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GS Paper: GS2-18.Bilateral, regional and global groupings and agreements involving India and/or affecting India’s interests.

  • Domestic politics and its influence on foreign policy

    The article examines the issue of intervention in domestic politics by the external powers and the practical utilities of principles of non-intervention in the internal matters of neighbouring countries.

    Political turmoil in Nepal and India’s reaction

    • Nepal has been going through political crisis for some days now.
    • India’s reluctance to be drawn into the political turmoil in Kathmandu has drawn much attention.
    • India’s refusal is in contrast to Beijing’s active effort to preserve the unity of the ruling communist party in Kathmandu.

    The principles of sovereignty and non-intervention and its violations

    • India and China always insist that other countries should stop interfering in their respective internal affairs.
    • But big nations always intervene in other nations but fend off potential threats to their own sovereignty.
    • That does not prevent others from messing with India and Beijing.
    • Intervention is part of international life; all powers — big and small — frequently violate the principle of sovereignty.
    • The concept of national sovereignty was never absolute.
    • Big nations tend to intervene more, and the smaller ones find ways to manage this through the politics of balancing against their large neighbours.

    Analysing the causes of external interventions

    • The pressure for external intervention often comes from major domestic constituencies within.
    • For example, the conflict between Sinhala majority and Tamil minority in Sri Lanka produces political pressure on Delhi to intervene in Sri Lanka.
    • The demand sometimes comes from outside.
    • In Nepal, for example, elite competition sees different factions trying to mobilise external powers.
    • In recent years, we have also seen the intense interaction between domestic power struggles and external powers like India and China.
    • The Maldives is one example.

    Factors responsible for intervention

    • Given the nature of South Asia’s political geography, very few problems can be isolated within the territories of nations.
    • There is also the tension between the shared cultural identity in the subcontinent.
    • There is also the determination of the smaller nations to define a contemporary identity independent of India.
    • The bitter legacies of Partition leave the domestic political dynamics of Bangladesh, India and Pakistan tied together.
    • India’s relations with its smaller neighbours are also burdened by the legacy of India’s past hegemony and the emerging challenges to it.

    What should be India’s regional policy?

    • India can neither stand apart nor jump into every domestic conflict within the neighbourhood.
    • It is always about political judgement about specific situations.
    • Active and direct intervention in the domestic politics of neighbours must be a prudent exception rather than the rule in India’s regional diplomacy.

    Conclusion

    The subcontinent has historically been an integrated geopolitical space with a shared civilisational heritage. Equally true is the reality of multiple contemporary sovereignties within South Asia. In dealing with these twin realities, the principles guiding India’s engagement should be based on  “mutual respect and mutual sensitivity”.

  • Explained: India at United Nations Security Council

    India is back as a non-permanent member on the United Nations Security Council.

    Q.What objective India should pursue in its stint at the UNSC? What challenges India will face in achieving these objectives?

    India at the UNSC

    Take a look at its seven previous terms, and what its agenda will be amid events concerning China, Pakistan and the US:

    1. In 1950-51, India, as President of UNSC, presided over the adoption of resolutions calling for the cessation of hostilities during the Korean War and for assistance to the Republic of Korea.
    2. In 1967-68, India co-sponsored Resolution 238 extending mandate of UN mission in Cyprus.
    3. In 1972-73, India pushed strongly for admission of Bangladesh into the UN. The resolution was not adopted because of a veto by a permanent member.
    4. In 1977-78, India was a strong voice for Africa in the UNSC and spoke against apartheid. Then External Affairs Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee spoke in UNSC for Namibia’s independence in 1978.
    5. In 1984-85, India was a leading voice in UNSC for resolution of conflicts in the Middle East, especially Palestine and Lebanon.
    6. In 1991-92, PM P V Narasimha Rao participated in the first-ever summit-level meeting of the UNSC and spoke on its role in the maintenance of peace and security.
    7. In 2011-2012, India was a strong voice for developing world, peacekeeping, counter-terrorism and Africa. The first statement on Syria was during India’s Presidency at the UNSC.

    India’s diverse role-play

    • India played an active role in discussions on all issues related to international peace and security.
    • It included several new challenges which the UNSC was called upon to deal with in Afghanistan, Cote d’Ivoire, Iraq, Libya, South Sudan, Syria and Yemen.
    • In view of the threat posed to international trade and security by piracy off the coast of Somalia, India promoted international cooperation against the pirates.
    • At India’s initiative, the UNSC mandated international cooperation for release of hostages taken by pirates as well as for prosecution of those taking hostages and those aiding and abetting these acts.
    • India also worked for enhancing international cooperation in counter-terrorism, prevention of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction to non-state actors, and the strengthening of UN peacekeeping efforts.

    Issues at UNSC: The politics within

    • The seven previous terms have given Indian diplomats the experience of how diplomacy is conducted at the multilateral setting.
    • There have been instances where permanent members would like the non-permanent members to be “cooperative”, and no stand in the way of major resolutions.
    • Most non-permanent members get influenced by the P-5 members. They did not wish to irritate the permanent members and were keen to be perceived by them as ‘cooperative’.
    • This was precisely how the permanent members would like the non-permanent members to behave.

    Walk-alone moves by India

    • The Indians took P5 work more seriously and consequently had to fight a lonely battle.
    • This was the time when the Gulf War erupted and India voted in favour of the US-sponsored resolution in April 1991.
    • India’s vote was dictated by pragmatic considerations.
    • The US had made it clear to India that failure to support the resolution would make it very difficult for them to help India in the World Bank and the IMF.
    • Back then, India was going through a severe balance-of-payment crisis and needed funds from these organisations.
    • Also, India needed the US on its side, if and when the Kashmir issue came up.

    Twenty years later, when India again became a non-permanent member at the UNSC, it was stronger economically but still had to negotiate politics within the Council.

    Ugly faces of the council

    • Most professional diplomats shed their innocence before they arrive at the horse-shoe table around which the Security Council meets.
    • In the real world of foreign and security policy, decision-makers are invariably confronted by cruel choices that are equally problematic and come in various shades.
    • Practitioners are acutely conscious that it is only diplomacy’s outward packaging that dwells in a commitment to a higher moral purpose.
    • The shameless pursuit of narrowly defined interests is most often the motivation and seldom raises eyebrows in the world of multilateral diplomacy.

    Issues before India

    (A) Long slated UN reforms

    • New Delhi has said it is essential that the Security Council is expanded in both the permanent and non-permanent categories.
    • It says India is eminently suited for permanent UNSC membership by any objective criteria, such as population, territorial size, GDP, economic potential and ongoing contributions to UN activities.

    (B) Terrorism

    • The international effort against terrorism is a key priority for India in the UN.
    • With the objective of providing a comprehensive legal framework to combat terrorism, India took the initiative to pilot a draft Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT) in 1996.
    • A text of the Convention is being negotiated in the 6th Committee of the UN General Assembly.
    • India worked closely to ensure the listing of Pakistan-based terrorist Masood Azhar under the UNSC’s 1267 Sanctions Committee (May 2019) concerning al-Qaida and ISIS terrorists.

    (C) China challenge

    • India is entering the UNSC at a time when Beijing is asserting itself at the global stage much more vigorously than ever.
    • It heads at least six UN organisations — and has challenged the global rules.
    • China’s aggressive behaviour in the Indo-Pacific, as well as the India-China border, has been visible in all of 2020, and New Delhi will have to think on its feet to counter Beijing.
    • At Pakistan’s behest, China has tried to raise the issue of Kashmir at the UNSC — but has not found much support.
    • There is some discussion among the strategic community in New Delhi on raising the issues of Taiwan, Hong Kong and Tibet at the UNSC.

    Conclusion

    • India will weigh the pros and cons with partners on what steps to take in this direction.
    • But, the polarizing politics inside India gives a window of opportunity to its rivals and opens up the possibility of criticism — especially on human rights issues.

    Back2Basics: United Nations Security Council

    • The UNSC is one of the six principal organs of the United Nations and is charged with the maintenance of international peace and security.
    • Its powers include the establishment of peacekeeping operations, the establishment of international sanctions, and the authorization of military action through Security Council resolutions.
    • It is the only UN body with the authority to issue binding resolutions to member states.
    • The Security Council consists of fifteen members. Russia, the United Kingdom, France, China, and the United States—serve as the body’s five permanent members.
    • These permanent members can veto any substantive Security Council resolution, including those on the admission of new member states or candidates for Secretary-General.
    • The Security Council also has 10 non-permanent members, elected on a regional basis to serve two-year terms. The body’s presidency rotates monthly among its members.

  • Changing contours of India-U.K. ties

    India and the U.K. has shard past, now the present offers an opportunity to strengthen the ties between the two countries.

    India-U.K. ties in changing geopolitical landscape

    • India has invited the British Prime Minister as chief guest for the Republic Day parade.
    • India has a shared past with Britain and needs to chart a different shared future, now that Britain has left the European Union (EU).
    • One joint enterprise will be as members of the UN Security Council where Britain has permanent status and India holds a non-permanent seat this year and next.
    • Also, this year, the U.K. will be hosting India as an invitee to the G-7, and the UN Climate Change Conference.

    Implications of Brexit on the bilateral relations

    •  For the U.K., Brexit necessitates that every effort be made to seek commercial advantage in Asian countries with high growth rates.
    • India has been fruitlessly negotiating a trade agreement with the EU since 2007, during which Britain was considered the main deal-breaker.
    • The EU wanted duty reductions on autos, wines and spirits and wanted India to open financial sectors.
    • India sought free movement for service professionals.
    • The same obstacles with post-Brexit Britain will arise, because the export profile of both countries is predominantly services-oriented.
    • In response to free movement for professionals, Britain will refer to its new points-based system for immigrants.
    • After withdrawing from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, and will place greater stress on aspects related to country of origin and percentage of value addition in exports.
    • Therefore, while signing agreement two countries will coverge on pharmaceuticals, financial technology, chemicals, defence production, petroleum and food products.

    India-U.K. close ties

    • One and a half million persons of Indian origin reside in Britain.
    • Before COVID-19, there were half a million tourists from India to Britain annually and twice that figure in the reverse direction.
    • Around 30,000 Indians study in Britain despite restrictive opportunities for post-graduation employment.
    • Britain is among the top investors in India and India is the second-biggest investor and a major job creator in Britain.
    • India has a credit balance in total trade of $16 billion, but the level is below India’s trade with Switzerland, Germany or Belgium.

    Conclusion

    Two countries should strive towards strengthening ties against the backdrop of changing geopolitical circumstances and the Brexit.

  • New horizon of India-U.S. ties

    The article explores the area of cooperation for India and the U.S. under a new administration in U.S. amid changing geopolitical realities.

    China: Shared cause of concern

    • The Biden administration’s approach to India will be shaped by its position towards China.
    • There is a bipartisan change in the US’s attitude to China.
    • The Biden administration will continue Trump administrations trade policy- reducing the trade deficit, ensuring a level-playing field, keeping a keen eye on technology rivalry etc.
    • There are parallels in the concerns of India and the U.S. — invigorating the domestic economy and dealing with a rising rival.
    • These concerns can translate into opportunities for both countries.

    How India and U.S can convert concerns into opportunities

    1) Cooperation in healthcare

    • Healthcare is clearly an area that India can play up in bilateral relations.
    • The two countries can also work with multilateral agencies across the spectrum of vaccine (including Covid vaccine) development, logistics and distribution.
    • India produces around 20 per cent of the global requirement for generic drugs by volume and every third tablet of generics consumed in the US.
    • The President-elect has indicated his commitment to providing better and affordable healthcare
    • This could be an opportunity for the Indian pharma sector to play a role in reducing health costs of the American consumer.
    • India can benefit from advancements in medical technologies, devices, new medicines and R&D capabilities, presenting opportunities for American companies.

    2) Job creation through trade and exports

    • Biden has set an ambitious target for US-India trade.
    • Businesses in both countries are also looking for diversifying their manufacturing supply chains.
    • This portends well for the creation of employment in manufacturing.
    • An area where strategic considerations and imperatives of job creation converge is defence, especially since India has been designated a Major Defence Partner of the US.

    3) Focus on infrastructure in both countries

    • For the US, this can mean opportunities in India in transportation, power and other urban amenities.
    • The US’s renewed focus on climate change should lead to greater cooperation with India in energy-related areas.
    • Cooperation in energy-related areas includes more efficient energy dissemination and management (such as smart grids) to renewable energy technologies.

    4) Enhance opportunities in 5G tech

    • There is potential to enhance mutual opportunities in the 5G tech sector.
    • Increased partnership between the two nations can accelerate the development of technology solutions, promote vendors in the 5G open ecosystem and drive economic growth.
    • The two countries should engage in shaping the rules of a new order in this space.
    • This also has an important strategic element when seen in the light of developments in the Indo-Pacific as well as China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

    5) Multilateralism for cooperation in wider areas

    • Once the Biden administration assumes office, we should expect the U.S.’s return to multilateralism.
    • The Trans-Pacific Partnership aimed to create a rules-based order that all parties could subscribe to.
    • With the ascendancy of the Indo-Pacific paradigm and the Quad and Quad Plus, a successor to the TPP could include a wider canvas.
    • For India, this could mean cooperation beyond defence and security, including economics, technology and developments pertaining to the regional order.

    Conclusion

    Both countries should treat the economic and commercial dimension with as much priority as the strategic dimension. Both governments should embrace the prosperity-creating potential of such an approach.

  • Iran steps up Uranium Enrichment

    Iran has begun enriching uranium up to 20% at an underground facility and seized a South Korean-flagged oil tanker in the crucial Strait of Hormuz, further escalating tensions in West Asia between Tehran and the West.

    Scratch your school basics to answer this PYQ:

    Q.The known forces of nature can be divided into four classes, viz, gravity, electromagnetism, weak nuclear force and strong nuclear force.

    With reference to them, which one of the following statements is not correct? (CSP 2012)

    (a) Gravity is the strongest of the four

    (b) Electromagnetism act only on particles with an electric charge

    (c) Weak nuclear force causes radioactivity

    (d) Strong nuclear force holds protons and neutrons inside the nuclear of an atom.

    What is Uranium Enrichment?

    • Uranium enrichment is a process that is necessary to create an effective nuclear fuel out of mined uranium by increasing the percentage of uranium-235 which undergoes fission with thermal neutrons.
    • Nuclear fuel is mined from naturally occurring uranium ore deposits and then isolated through chemical reactions and separation processes.
    • These chemical processes used to separate the uranium from the ore are not to be confused with the physical and chemical processes used to enrich the uranium.
    • Naturally occurring uranium does not have a high enough concentration of Uranium-235 at only about 0.72% with the remainder being Uranium-238.
    • Due to the fact that uranium-238 is fissionable and not fissile, the concentration of uranium-235 must be increased before it can be effectively used as a nuclear fuel.

    Why is the West concerned?

    • Iran’s decision to begin enriching to 20% purity a decade ago nearly triggered an Israeli strike targeting its nuclear facilities, tensions that only abated with the 2015 atomic deal.
    • A resumption of 20% enrichment could see that brinksmanship return as that level of purity is only a technical step away from weapons-grade levels of 90%.

  • 2021: Challenges and opportunities for India in International relations

    After a year when it battled Covid-19 and Chinese aggression, India enters 2021 with the challenge of strengthening ties and building new ones with the US, EU, Middle East countries, and its neighbors.

    Lets’ take a look at key determinants of India’s foreign policy in the post-pandemic year 2021.

    Taking forward our legacy

    • In April 1963, about six months after the 1962 war with China, then PM Jawaharlal Nehru wrote an article in Foreign Affairs magazine, titled ‘Changing India’.
    • He conceded that there was a need to adjust our relations with friendly countries in the light of the changing actualities of the international situation.
    • The Chinese, ‘devious and deceptive’ as they have proved to be, required that India pay ‘considerably more attention to strengthening her armed forces’, said Nehru.

    Agenda for 2021

    • As India bids adieu to a disruptive year that challenged its diplomatic and military standing and enters a new one fraught with challenges, it could borrow from Nehru’s words.
    • The New Year presents India an opportunity to emerge as a global rather than an aspirational player.
    • A reflection of events shows India faced seven hard realities in 2020 and has to deal with six challenges and opportunities in 2021.

    Hard realities of 2020

    #1: China aims for top

    • While it was targeted initially for being the source of the coronavirus, Xi’s regime turned around and started to flex its muscle in the region.
    • The Indo-Pacific was its playground, where Chinese naval or militia forces rammed a Vietnamese fishing boat, “buzzed” a Philippines naval vessel, and harassed a Malaysian oil-drilling operation.
    • It even tried to arm-twist Australia through trade curbs.
    • And since May, Chinese troops have altered the status quo along the border with India, claimed the lives of 20 Indian soldiers, and violated every agreement to maintain peace.

    #2: America under Biden

    Over the last four years, the US vacated the leadership space at the world stage under the Donald Trump Administration.

    • It walked out of or weakened almost a dozen multilateral bodies or agreements, from the Iran deal to the WHO.
    • While Beijing moved in to claim space, the Trump Administration did one thing right — it targeted China and the Communist Party of China for disrupting the global order.
    • Once Joe Biden takes over as President, the US is expected to reclaim the space vacated by Trump.

    #3: Acceptance for Taliban

    • Having invaded Afghanistan 19 years ago trying to root out the Taliban, the US finally made peace with them in February as it looks to exit.
    • For India, this meant the beginning of the process of re-engaging with the Taliban.
    • Signaling long-term commitment to Afghanistan’s future — under Taliban or other political forces — India has committed $80 million, over and above its $3 billion commitment in the last two decades.
    • This means India too is finally looking at the Taliban as a political actor, although it is controlled by the Pakistan military.

    #4: Middle East equations

    • The US-brokered rapprochement between Israel and four Arab countries — the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan — reflected the changing landscape in the region.
    • With Saudi Arabia and Iran competing for leadership, along with Turkey, in the Islamic world, there have been growing calls for ties with Israel.
    • New Delhi has been ahead of the curve, cultivating ties with Israel as well as Saudi-UAE and the Iranians with deft diplomacy.
    • But it has to be careful to not let its gains get impacted by polarizing politics at home — be it through the CAA-NRC or religious fault-lines.

    #5: Russia-China bonding

    • Brewing for the last three decades, ties between Russia and China got closer in 2020.
    • India has always felt that it was the West, with its approach towards Russia after the annexation of the Crimea in 2014 that has pushed Moscow towards Beijing.
    • This has been possible also due to the US’s anti-Chinese rhetoric, the collapse of oil prices, and Russia’s dependence on Chinese consumption.
    • India has strong ties with Russia, and Moscow was the venue for all the India-China official and ministerial conversations over the border standoff.
    • But, it has taken note of Moscow’s position on the Quad and Indo-Pacific, a near-echo of Beijing’s stance.

    #6: Assertive neighbors

    • The year began with Bangladesh asserting itself on CAA-NRC, and then Nepal claiming territory and issuing a new map. It brought home the reality that neighbors are no pushovers.
    • By the end of the year, New Delhi had moved to build bridges with both, wary of an active Beijing. Bangladesh pushed back, and India did not notify the CAA rules. Nepal reached out at the highest level.
    • India also watched closely the US and Chinese forays with the Maldives and Sri Lanka. India appears to have made peace with the involvement of the US in the Maldives, and that of Japan in Sri Lanka and the Maldives.

    # 7: Aspirational India

    • By 2020, India’s public articulation of “self-reliance” and refusal to sign trade pacts with RCEP countries was widely perceived as “isolationist” and “inward-looking”.
    • India did step up to supply medicines and protective kits to more than 150 countries but did not come across as the global leader the world needed at this time.
    • Lack of resources, a contracting economy, and its populist politics made it come across as an aspirational power.

    2021: Challenges, opportunities

    #1: Countering China

    • India’s response to the border standoff has been guided by thinking that one has to stand up to the bully, but that has come at a cost: soldiers braving the harsh winter and military assets deployed on land, in air, and at sea.
    • The standoff has reinforced Nehru’s belief in 1963 that India needs “external aid in adequate measure”.
    • India will need continuing support from the US, Japan, Australia, besides European leaders such as France, Germany, and the UK.

    #2: High table at UN

    • As India enters the UN Security Council as a non-permanent member for the eighth time, stakes are high in the wake of this leadership contest between China and the rest of the world.
    • India will have to take positions on issues it had carefully avoided — from Tibet to Taiwan, from Iran-Saudi rivalry to the refugee crisis between Bangladesh and Myanmar.
    • Cross-border terrorism is one of the top concerns and India will work towards isolating Pakistan further.
    • But a limited fixation on the western neighbor would distract from India’s aspirations of being a global leader.

    #3: Friendship with the US

    • Much is expected from the Biden Administration for building on Indo-US ties, but a lot will depend on how the US views China in the larger scheme of things.
    • Moves towards a possible US-China trade deal will be watched by South Block closely. One of the key tests will be the future of Quad, and the Indo-Pacific strategy of the new administration.
    • New Delhi will build on its deepening strategic and defense ties with the US and would want to resolve trade and visa issues.

    #4: Wooing Europe

    • As the UK and the EU agree on a deal, India will look ahead to negotiating a deal with the UK and a long-pending one with the EU.
    • For a start, it has invited British PM Boris Johnson as Chief Guest for Republic Day.
    • In May, there is a possibility of an India-EU summit.
    • Already, France and Germany have come up with their Indo-Pacific strategy, and a potential European strategy is a possibility, but an EU-China trade deal would be dissected by Indian negotiators.

    #5: Engaging with neighbors

    • China’s growing economic footprint in India’s neighborhood is a concern. While it is being played out in Nepal, India will also watch China’s moves in the rest of the subcontinent.
    • Its moves in Iran, too, were closely watched, and as Presidential elections take place in Iran this year, stakes for engagement will be high.
    • One of the important aspects of 2021 is that, while there is a churning in Nepal, almost every South Asian country has had elections in the last couple of years.
    • That means the governments in these countries are stable.
    • As the world emerges from the pandemic, New Delhi has a lot to gain from what could be “vaccine diplomacy” with neighbors in 2021 — supplying vaccines either frees or at affordable costs.

    Conclusion: Thining global, not just aspirational

    • For a long, India has played the role of an emerging power — with ambitions to play the role of global power.
    • In 2021, New Delhi will host the BRICS summit, and start its preparations for the G-20 summit in 2023. And the India-Africa Forum summit, which could not be held in 2020, could be held in 2021 or later.
    • New Delhi has opportunities to articulate and be vocal on issues that matter to the world and be proactive to further its interests.
    • This could well be the Indian strategy in the New Year, as it navigates a post-Covid-19 future.

  • What is Operation Meghdoot?

    Colonel Narinder ‘Bull’ Kumar (Retd.), instrumental in the Army launching Operation Meghdoot and securing the dominating heights of Siachen Glacier in 1984 has passed away at 87.

    Operation Meghdoot

    • Operation Meghdoot was the codename for the Indian Armed Forces’ operation to seize control of the Siachen Glacier in Kashmir, precipitating the Siachen conflict.
    • The Siachen then had become a bone of contention following a vague demarcation of territories in the Karachi Agreement of July 1949.
    • Executed in the morning of 13 April 1984, this military operation, launched on the highest battlefield in the world, was the first offensive of its kind.
    • The operation preempted Pakistan’s impending Operation Ababeel and was a success, resulting in Indian forces gaining control of the Siachen Glacier in its entirety.
    • Currently, the Indian Army remains the first and only army in the world to have taken tanks and other heavy ordnance up to such an altitude (well over 5,000 m or 16,000 ft).

    Bull Kumar’s contributions

    • Kumar, a legendary mountaineer who had spotted Pakistani activities around the Siachen glacier in 1984 that helped India secure it subsequently.
    • He was awarded Padma Shri, the fourth highest civilian award, in 1965.
    • He was decorated with Param Vishisht Seva Medal (PVSM), Kirti Chakra, and Ati Vishisht Seva Medal (AVSM).
    • The battalion headquarters on the glacier located close to an altitude of 16,000 feet is named “Kumar post” in his honor.

  • Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI)

    Union Health Minister has been nominated by the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation (GAVI) as a member of the GAVI Board.

    Q.The Covid-19 pandemic has exposed the limitations of global cooperation. Critically analyse.

    GAVI

    • GAVI is a public-private global health partnership with the goal of increasing access to immunization in poor countries.
    • GAVI has observer status at the World Health Assembly.
    • GAVI has been praised for being innovative, effective, and less bureaucratic than multilateral government institutions like the WHO.
    • Members: the WHO, UNICEF, the World Bank, the vaccine industry in both industrialized and developing countries, and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation among others.
    • GAVI programs can often produce quantified, politically appealing, easy-to-explain results within an election cycle, which is appealing to parties locked in an election cycle.

    Its function

    • It currently supports the immunization of almost half the world’s children, giving it the power to negotiate better prices for the world’s poorest countries and remove the commercial risks of manufacturers.
    • It also provides funding to strengthen health systems and train health workers across the developing world.

    Significance of India’s membership

    • The GAVI Board is responsible for the strategic direction and policymaking oversees the operations of the Vaccine Alliance and monitors program implementation.
    • With membership drawn from a range of partner organizations, as well as experts from the private sector, the Board provides a forum for balanced strategic decision making, innovation, and partner collaboration.

  • The new League of Nations

    Despite China’s rise, the world will remain committed to multi-polar order. The article highlights the emerging trends in the global order against the backdrop of a pandemic and explains how there could be an opportunity for India.

    Changing geopolitical landscape and choices India face

    • As the world is slowly recovering from the disruption caused by the pandemic, there are worrying intimations of other crises looming round the corner.
    • Geopolitics has been transformed and power equations are being altered.
    • There are a new set of winners and losers in the economic changes.
    • Technological advancement will magnify these changes.
    • India will need to make difficult judgements about the world that is taking shape and find its place in a more complex and shifting geopolitical landscape.
    • As the pandemic recedes, the world could draw the right lessons and proceed on a more hopeful trajectory.

    Unlearnt lessons: lack of international cooperation

    • Most challenges the world faces are global, like the pandemic.
    • However, international cooperation in either developing an effective vaccine or responding to its health impacts has been minimal.
    • The pre-existing trend towards nationalist urgings, the weakening of international institutions and multilateral processes continues.
    • Even in the distribution of vaccines, we are witnessing a cornering of supplies by a handful of rich nations.

    Need for a collaborative solution

    • Global challenges such as climate change, cybersecurity, space security, terrorism, drug trafficking, money laundering and ocean and terrestrial pollution demand collaborative, not competitive solutions.
    • The challenges require some display of statesman-like leadership to mobilise action on a global scale.
    • The nation-state will endure but its conduct will need to be tempered by a spirit of internationalism and a sense of common humanity.

    Role of China and Asia

    • The pre-pandemic shift in the centre of gravity of the global economy and political power and influence, from the trans-Atlantic to the trans-Pacific, has been reinforced under the impact of the crisis.
    • East Asian and South-East Asian countries are the first to register the green shoots of recovery.
    • China has been the first large economy to witness a significant rebound in its growth rate.
    • The regional supply chains centred on China have been reinforced rather than disrupted.
    • China will emerge in pole position in the geopolitical sweepstakes commencing in 2021.
    • The power gap with its main rival, the US, will shrink further.

    Why should India prefer multi-polar world order

    • As the power gap between India and China is expanding, the threat from China will intensify and demand asymmetrical coping strategies.
    • Despite China emerging a relative gainer from the pandemic the trend towards multi-polarity is here to stay.
    • Neither the US nor China can singly or as a duopoly manage a much more diffused distribution of economic and military capabilities across the globe.
    • This is only possible through multilateral approaches and adherence to the principle of equitable burden-sharing.
    • But a multipolar order can only be stable and keep the peace with a consensus set of norms, managed through empowered institutions of international governance and multilateral processes.
    • India’s instinctive preference has been for a multipolar order as the best assurance of its security and as most conducive to its own social and economic development.
    • India now has the opportunity to make multipolar order as its foreign policy priority as this aligns with the interests of a large majority of middle and emerging powers.
    • This will be an important component of a strategy to meet the China challenge.

    The favourable geopolitical moment for India

    • Due to China’s aggressive posture across the board and its unilateral assertions of power, there is a significant push-back even from smaller countries, for example, in South-East Asia and Africa.
    • China’s blatant “weaponisation of economic interdependence” such as action against Australia, has made its economic partners increasingly wary.
    • In this context, India is seen as a potential and credible countervailing power to resist Chinese ambitions.
    • The world wants India to succeed because it is regarded as a benign power wedded to a rule-based order.
    • India can leverage this propitious moment to encourage a significant flow of capital, technology and knowledge to accelerate its own modernisation.

    Consider the question “Though it may sound counterintuitive, India which is dealing with pessimism about its economic prospect in the wake of the pandemic, may be located at favourable geopolitical moment” Comment.

    Conclusion

    India should seize the opportunity and make multi-polar world order a pillar of its foreign policy to counter China threat while trying to leverage the moment to attract the flow of capital, technology and knowledge to accelerate its own modernisation.

  • India’s new Europolitik

    The article explains the shift in India’s foreign policy in its relations with the European middle powers against the backdrop of churn in the geopolitics.

    India’s changing perception of Europe

    • Three recent developments underline India’s changing perceptions of Europe.
    • 1) India’s support for France’s membership of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA).
    • 2) India’s backing for a larger European role in the Indo-Pacific.
    • Delhi has welcomed the interest of Germany and the Netherlands in building a new geopolitical architecture in the Indo-Pacific.
    • 3) Security cooperation in the Indo-Pacific is also emerging as an important theme in partnership between India and the U.K.

    Reasons for India’s shift

    • India is looking beyond the bipolar geopolitical competition between the US and China.
    • Delhi also wants to insure against the inevitable volatility in the complex dynamic between Washington and Beijing.
    • To cope with the uncertain political trajectory of the US, Delhi is already supplementing its American partnership with a network of multilateral groups with other middle powers, such as the India-Australia-Japan forum and the trilateral dialogue with France and Australia.

    Rebuilding ties with Europe and challenges

    • Rebuilding ties with Europe needs a significant corrective to Delhi’s traditional strategic neglect of the continent.
    • The bipolar Cold War dynamic and the North-South framework developing world versus the developed prevented Delhi from taking a more nuanced view of Europe’s political agency after WWII.
    • Attempts to impart strategic momentum after the Cold War did not really succeed.
    • As the economic gap between China and India widened, so did the scale of European interest in both countries.
    • It is also true that the European ability to project military power into the Indo-Pacific is limited.
    • But in combination with Asian democracies, Europe can certainly make a difference.
    • It can mobilize massive economic resources, wield political influence, and leverage its significant soft power to shape the Indo-Pacific discourse.

    An exceptional relationship with Frace

    • France has been an exception in Europe in its connection with India.
    • India’s partnership with France now has a strong regional anchor — the Indo-Pacific as it has its territories in the Western Indian Ocean and the South Pacific.
    • France and Britain have lingering disputes leftover from the era of decolonization in parts of the Western Indian Ocean.
    • India will have to contribute to the amicable resolution of those problems.

    Consider the question “A strong coalition with the European middle powers should be the indispensable element of India’s foreign policy in the face of changing geopolitical circumstances. Comment.”

    Conclusion

    As China transforms the Eurasian landmass as well as the Indo-Pacific, it is abundantly clear that the US alone cannot redress the imbalance. A strong coalition of Asian and European middle powers must now be an indispensable element of the geopolitics of the East. Such a coalition can’t be built overnight. But India could push for a solid start in 2021.