified recognition as Scheduled Tribes for protective discrimination. Eg- Fifth and Sixth Schedule, reservations in education, employment, and legislatures.

    Administrative Planning and Resource Allocation – Eg- Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP)

    Historical Experience of Marginalisation – Shared legacy of colonial forest policies, land alienation, and erosion of autonomy.

    Structural Economic Deprivation – Common patterns of poverty, livelihood insecurity, and dependence on primary resources.

    Human Development Deficits – Similar disadvantages in nutrition, health, and education indicators at the aggregate level.

    Vulnerability to Displacement and Development Projects – Disproportionate impact of mining, dams, and conservation projects on tribal regions.

    Social Exclusion and Discrimination – Limited access to education, healthcare, markets, and political institutions across regions.

    Ecological and Livelihood Linkages – Shared dependence on forests, land, and commons for survival. Eg- shifting cultivation

    Implementing SC judgment on sub-categorization (Davinder Singh case) can help avoid over-homogenisation and one-size-fits for all approach

  • Does tribal development in India centre around two axes, those of displacement and of rehabilitation? Give your opinion.

    Tribal development has historically unfolded alongside resource extraction, conservation, and infrastructure expansion, resulting in more focus on displacement and rehabilitation.

    Axes of displacement and rehabilitation in tribal development

    STs constitute only 8.6% of the population but have comprised an estimated 40-55% of all persons displaced by “developmental” projects

    Mining in Tribal Belts – Eg- displacement of Gonds from Hasdeo Arand forest (2025-26) due to coal block allocations.

    Large Dams and Irrigation Projects – Eg- Sardar Sarovar Project displacing over 40000 families of Bhil and Gond communities.

    Hydropower Projects in Himalayas and North-East Eg- Subansiri and Dibang projects (Arunachal Pradesh).

    Wildlife Conservation and Protected Areas – Eg- Relocation of Baiga tribe from Kanha Tiger Reserve (Madhya Pradesh).

    Conflict-Induced Displacement- Eg- The Gutti Koya (Muria Gond) families fled Chhattisgarh during the Salwa Judum era

    Eco-Sensitive Zones – Restrictions on habitation and livelihoods.

    Urban and Industrial Expansion – Eg- Displacement of tribal settlements around Raipur and Ranchi due to industrial corridors.

    Focus on Compensation-Based (Cash-centric) Rehabilitation without livelihood restoration.

    Inadequate Cultural Rehabilitation – Loss of social and cultural ecosystems. Eg- sacred groves

    The “Rehabilitation Backlog”- Eg- less than 50% of those displaced by the Hirakud Dam (1950s) have been fully settled with land titles.

    Counter argument – other aspects of tribal development

    Political Representation and Voice – Eg- Reserved ST constituencies in legislatures.

    Rights-Based Development Framework – Eg- Forest Rights Act, 2006 granting individual and community forest rights.

    Self-Governance and Autonomy – Eg- PESA Act mandating Gram Sabha consent in Scheduled Areas.

    Livelihood-Centred Development – Eg- Minor Forest Produce (MFP) MSP scheme supporting tribal incomes.

    Human Development Interventions – Eg- Eklavya Model Residential Schools for tribal education.

    Cultural Preservation and Identity – Eg- Traditional Knowledge Digital Library (TKDL) – to create digital knowledge repository

    Targeted Welfare and Livelihood Schemes – Eg- Van Dhan Vikas Kendras for value addition to forest produce.

    Gender-Sensitive Tribal Development – Eg- SHGs among tribal women under NRLM.

    Targeted Development schemes – Eg- PM-JANMAN Mission for development of 75 PVTGs

    Way Forward

    Effective Implementation of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006

    Digitizing land records

    Setting up fast-track FRA tribunals

    Involving local Gram Sabhas in claim verification

    Strict implementation of the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition Act, 2013 to prevent forced evictions.

    Revamping Tribal Healthcare through Mobile Health Units and AYUSH Integration

    Linking SHGs with One District One Product (ODOP) initiative for market access to tribal handicrafts.

    Tribal development must transition from “rehabilitation-centric” to “rights-centric”, treating tribal communities not as beneficiaries of charity, but as custodians of nature and partners in national growth.

    Urbanization