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GS Paper: GS2

  • [pib] Universal Postal Union (UPU)

    Why in the News?

    At the 28th Universal Postal Congress in Dubai (2025), the Union Minister for Communications has unveiled the Unified Payments Interface (UPI)- UPU Integration Project.

    About Universal Postal Union (UPU):

    • Overview: A UN specialized agency and the primary forum for international postal cooperation.
    • Establishment: Created by the Treaty of Bern (1874). It is the second oldest international organization (after CCNR, 1815).
    • Headquarters: Bern, Switzerland.

    • Membership:

      • 192 member countries (as of 2025).
      • Any UN member state can join automatically.
      • Non-UN states may join with two-thirds approval from members.
      • India is a member since 1876.

    • Structure:

      • Congress: Supreme authority meets every 4 years.
      • Council of Administration (CA): Supervises activities between Congress sessions; studies regulatory and administrative issues.
      • Postal Operations Council (POC): Technical/operational body of 48 elected members.
      • International Bureau: Secretariat providing logistical and technical support.

    • Functions:

      • Coordinates postal policies across nations.
      • Sets rules for international mail exchanges.
      • Makes recommendations to boost global mail, parcel, and financial services.
      • Acts as advisory, mediator, and technical support agency for postal systems.

    Significance of the UPI–UPU Integration:

    • For India:

      • Strengthens India’s global leadership in digital payments innovation.
      • Positions India as a hub for low-cost remittance solutions.

    • For Global Postal System:

      • Adds digital financial services to the traditional postal network, enhancing its relevance in the digital era.
      • Strengthens India–UPU cooperation and demonstrates India’s ability to combine fintech innovation with global multilateral platforms.

    • For Migrants:

      • Enables fast, affordable, and secure cross-border remittances through post offices.
      • Reduces dependence on high-cost traditional remittance channels.
    [UPSC 2004] Match List I with List II and select the correct answer using the codes given below.

    List I (Agency)

    (A) United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (B) United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) (C) United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) (D) Universal Postal Union (DPU)

    List II (Headquarters) 1. Nairobi 2. Vienna 3. Berne 4. New York

    Options: (a) 2 3 4 1 (b) 4 1 2 3 (c) 2 1 4 3 (d) 4 3 2 1*

     

  • [9th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Iran and India, ancient civilizations and new horizons

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2018] In what ways would the ongoing US-Iran Nuclear Pact controversy affect the national interest of India? How should India respond to this situation?

    Linkage: The article’s emphasis on Iran’s resilience against Western domination, its right to peaceful nuclear energy, and India–Iran civilisational partnership directly connects to the US–Iran Nuclear Pact controversy. Sanctions and U.S. pressure affect India’s energy security, INSTC access, and strategic autonomy. Thus, India’s calibrated diplomacy in balancing ties with both Iran and the West becomes central to safeguarding its national interest.

    Mentor’s Comment

    In the midst of global flux, Ambassador Iraj Elahi’s reflections on Iran–India relations remind us that ancient civilisations have the potential to shape modern geopolitics in profound ways. This piece dissects his arguments, from the erosion of Western dominance to the rise of South-South cooperation, and places them in the larger canvas of India’s foreign policy and civilisational outreach. For UPSC aspirants, it offers deep insights into international relations, civilisation studies, and contemporary global order debates.

    Introduction

    The global order is in transition. Once dominated by Western powers, especially the United States, the world now witnesses a shift toward multipolarity. The unchecked use of force, sanctions, and manipulation of global institutions by the West has weakened its legitimacy. In this changing landscape, ancient civilisations such as India and Iran are being called upon to offer not only an alternative but a humane, participatory and just global order. Their shared values of spirituality, peace, and cultural resilience form the foundation of this partnership.

    The Crisis of the Western-led Order

    1. Declining dominance: The West, especially the U.S., is losing control over its classic instruments, global finance, technological monopoly, human rights discourse, and global media.
    2. Crisis indicators: Blatant violations of international law, unchecked use of force, trade wars, and environmental destruction signal deep systemic decay.

    Why the Global South is Rising

    1. Civilisational awakening: Countries are resisting domination and discrimination by relying on local models and indigenous technology.
    2. Strategic autonomy: Defence and security strengthening in Global South nations marks a push against dependence on external powers.
    3. India and Iran as torchbearers: Both ancient civilisations embody resilience — from India’s Non-Aligned Movement to Iran’s Islamic Revolution.

    Civilisational Wisdom and Shared Values

    1. Cultural resilience: Despite military defeats, both India and Iran influenced their conquerors with governance, literature, and art.
    2. Shared ethos: Belief in the triumph of good over evil, respect for diversity, spiritual growth, and commitment to peace.
    3. Historical struggles: India’s anti-colonial resistance and Iran’s oil nationalisation highlight their fight against domination.

    Palestine and the Question of Justice

    1. Central issue: The Palestinian struggle is projected as the frontline battle of the Global South against Western hypocrisy.
    2. Iran’s stance: Defence of Palestine and its right to nuclear energy are framed as defences of sovereignty and law.
    3. Global South solidarity: Palestine becomes a metaphor for resistance against occupation and expansionism.

    India–Iran in Multilateral and Regional Frameworks

    1. BRICS potential: Seen as a counterweight to Western economic dominance, sanctions, and dollar hegemony.
    2. INSTC: More than a trade corridor; envisioned as a civilisational bridge linking Eurasia, Africa, and South Asia, with stabilising effects on West Asia.
    3. Opposition to U.S. role: Iran critiques American interventions in West Asia and South Asia for fuelling instability and terrorism.

    Conclusion

    As the world transitions into multipolarity, the call for civilisational powers such as India and Iran to lead is both symbolic and strategic. Their partnership, rooted in resilience, peace, and spiritual values, has the potential to redefine the Global South’s trajectory. By working through BRICS, INSTC, and other platforms, they can craft a participatory global order, one that replaces domination with dignity, and hierarchy with equality.

    Value Addition

    India-Iran Relations

    Historical & Civilisational Links

    1. Ancient ties: Both are among the world’s oldest civilisations, with exchanges in philosophy, art, architecture, and literature.
    2. Cultural influence: Persian language, miniature painting, Sufi traditions, and Mughal architecture in India reflect deep Iranian impact.
    3. Shared values: Spirituality, diversity, peace, and civilisational resilience.

    Strategic & Economic Cooperation

    1. Energy security:
      • Iran was once India’s second-largest crude oil supplier.
      • Post-U.S. sanctions, imports dropped, but Iran remains vital for India’s energy diversification.
    2. Chabahar Port:
      1. India’s first overseas port project.
      2. Provides access to Afghanistan and Central Asia, bypassing Pakistan.
      3. Part of the larger International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC).
    3. INSTC:
      1. Connects India to Russia and Europe via Iran.
      2. Cuts transport cost by ~30% and time by ~40%.

    Geopolitical & Regional Significance

    1. Balancing act: India walks a fine line between the U.S.–Iran rivalry and its ties with Israel and the Gulf States.
    2. Afghanistan: India and Iran cooperated closely for stability, particularly post-U.S. withdrawal.
    3. West Asia: Iran acts as a counterbalance to Sunni-dominated Gulf powers; India’s diaspora and trade interests lie across the region.

    Multilateral Engagement

    1. BRICS: Iran is a member of BRICS and became a full member along with other countries starting January 1, 2024, following an expansion agreement at the 2023 Johannesburg Summit.
    2. SCO membership: Both nations share platforms for regional security and connectivity.
    3. NAM legacy: Shared anti-colonial and non-aligned credentials.

    Challenges in the Relationship

    1. U.S. sanctions: Reduced oil imports, halted investments in Chabahar and other projects.
    2. Strategic competition: Iran–China 25-year pact and deepening Tehran–Beijing ties raise concerns for India.
    3. Regional volatility: Palestine, Syria, Yemen conflicts complicate India’s balancing approach.

    Ethical & Civilisational Diplomacy Dimension

    1. Civilisational diplomacy: Both countries advocate a just, humane, participatory order in contrast to Western domination.
    2. Palestine issue: Shared concern in Global South solidarity, though India has nuanced its position due to ties with Israel.
    3. Spiritual diplomacy: Shared heritage in Sufi and mystical traditions strengthens people-to-people bonds.

  • Ranking Pitfalls: India Rankings (2025) based on NIRF

    Introduction

    India’s higher education system is one of the largest in the world, and since 2016, the National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) has aimed to provide a structured evaluation of institutions. With participation expanding from 3,565 institutions in its inception year to 14,163 in 2025, and categories rising from four to seventeen, the NIRF has created a sense of competition and accountability. However, critical flaws remain: skewed weightage for subjective parameters, inadequate measurement of inclusivity, and overemphasis on reputational factors. These shortcomings risk reducing the exercise into a branding tool rather than a driver of equity and quality in higher education.

    Why is NIRF in the News?

    India Rankings 2025 has once again been dominated by legacy public institutions, underscoring persistent inequalities in India’s higher education landscape. Despite its expanded coverage, the framework continues to rely on flawed methodologies, including subjective peer perception and incomplete outreach and inclusivity parameters. Of particular concern is the neglect of socio-economically disadvantaged groups and students with disabilities in the inclusivity metric. The stakes are high: without reform, NIRF risks entrenching elitism and doing little to democratise access to quality education.

    Is NIRF making higher education more equitable?

    1. Outreach and Inclusivity (OI): Currently limited to regional and gender diversity while omitting socio-economic disadvantage and disability.
    2. Troubling trends: Only JNU and AIIMS, Delhi scored above 70 in OI among the top 10, exposing the marginalisation of weaker sections.
    3. Reservation policies: Central institutions still fail to adequately fill OBC, SC, and ST vacancies, undermining affirmative action.

    Are the ranking parameters robust and fair?

    1. Five key parameters: Teaching & resources (30%), research (30%), graduation outcomes (20%), outreach & inclusivity (10%), peer perception (10%).
    2. Peer perception flaw: Criticised by Education Minister; reputation-based, subjective, and often biased against state-run or suburban institutions.
    3. Self-declared data: Heavy reliance risks manipulation; false submissions remain unpunished.
    4. Bibliometric dependence: While verifiable, this excludes non-English and socially relevant research output.

    What challenges persist in India’s higher education system?

    1. Regional imbalance: Few top-quality institutions outside metropolitan hubs.
    2. Faculty shortage: Outside the top 100 institutions, a dearth of PhD-qualified teachers continues.
    3. Weak research culture: 58% of management institutions reported zero research publications.
    4. Mentorship gap: Legacy institutions rarely mentor emerging universities.

    How can NIRF evolve beyond rankings?

    1. Policy tool, not ritual: Insights must inform reforms instead of being an annual exercise.
    2. Stronger inclusivity metrics: Incorporating socio-economic and disability parameters alongside gender and region.
    3. Accountability: Penalising institutions submitting false data.
    4. Capacity building: Encouraging collaboration between established and upcoming institutions.
    5. Affirmative action: Monitoring recruitment policies and enforcing reservations in faculty hiring.

    Conclusion

    The NIRF has created awareness about institutional performance and expanded its scope significantly. Yet, unless it addresses fundamental flaws, especially inclusivity, fairness in assessment, and accountability, it risks becoming a branding exercise. For India’s higher education system to truly progress, rankings must serve as instruments of reform, driving equity, excellence, and social justice.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2015] The quality of higher education in India requires major improvement to make it internationally competitive. Do you think that the entry of foreign educational institutions would help improve the quality of technical and higher education in the country? Discuss.

    Linkage: The NIRF 2025 rankings expose gaps in research output, inclusivity, and global competitiveness of Indian institutions. While reforms in ranking parameters can drive internal improvements, the entry of foreign universities may create healthy competition and raise benchmarks. Thus, the PYQ directly connects with debates on how India can achieve globally competitive higher education through both domestic reforms and external participation.

  • Election of the Vice-President

    Why in the News?

    Thiru CP Radhakrishnan has been elected as Vice President of India.

    About Vice-President (VP) of India:

    • Position: Second-highest constitutional post; deputy to the President.
    • Parliamentary Role: Serves as ex-officio Chairman of the Rajya Sabha.
    • Succession: Ranks second in order of precedence and first in line to become President.
    • Membership: Is a member of Parliament, not directly elected by the people.

    Qualifications:

    • Citizenship: Must be a citizen of India.
    • Age: Minimum 35 years.
    • Office of Profit: Should not hold any.
    • Parliamentary Eligibility: Must qualify for election to Rajya Sabha (unlike President, who must qualify for Lok Sabha) due to the VP’s role in the Upper House.

    Roles and Responsibilities:

    • Rajya Sabha Chairmanship: Presides over sessions and ensures order.
    • Bill Classification: Refers money bills to the Lok Sabha Speaker.
    • No Independent Powers: Has no executive or legislative powers unless acting as President.

    Election Procedure:

    • Constitutional Basis: Governed by Article 66.
    • Electoral College: Comprises 543 Lok Sabha MPs, 233 elected Rajya Sabha MPs, and 12 nominated Rajya Sabha members.
    • Voting Method: Proportional representation by single transferable vote and secret ballot.
    • No Whip Allowed: Parties cannot issue voting whips.
    • Conduct: Managed by the Election Commission; Returning Officer is the Secretary-General of either House (on rotation).
    • Winning Quota: Requires 50% of valid votes + 1; votes are transferred in rounds if no candidate secures majority in the first round.

    Resignation and Removal:

    Resignation

    • Article 67(a): VP submits his/her resignation to the President. Parliamentary approval is NOT needed, and the resignation takes effect immediately upon receipt.
    • No Acting VP: Constitution doesn’t provide for an acting Vice-President.
    • Presiding in Absence: Deputy Chairman of Rajya Sabha presides in VP’s absence (currently Harivansh Narayan Singh).
    • Example: Dhankhar, who took office in 2022, is only the third VP in Indian history to resign before completing his term, after V.V. Giri and R. Venkataraman.

    Removal

    • Article 67(b): Removal process begins in Rajya Sabha with 14 days’ notice.
    • Voting Requirement: Needs effective majority in Rajya Sabha and simple majority in Lok Sabha.
    • No Grounds Specified: Constitution doesn’t list specific removal grounds.
    • Judicial Immunity: Article 122 bars courts from questioning parliamentary proceedings related to removal.
    • No Precedent: No VP has been removed so far.
    [UPSC 2013] With reference to Parliament, consider the following statements:

    1.The Chairman and the Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha are not the members of that House.

    2.While the nominated members of the two Houses of the Parliament have no voting right in the presidential election, they have the right to vote in the election of the Vice President.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    Options: (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2* (d) Neither 1 nor 2

     

  • US to update MTCR export control policies 

    Why in the News?

    The United States is preparing to reinterpret the 1987 Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) to expand exports of heavy attack drones, like the MQ-9 Reaper, to partner countries.

    About Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR):

    • Formation: Established in 1987 by the G-7 countries (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, UK, USA) to prevent the spread of missiles and UAVs capable of delivering nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons.
    • Membership: Today, 35 countries are members; India joined in 2016.
    • Nature: Not a treaty but a voluntary political understanding where members implement export control guidelines.

    • Coverage:

      • Category I items: Complete missile/UAV systems with ≥500 kg payload and ≥300 km range, major subsystems, and production facilities (exports presumed denied).
      • Category II items: Less sensitive or dual-use components/technologies; exports subject to national discretion under strict licensing.
    • Purpose: To limit missile proliferation while allowing peaceful space and aviation cooperation.

    About the Recent Policy Change on MTCR:

    • US Reinterpretation (2025):

      • Large unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) like the MQ-9 Reaper will be treated as “aircraft” instead of missile systems.
      • This removes the “strong presumption of denial” that earlier restricted their export under MTCR.
    • Objective: To make the US the leading drone supplier, countering competition from China, Israel, and Turkiye.

    • Implications:

      • Opens the door for Foreign Military Sales (FMS) of heavy attack drones to partners like Saudi Arabia, India, and Indo-Pacific allies.
      • Still subject to US reviews for regional stability, end-use monitoring, tech security, and human rights compliance.
      • Facilitates India–US space and defence cooperation, lowering barriers for joint ventures and technology partnerships.
    [UPSC 2022] Consider the following:

    1. Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank 2. Missile Technology Control Regime 3. Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

    India is a member of which of the above?

    Options: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 3 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3

     

  • How much is spent on children’s education in India

    Introduction

    India has long struggled with gender inequities in education. Despite government efforts like Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao and steady progress in enrolment, where girls now form 48% of the school population and even surpass men in gross enrolment ratios in higher education, financial investment by families continues to tilt in favor of boys. The 80th round of the National Sample Survey (Comprehensive Modular Survey on Education) reveals that boys consistently receive higher expenditure allocations across school stages and states, highlighting deep-rooted social biases in household decision-making.

    Significance of the recent NSS report

    1. New evidence: The 2024 survey covered 52,085 households and data for 57,742 students, making it one of the most comprehensive datasets on education expenditure.
    2. Contradiction with enrolment success: Despite progress in closing gender enrolment gaps, the spending patterns show that financial priorities still favor boys.
    3. Striking gap: In urban India, families spend ₹2,791 less per girl compared to boys, while in rural India, boys get 18% more spent on them.
    4. Long-term concern: Such expenditure biases translate into inequities in learning outcomes, employability, and overall empowerment.

    Gender patterns in household spending on education

    1. All stages of schooling: Per-student expenditure on girls is consistently lower than boys from pre-primary to higher secondary.
    2. Rural-urban divide: Rural families spend ₹1,373 more on boys; urban families spend 30% more on boys by higher secondary level.
    3. Course fees: Families pay on average 21.5% more in fees for boys.

    Private vs government schooling:

    1. 58.4% of girls are in government schools.
    2. 34% of boys access private unaided schools compared to 29.5% of girls.
    3. Tuition classes: While enrollment in coaching is similar (26% girls vs 27.8% boys), expenditure differs, by higher secondary, families spend 22% more on tuition for boys.

    State-level variations in educational expenditure

    1. Delhi, MP, Rajasthan, Punjab: More than 10 percentage points gender gap in private school enrolment.
    2. Tamil Nadu and Kerala: Gender parity—boys and girls access government and private schools almost equally.
    3. Northeast States: Reverse trend—more girls enrolled in private schools.
    4. Telangana, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal: Families spend vastly more on boys at higher secondary level.
      • Example: In Tamil Nadu, families spend ₹35,973 on boys vs ₹19,412 on girls.
    5. Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh: More spending on girls at higher secondary, partly due to safety-related transport costs.

    Gender gap in private coaching expenditure

    1. Himachal Pradesh: Families spend ₹9,813 per boy vs ₹1,550 per girl on higher secondary tuition.
    2. Bihar, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu: Also show significant tuition expenditure gaps.
    3. Implication: Coaching is seen as a gateway to competitive exams and better career prospects—girls being left out deepens structural disadvantages.

    Broader implications for gender equality

    1. Hidden inequality: Enrolment parity does not mean equity in quality or investment.
    2. Future workforce impact: Lower spending on girls limits their human capital development and perpetuates the gender pay gap.
    3. Policy blind spots: Subsidies and scholarships exist, but social norms continue to undervalue daughters’ education.

    Way Forward

    Bridging the gender gap in educational expenditure requires a multi-pronged approach that addresses not just affordability but also deep-rooted social norms.

    1. Strengthening targeted subsidies: Expansion of schemes like Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao, free bicycles for girls, and conditional cash transfers for secondary and higher education can encourage families to invest equally in daughters.
    2. Equalising access to quality education: Improving the quality of government schools and providing digital learning resources will reduce the need for costly private schooling and tuitions, thereby narrowing gendered disparities.
    3. Awareness and behavioural change: Community-level campaigns must challenge patriarchal mindsets that undervalue girls’ education. Civil society and self-help groups can be leveraged to reshape family-level decision-making.
    4. Transport and safety interventions: Ensuring safe and affordable transport for girls, particularly in higher secondary education, will address a key cost component that discourages investment.
    5. Monitoring and accountability: Data from National Sample Survey and Unified District Information System for Education (UDISE+) should be used to regularly monitor gendered expenditure gaps and inform evidence-based policies.
    6. Integrating ethics and social responsibility: Education policies must go hand in hand with fostering a sense of justice, fairness, and equal opportunity, so that families see daughters as equal bearers of human capital.

    Conclusion

    The NSS findings show that while India has moved forward in closing the gender gap in enrolment, it still struggles with a silent financial discrimination in household educational spending. Unless families start valuing daughters’ education equally, not just in words but also in investment, true gender equality in education will remain elusive. Corrective measures through policy nudges, financial incentives, and awareness campaigns are essential to bridge this invisible divide.

    Value Addition

    Key Concepts

    1. Gender Parity Index (GPI): Ratio of female-to-male values in education indicators; India has achieved near-parity in enrolment but lags in investment equity.
    2. Human Capital Theory: Education as an investment leading to productivity and growth; unequal spending weakens women’s contribution to the economy.
    3. Intersectionality: Gender bias in expenditure intersects with class, caste, and rural-urban divides, amplifying inequalities.

    Data and Reports

    1. National Sample Survey (2024): Reveals consistent gaps in household expenditure on girls’ education across stages and regions.
    2. World Economic Forum Gender Gap Report (2024): India slipped in rankings, with education a major drag despite enrolment progress.
    3. ASER Report (Annual Status of Education Report): Points to quality issues in rural schools, often affecting girls disproportionately.
    4. UNESCO (Global Education Monitoring Report, 2023): Highlights that globally, girls are more likely to be excluded from secondary and higher education due to cost factors.

    Government Policies and Schemes

    1. National Education Policy (NEP) 2020: Emphasises inclusive, equitable education and gender-sensitive curricula.
    2. Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao (2015): Social mobilisation for improving girls’ survival, protection, and education.
    3. National Scheme of Incentives to Girls for Secondary Education (NSIGSE): Financial support to reduce dropouts.
    4. Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya (KGBV): Residential schooling for disadvantaged girls in Classes 6–12.

    Comparative International Experience

    1. Bangladesh: Successful in reducing gender disparity through stipend schemes for girls, free textbooks, and subsidies—leading to higher female enrolment in secondary education.
    2. Nordic Countries (Sweden, Norway, Finland): Achieved near-complete gender equity in education by ensuring free schooling, universal childcare, and strong social security systems that reduce household bias.
    3. Rwanda: Introduced Gender-Responsive Budgeting—allocating funds specifically to address gender gaps in education, which India can emulate.

    Quotes (Useful for Essay/Ethics/GS answers)

    1. “If you educate a man you educate an individual, but if you educate a woman you educate a family.” — Charles M. Cooper
    2. “Investment in girls’ education is not charity, it is the smartest investment a country can make.” — UN Secretary-General António Guterres

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2022] The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 remains inadequate in promoting incentive-based system for children’s education without generating awareness about the importance of schooling. Analyse.

    Linkage: The NSS 80th round shows families spend 18–30% more on boys than girls, privileging them in private schools and coaching despite RTE’s universal access. This proves that incentive-based provisions under the RTE Act remain inadequate without tackling deep-rooted gender norms. Hence, awareness generation, gender-responsive budgeting, and social mobilisation are essential complements to legal entitlements.

  • Katchatheevu Island Dispute

    Why in the News?

    Sri Lankan President Dissanayake’s visit to Katchatheevu Island, the first ever visit by a head of state, revived debates on the island’s history and ownership.

    Katchatheevu Island Dispute

    About Katchatheevu Island:

    • Overview: Small uninhabited island of about 285 acres in the Palk Strait, ~33 nautical miles from Jaffna (Sri Lanka) and close to Ramanathapuram (Tamil Nadu).
    • History: Once under the Raja of Ramnad (TN), later became disputed during British rule.
    • Agreements: Under 1974 and 1976 pacts, India (under Indira Gandhi govt.) recognised Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and gave up traditional fishing rights.
    • Religious Site: Home to St. Anthony’s Catholic Shrine, visited annually by Indian and Sri Lankan fishermen during a joint festival with visa waiver.
    • Ecology: Though barren and unsettled, serves as a resting point for fishermen and supports marine biodiversity.

    Disputes around Katchatheevu:

    • Fishing Conflicts: Tamil Nadu fishermen often cross into Sri Lankan waters due to declining catch in Indian waters, leading to frequent arrests by the Sri Lankan Navy.
    • Bottom-Trawling Issue: Indian trawlers use bottom-trawling, banned in Sri Lanka, which damages marine ecosystems and escalates tensions.
    • Political Demands: All TN political parties have demanded retrieval of the island.
    • National Politics: Issue often resurfaces during elections, with claims that earlier governments “easily gave away” Katchatheevu.
    • Official Position: India clarified in 2013–14 that no sovereign territory was ceded since the island was disputed, not fully under India’s control.
    • Core Problem: Lies not in sovereignty but in unsustainable bottom-trawling practices and the livelihood crisis faced by Tamil Nadu fishermen.
    [UPSC 2020] Consider the following statements:

    1. The value of Indo-Sri Lanka trade has consistently increased in the last decade.

    2. “Textile and textile articles” constitute an important item of trade between India and Bangladesh.

    3. In the last five years, Nepal has been the largest trading partner of India in South Asia.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (2020)

    Options: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 2 only* (c) 2 only (d) 3 only

     

  • [6th Spetember 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: India’s Strategic autonomy in a multipolar world

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2014] With respect to the South China Sea, maritime territorial disputes and rising tension affairs the need for safeguarding maritime security to ensure freedom of navigation and even flight throughout the region. In this context, discuss the bilateral issues between India and China.

    Linkage: India’s stance on the South China Sea highlights strategic autonomy — upholding freedom of navigation under UNCLOS while resisting China’s expansive claims. Bilateral tensions persist, from border clashes (2020) to disputes over India’s oil exploration with Vietnam in contested waters. Yet, India balances deterrence through the Quad and cooperation via BRICS/SCO, reflecting a cautious but autonomous approach.

    Mentor’s comment

    Strategic autonomy is more than just a diplomatic catchphrase for India, it is the lifeline of its foreign policy in an era of multipolar flux. As India seeks to balance ties with the United States, China, and Russia, while also positioning itself as the voice of the Global South, the concept is no longer theoretical but a daily practice. For UPSC aspirants, understanding this evolving doctrine is essential to connect historical continuities with present-day challenges of geopolitics, economy, and technology.

    Introduction

    Strategic autonomy, once confined to the academic realm of international relations, has become a core principle of India’s foreign policy. Rooted in India’s colonial history and first institutionalized through Nehru’s Non-Alignment Movement, it has today evolved into a doctrine of multi-alignment, pragmatism, and resilience. In a world where U.S. unipolarity is waning, China is rising, and Russia is recalibrating its global role, India faces both opportunities and constraints. The essence of strategic autonomy lies in navigating this turbulent multipolarity while safeguarding sovereignty, growth, and global aspirations.

    The Evolution and Relevance of Strategic Autonomy

    1. Historical roots: Emerged from India’s colonial subjugation and Nehru’s vision of non-alignment.
    2. Cold War practice: Balanced ties with both blocs while retaining independence.
    3. Contemporary shift: Modi-era “multi-alignment” emphasizes flexibility with powers like the U.S., Russia, and China.
    4. Core principle: Not isolationism but adaptability in safeguarding national interests.

    How the Global Order Shapes India’s Autonomy

    1. Fragmented multipolarity: Decline of U.S. dominance, rise of China, Russia’s revisionism, and West’s internal divisions.
    2. Volatility in partnerships: U.S. unpredictability under Trump strained trade ties and increased pressure on India over Russia.
    3. Fluid environment: India must recalibrate ties to secure territorial integrity, economic growth, and regional stability.

    India’s Engagement with the United States

    1. Deepened partnership: Defence cooperation, intelligence sharing, joint exercises, and technology transfers.
    2. New initiatives: Quad, Indo-Pacific dialogues, I2U2, and IMEC reflecting shared concerns about China.
    3. Friction points: Trade tariffs, sanctions, and pressure to reduce Russia ties.
    4. India’s stance: Balanced engagement, cooperative yet assertively independent.

    India’s Balancing Act with China

    1. Security challenge: Border clashes of 2020 ended the façade of benign coexistence.
    2. Dual reality: China remains India’s major trading partner despite tensions.
    3. Strategic response: Strengthened border infrastructure, deepened Indo-Pacific ties, and indigenous defence push.
    4. Diplomatic engagement: Continued participation in BRICS, SCO to balance rivalry with dialogue.

    India’s Enduring Partnership with Russia

    1. Historical solidarity: Long-standing defence cooperation rooted in Cold War ties.
    2. Ukraine conflict test: Continued oil imports and weapons purchases despite Western criticism.
    3. Autonomous approach: Diversification of defence imports without abandoning Russia.
    4. Core principle: Refusal to choose sides in binary contests.

    Strategic Autonomy in the Global South Context

    1. Voice of the Global South: Asserted during India’s G20 presidency in 2023.
    2. India’s stance: “Non-West” but not “anti-West”, balancing pragmatism with plural democracy.
    3. Resonance abroad: Other rising powers too seek agency, not vassalage, in global politics.

    Domestic and Technological Dimensions of Autonomy

    1. Internal constraints: Political polarisation, economic vulnerabilities, institutional weaknesses.
    2. Modern domains: Cyber threats, AI warfare, space competition, data sovereignty.
    3. Recent steps: Indigenous platforms, critical minerals security, global tech governance participation.

    Conclusion

    Strategic autonomy is not about standing alone, but about standing tall. It requires balancing ties with major powers, investing in national capacity, and adapting to new-age domains of competition. India’s rise as a sovereign pole in the multipolar order rests on maintaining autonomy without succumbing to bloc politics. The essence is not isolation, but resilience, the art of walking the tightrope with clarity, confidence, and conviction.

    Value Addition

    Definition of Strategic Autonomy

    General Definition:

    • Strategic autonomy is a nation’s ability to pursue independent foreign and security policies, making sovereign decisions without being bound by external pressures, alliances, or blocs.
    • MEA perspective: It is about “maximizing national interest through diversified engagements” — not neutrality, not isolation, but flexibility and resilience.

    Evolution of Strategic Autonomy in India

    • Colonial Context: India’s colonial past created a deep-rooted desire to preserve independence in foreign policy.
    • Nehruvian Non-Alignment (1950s–1970s)
      • Core principle: India would not align with any Cold War bloc.
      • 1955 Bandung Conference and NAM (1961 Belgrade) institutionalized this vision.
      • Quote (Nehru, 1946): “We propose, so far as we can, to keep away from the power politics of groups, aligned against one another.”
    • Indira Gandhi Era (1970s–1980s)
      • Tilt towards USSR (1971 Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation).
      • Still claimed non-alignment, but practice became more pragmatic.
    • Post-Cold War Recalibration (1990s–2000s)
      • Unipolar U.S.-dominated world; India liberalised economy and sought closer U.S. ties while keeping Russia engaged.
      • “Strategic autonomy” re-emerged as India avoided being a U.S. ally despite growing partnership.
    • 21st Century: Multi-Alignment
      • India now engages multiple powers simultaneously: U.S. (Quad, I2U2, IMEC), Russia (defence, energy), China (BRICS, SCO), EU (trade), Global South (voice in G20).
      • Current doctrine: “Autonomy through diversification”, maintaining flexibility across issues.

    Multi-Alignment in India’s Foreign Policy

    • Overview: Instead of non-alignment (staying out of blocs), India today practices multi-alignment — engaging with all major powers, often simultaneously, without exclusive commitment.
    • Examples:
      • Quad (U.S., Japan, Australia, India) → Indo-Pacific security.
      • BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) → financial/strategic cooperation.
      • SCO (Russia, China, Central Asia) → security & regional stability.
      • I2U2 (India, Israel, UAE, U.S.) → technology, infrastructure, food security.
      • IMEC → new economic corridor connecting India–Middle East–Europe.

    Key Quotes for Value Addition

    • Jawaharlal Nehru (1946): “We propose, so far as we can, to keep away from the power politics of groups, aligned against one another.” (Origin of non-alignment).
    • Atal Bihari Vajpayee (2003, as PM): “India and the United States may disagree on some issues, but as sovereign countries, we have the right to pursue our national interests.” (Strategic autonomy in U.S. ties).
    • Dr. Manmohan Singh (2005, PM): “Our strategic autonomy does not mean isolation. It means engaging all major powers on equal terms.”
    • S. Jaishankar (External Affairs Minister):
      • “Multi-alignment is the call of the day. Strategic autonomy in today’s multipolar world means engaging America, Russia, China, Europe, and others — each on its own merit.”
      • “Partnerships must be based on interests, not sentiment, not inherited obligations.”
      • “We are non-West, but not anti-West.” (G20 context, 2023).
    • Shivshankar Menon (Former NSA & diplomat):
      • “Strategic autonomy is not a slogan. It is the art of being flexible in a world where alliances are rigid, and sovereignty is contested.”
      • “For India, autonomy lies in not choosing sides but choosing our interests.”

  • 20 Years of MGNREGS

    Why in the News?

    On the 20th anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005, concerns were raised over chronic underfunding of the scheme during the past decade.

    About MGNREGS:

    • Overview: MGNREGS is a rights-based Centrally Sponsored Scheme launched under the MGNREGA Act of 2005 to ensure the Right to Work for rural households.
    • Origins:
      • The idea of employment guarantee in India began with Maharashtra’s pilot, Employment Guarantee Scheme (MEGS), in 1965 under the Vasantrao Naik government.
      • At the national level, the idea was first proposed in 1991 by then PM P. V. Narasimha Rao and later enacted in 2005.
    • Employment Guarantee: It provides 100 days of wage employment per year to any adult willing to do unskilled manual labour in rural India.
    • Legal Obligation: It is the first law in India that imposes a legal duty on the government to provide employment and compensate for non-compliance.
    • Development Goal: The scheme aims to promote livelihood security, inclusive growth, and rural development.

    Key Features:

    • Statutory Right: Employment under MGNREGS is a legal entitlement, not just a welfare scheme.
    • Eligibility: Any rural adult aged 18 or above can apply and must be offered work within 15 days.
    • Proximity and Wages: Work must be provided within 5 km of the applicant’s residence with minimum wage, and delays attract compensation.
    • Unemployment Allowance: If work is not provided on time, the state must pay an allowance.
    • Demand-Driven Model: The scheme is worker-initiated, requiring the government to respond to demand.
    • Transparency and Audits: Regular social audits and online updates ensure accountability in job cards, muster rolls, and fund use.
    • Local Implementation: It is decentralised, led by Gram Panchayats, with support from block and state officials, and centrally funded.
    • Women’s Inclusion: At least one-third of beneficiaries must be women, enhancing gender equity.
    • Sustainable Assets: Projects focus on durable rural infrastructure like ponds, roads, canals, and plantations.
    [UPSC 2006] Consider the following statements in respect of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005:

    1. The Act provides 100 days of employment to households as a fundamental right.

    2. Women are given priority such that half of the employment seekers are women.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    Options: (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 *

     

  • Should Commercial speech on digital platform be regulated

    Introduction

    On August 25, 2025, the Supreme Court of India asked the Union government to frame guidelines for regulating social media content, noting that influencers often commercialise speech in ways that offend vulnerable groups. The case arose from derogatory remarks made by comedians about persons with Spinal Muscular Atrophy. While well-intentioned, the order has raised concerns about overregulation of free speech.

    Why in the news

    The Supreme Court of India’s intervention is significant because it directs the executive to draft specific rules for social media despite existing laws such as the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 (BNS) and the Information Technology Act, 2000 (IT Act) already providing mechanisms. For the first time, the Court has nudged the government toward formal regulation triggered by a single incident, raising alarms of censorship and judicial overreach.

    The presence or absence of a regulatory vacuum

    1. Existing provisions: FIRs can be filed under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 and the Information Technology Act, 2000. The IT Act already empowers courts or the executive to order takedowns.
    2. Opaque enforcement: Takedowns often occur without notifying the affected individual, undermining natural justice.
    3. Critics’ view: No regulatory vacuum exists; additional rules may be an overreaction to a single case.

    The question of dignity as a ground for restricting free speech

    1. Constitutional limits: Article 19(2) of the Constitution of India exhaustively lists permissible restrictions, security of the state, public order, decency, morality, etc. Dignity is not among them.
    2. Judicial precedents: In Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India (2016), the Supreme Court of India upheld criminal defamation, indirectly protecting individual dignity, but did not treat dignity as an independent ground.
    3. Slippery slope risk: Recognising dignity as a separate basis for restriction could legitimise expansive censorship.

    The risk of silencing uncomfortable speech

    1. Chilling effect: Overbroad regulations may deter comedians, satirists, and artists from bold expression.
    2. Supreme Court stance: In March 2025, in Imran Pratapgadhi v. State of Gujarat, the Court quashed charges against a Member of Parliament, reaffirming that Article 19(1)(a) protects even disturbing or offensive views.
    3. Censorship creep: Proposals like the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill may expand state control over independent creators.

    The place of commercial speech in free expression

    1. Judicial recognition: In Sakal Papers Pvt. Ltd. v. Union of India (1962) and Tata Press Ltd. v. Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Limited (1995), the Supreme Court of India affirmed that commercial speech falls under Article 19(1)(a).
    2. Commerce and speech: Just as newspapers rely on advertisements, comedians and influencers rely on monetisation. Profit motive does not make speech less deserving of protection.
    3. Criticism: Comedy and satire do not neatly fall into the narrow category of “commercial speech,” traditionally reserved for advertisements.

    Judicial polyvocality and consistency of precedent

    1. Court’s nature: Divergent views are part of common law, but binding precedent ensures continuity.
    2. Problem here: Directing the executive to draft rules risks giving regulations undue legitimacy and making constitutional challenges harder.
    3. Judicial discipline: When coordinate Benches depart from earlier rulings, proper procedure is referral to a larger Bench.

    Safeguards needed in future regulations

    1. Transparent review: Any regulation must ensure robust review mechanisms and fairness in takedown procedures.
    2. Broad consultation: Stakeholder engagement should extend beyond industry associations to include civil society and affected communities.
    3. Opacity concerns: Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000 and its rules (2009) are already opaque; future regulations must not repeat these flaws.

    Conclusion

    The Supreme Court’s intention to protect dignity is laudable, but creating fresh regulations risks undermining the freedom of expression. India already has legal frameworks to tackle offensive content. Expanding restrictions based on vague concepts like dignity may lead to excessive censorship, weaken democratic discourse, and erode artistic freedom.

    Value Addition

    Social Media Regulation in India

    Existing legal framework:

    1. Information Technology Act, 2000 (IT Act) – Section 69A empowers the government to block content in the interest of sovereignty, security, or public order.
    2. Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 – impose obligations on intermediaries (traceability, grievance redressal, content takedown within 24 hours).
    3. Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 (BNS) – contains provisions criminalising hate speech, obscenity, and defamation.

    Judicial interventions:

    1. Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) – struck down Section 66A of the IT Act for being vague and unconstitutional.
    2. Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India (2016) – upheld criminal defamation, linking dignity and reputation to Article 21.
    3. Concerns: Opaque takedown orders, executive overreach, limited transparency, chilling effect on creators.

    Comparative Global Perspective

    • European Union (EU):
      • Digital Services Act (DSA), 2022 – imposes strict obligations on platforms to remove illegal content, ensures algorithmic transparency, and penalises non-compliance heavily.
      • Focus on user rights, platform accountability, and transparency reports.
    • United States:
      • Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, 1996 – grants platforms immunity for third-party content but allows them to moderate in “good faith.”
      • Debate ongoing about reforming Section 230 to tackle misinformation and hate speech.
    • United Kingdom: Online Safety Act, 2023 – places a “duty of care” on platforms to protect children and curb illegal content.
    • Australia: Online Safety Act, 2021 – empowers the eSafety Commissioner to order removal of harmful content (cyberbullying, image-based abuse, terrorist material).
    • China: Heavily restrictive model – extensive censorship, mandatory real-name verification, and state monitoring of digital platforms.
    • Global South: Many countries (e.g., Nigeria, Pakistan) have passed restrictive social media laws under the pretext of national security, raising concerns about authoritarian misuse.

    International Bodies and Global Norms

    • United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC): Stresses that restrictions on online speech must comply with Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) – legality, necessity, and proportionality.
    • UNESCO: Advocates for a multi-stakeholder approach to digital governance, focusing on protecting human rights, access to information, and pluralism.
    • OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development): Encourages transparency and accountability frameworks for digital platforms.
    • Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism (GIFCT): A tech industry-led initiative to remove extremist content online.

    Good Examples

    • Germany: Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG), 2017 – requires platforms to remove “manifestly unlawful” content (hate speech, fake news) within 24 hours. Criticised for overblocking but effective in quick takedowns.
    • France: Passed “Avia Law” (2020) against online hate but was struck down by the Constitutional Council for disproportionate restrictions. Illustrates the tension between free speech and regulation.
    • EU’s GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation) indirectly regulates platforms by holding them accountable for data privacy and targeted advertising.

    Way Forward for India

    • Principle-based framework: Regulations should follow constitutional safeguards (Article 19(2)), ensure proportionality, and avoid vague categories like “dignity.”
    • Transparency and due process: Mandatory publication of takedown orders, notice to affected parties, and avenues for appeal.
    • Independent oversight: Instead of executive dominance, an independent regulator (like an ombudsman or tribunal) could review takedown requests.
    • Stakeholder-driven approach: Consultation must involve civil society, creators, tech companies, and vulnerable communities.
    • Digital literacy: Public campaigns to counter hate speech and misinformation organically, rather than relying solely on punitive regulation.
    • Learning from global practices: India could adapt elements of the EU’s Digital Services Act (transparency), US’s Section 230 immunity, and Australia’s safety-first approach, while avoiding China’s over-control.

    UPSC Relevance

    [UPSC 2013] Discuss Section 66A of IT Act, with reference to its alleged violation of Article 19 of the Constitution.

    Linkage: Section 66A of the Information Technology Act, 2000 was struck down in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) for being vague and violating Article 19(1)(a) beyond the limits of Article 19(2). The present debate on regulating commercial speech on digital platforms raises a similar concern, as introducing “dignity” as a restriction risks the same arbitrariness. Both highlight the constitutional need for clear, proportionate, and narrowly defined limits on free speech in India.