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GS Paper: GS2

  • Practicing equality in constitutional courts 

    Why in the News?

    On May 13, 2025, the Supreme Court gave a key judgment revisiting earlier cases on senior lawyer designation. Though overlooked as an internal court issue, it raised concerns about inequality in the legal profession, elitism, and the fairness of classifying lawyers under Section 16 of the Advocates Act, 1961.

    What are the legal issues with the senior advocate designation?

    • Arbitrary Classification under Section 16 of the Advocates Act, 1961: Section 16 allows courts to classify lawyers into “senior advocates” and others based on vague terms like “ability” or “standing at the Bar”, which lack objective benchmarks. It has been challenged as violative of Article 14 (Right to Equality) of the Constitution because it creates unequal treatment among equals without a clear rationale.
    • Lack of Objective Selection Process in Court Rules: The Supreme Court Rules, 2013 prescribe procedures for designation but allow subjective discretion, enabling possible favouritism or bias. Eg: Rule 2 of Order IV of the Supreme Court Rules allows for pre-audience to senior advocates, reinforcing hierarchical privilege without transparency in how they are chosen.
    • Undermines Egalitarian Access to Justice: Designation often leads to a concentration of influence among a few, marginalising others and affecting diversity in courtroom representation. Eg: In Indira Jaising v. Supreme Court of India (2017), the Court upheld the validity of Section 16 but did not address how it leads to systemic exclusion, especially of women and underprivileged lawyers, conflicting with constitutional ideals of equality and non-discrimination.

    Why is the 2025 Jitender judgment seen as inadequate?

    • Did Not Address Constitutional Validity of Section 16: The 2025 judgment failed to examine the constitutional validity of Section 16 of the Advocates Act, 1961, which creates a classification between senior advocates and other advocates. The Court did not refer the matter to a larger Bench for a deeper constitutional review. The classification was upheld without addressing whether it was arbitrary or led to inequality in the legal profession.
    • Acknowledged Subjectivity but Retained Flawed Process: The Court admitted that the point-based assessment system used to designate senior advocates is “highly subjective”, yet it retained the application-based process. This allows judges’ discretion to continue dominating the selection process, opening space for favoritism and elite networks. Eg: Many competent lawyers are left out simply because they lack access to the corridors of power.
    • Missed Opportunity to Promote Inclusiveness and Reform: Instead of proposing systemic change, the Court left it to High Courts to frame rules, without tackling the core issue of representation. The process continues to exclude women, Dalits, and those from less privileged backgrounds, reinforcing elitism in the judiciary. Eg: The designation process continues to favour a “creamy layer” of elite lawyers, limiting judicial diversity.

    What are the factors fueling inequality in the legal profession?

    • Unequal Access to Quality Legal Education: Aspiring lawyers from rural or low-income backgrounds often lack access to top law schools due to language barriers, lack of coaching, or high costs. Eg: Students from remote areas rarely make it to National Law Universities, which limits their exposure and opportunities.
    • Urban Concentration of Legal Opportunities: Legal practice in metropolitan cities attracts more recognition, clients, and judicial exposure compared to small-town lawyers. Eg: Talented advocates in lower courts of Bihar or Odisha are often overlooked for high-profile cases or designations.
    • Subjectivity in Senior Advocate Designation: The selection process often favours those with elite networks or familiarity with judges, sidelining equally competent but lesser-known lawyers. Eg: Women and Dalit lawyers remain significantly underrepresented among senior advocates.

    Way forward: 

    • Transparent and Inclusive Designation Process: Develop a merit-based, transparent system for designating senior advocates with clear evaluation criteria. Include diverse representation (e.g., women, marginalized groups) in selection committees to promote judicial inclusiveness.
    • Strengthening Legal Education and Access: Expand access to quality legal education through scholarships, regional law schools, and skill-based training in vernacular languages, especially for students from rural and underprivileged backgrounds to reduce structural entry barriers.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2014] Starting from inventing the ‘basic structure’ doctrine, the judiciary has played a highly proactive role in ensuring that India develops into a thriving democracy. In light of the statement, evaluate the role played by judicial activism in achieving the ideals of democracy.

    Linkage: This question prompts an evaluation of the judiciary’s role in achieving “ideals of democracy”. The article talks about the direct counter-narrative to this positive assertion by arguing that the classification of senior advocates, as upheld by Supreme Court judgments in Indira Jaising and Jitender, creates a “legal oligarchy” and perpetuates inequality that can damage the justice delivery system enormously.

  • India to alter Ganges Water Sharing Treaty with Bangladesh

    Why in the News?

    India is preparing to reassess and renegotiate the Ganges Water Sharing Treaty with Bangladesh, which is set to expire in 2026, completing its 30-year term.

    About the Ganga Water Agreement (1996):

    • Signing: It was signed on December 12, 1996, by PM H. D. Deve Gowda (India) and PM Sheikh Hasina (Bangladesh) to share the Ganga’s dry season flow.
    • Purpose: It aimed to ensure water availability for irrigation, ecology, and navigation in both countries, especially at the Farakka Barrage, which diverts water to sustain the Kolkata Port.
    • Duration: It replaced earlier short-term deals and set a 30-year framework (1996–2026), with a renewal clause by mutual consent.

    Key Terms of the Agreement:

    • Lean Season Period: The treaty applies from January 1 to May 31, with water sharing calculated in 10-day intervals.
    • Sharing Formula at Farakka:
      • ≤ 70,000 cusecs: 50% each
      • 70,000–75,000 cusecs: India gets the remainder after Bangladesh gets 35,000
      • ≥ 75,000 cusecs: India gets 40,000; Bangladesh gets the balance
    • Alternate Sharing: From March 11 to May 10, both countries receive 35,000 cusecs alternately every three 10-day blocks.
    • No Minimum Guarantee: If flow falls below 50,000 cusecs, Article II allows for consultations and emergency adjustments.
    • Monitoring Mechanism: The Joint Rivers Commission (JRC) ensures implementation and dispute resolution.
    • Project Provisions: Both countries may construct water projects for irrigation and navigation.

    Why must India reconsider it?  

    • Treaty Expiry: The treaty ends in 2026, and India wants a revised pact to reflect current demands.
    • Rising Needs: India seeks an additional 30,000–35,000 cusecs due to:
      • Increased irrigation in West Bengal and other states
      • Siltation issues at Kolkata Port
      • Urban and industrial growth
    • Flexibility Concerns: Officials argue the treaty lacks provisions for climate variability and seasonal shortages.
    • State Support: West Bengal supports changes, citing inadequate current allocations.
    • Proposed Change: India may pursue a shorter, more flexible treaty, like its move on the Indus Waters Treaty with Pakistan.

    Implications for Bangladesh:

    • Downstream Vulnerability: Bangladesh faces greater risk from reduced water flow.
    • Historical Shortfalls: Between 1997 and 2016, Bangladesh received less than its share 65% of the time.
    • Potential Consequences:
      • Increased salinity in rivers and farmland
      • Reduced water for fisheries, irrigation, and drinking
      • Navigation issues in the delta
    • Political Sensitivity: Many in Bangladesh already view the treaty as unfair, and further reduction may trigger domestic backlash.
    • Diplomatic Impact: A poorly negotiated outcome could strain India-Bangladesh ties, especially in water diplomacy and cross-border trust.
    [UPSC 2009] Consider the following statements:

    1. The Baglihar Power Project had been constructed within the parameters of the Indus Water Treaty.

    2. The project was completely built by the Union Government with loans from Japan and the World Bank. Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    Options: (a) 1 only * (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2

     

  • ‘Socialist’ and ‘Secular’ Words in Preamble

    Why in the News?

    A far-right leader has called for a public debate on the terms “socialist” and “secular” in the Preamble of the Indian Constitution, arguing they were added undemocratically during the Emergency via the 42nd Amendment and now require re-evaluation.

    About the Preamble:

    • Overview: It is the introductory statement to the Constitution of India. It sets out the philosophy, vision, and objectives of the Constitution.
    • Origin: It is based on the Objectives Resolution introduced by Jawaharlal Nehru on December 13, 1946, and adopted by the Constituent Assembly on January 22, 1947.
    • Declaration made: It declares India to be a Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, Democratic Republic and seeks to secure to all citizens:
      Justice (social, economic, political), Liberty (of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship), Equality (of status and opportunity), and Fraternity (assuring dignity and national unity).
    • Significance: It serves as a guiding light for interpreting the Constitution. N.A. Palkhivala called it the “Identity Card of the Constitution”, while K.M. Munshi described it as the “Political Horoscope” of India.
    • Key symbolism associated:
      1. Source of Authority – We, the People of India emphasizes that power originates from the people.
      2. Nature of Indian State – India is described as Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, Democratic, Republic.

    Preamble

    Amendments to the Preamble:

    • Can the Preamble be amended: Yes, the Supreme Court in the Kesavananda Bharati case (1973) held that the Preamble is part of the Constitution and can be amended, provided the Basic Structure Doctrine is not violated.
    • The Preamble has been amended only once in the history of the Constitution.
    • 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1976:
      • Passed during the Emergency (1975-77) under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
      • Based on the recommendations of the Sardar Swaran Singh Committee.
    • Three words were added:
      • “Socialist” and “Secular” – inserted between “Sovereign” and “Democratic”.
      • “Integrity” – added to the phrase “Unity of the Nation” → changed to “Unity and Integrity of the Nation”.

    Why was it controversial?

    • It was passed during the Emergency, a time of suppressed democratic processes and curbed civil liberties.
    • Critics argue that the words were politically motivated and not part of the original constitutional vision.
    • Proponents argue that these values were already implicitly present in the Constitution, and the amendment merely made them explicit.

    Preamble as an integral part of the Constitution: Key Judgments

    • Berubari Union Case (1960):
      • The Supreme Court initially held that the Preamble is not a part of the Constitution.
      • It could be used to interpret ambiguous provisions but had no independent legal standing.
    • Kesavananda Bharati Case (1973): The Court overruled the earlier view and held that:
      • The Preamble is a part of the Constitution.
      • It reflects the basic structure and essential philosophy of the Constitution.
      • However, it cannot be used to override specific provisions of the Constitution.
    • LIC of India Case (1995):
      • The Court reaffirmed that the Preamble is an integral part of the Constitution.
      • But it is not enforceable in a court of law—i.e., one cannot file a case solely based on a violation of the Preamble.
    [UPSC 2020] The Preamble to the Constitution of India is:

    Options: (a) a part of the Constitution but has no legal effect (b) not a part of the Constitution and has no legal effect either (c) part of the Constitution and has the same legal effect as any other part (d) a part of the Constitution but has no legal effect independently of other parts

    [UPSC 2016] Discuss each adjective attached to the word ‘Republic’ in the preamble. Are they defendable in the present circumstances stances? 

     

  • International Day against Drug Abuse

    Why in the News?

    June 26 is observed globally as the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, also known as World Drug Day.

    About the International Day Against Drug Abuse:

    • It is observed annually on June 26, following a declaration by the UN General Assembly on December 7, 1987.
    • The theme for 2025, “Break the Cycle. #StopOrganizedCrime,” highlights the need for tackling organized crime networks linked to drug trafficking and calls for long-term investment in justice, education, health care, and alternative livelihoods.
    • Events are held worldwide to raise awareness about the social, health, and legal impacts of drug abuse, with active participation from governments, NGOs, and citizens.
    • In India, efforts like the Nasha Mukt Bharat Abhiyaan reflect the government’s zero-tolerance policy and people-centric approach to preventing drug addiction and trafficking.

    Key Highlights of the UNODC World Drug Report (2024-2025):

    • The latest World Drug Report by UNODC reveals that 292 million people globally were using drugs by 2022, marking a 20% increase in the last decade.
    • The report notes a worrying expansion of synthetic drug markets, especially methamphetamine and fentanyl-type opioids, and links them to organised crime groups.
    • It calls attention to youth vulnerability, mental health correlations, and gaps in treatment access, especially in low-income countries.

    Back2Basics: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)

    • Overview: It was established in 1997 through the merger of the United Nations Drug Control Programme and the Centre for International Crime Prevention.
    • UN agency: It helps in tackling illicit drugs, organised crime, corruption, and terrorism.
    • Headquarters: It is located in Vienna, Austria.
    • Its core functions include:
      • Educating global populations about the dangers of drug abuse.
      • Assisting countries in ratifying and implementing international drug control treaties.
      • Strengthening criminal justice systems to promote the rule of law.
      • Supporting crime prevention, anti-corruption efforts, and terrorism prevention through technical and legal assistance.
    • Funding Mechanism: UNODC is voluntarily funded, mainly by governments, and works with partners worldwide to promote stable, secure, and just societies.

     

    [UPSC 2024] Consider the following activities:

    1. Identification of narcotics on passengers at airports or in aircraft

    2. Monitoring of precipitation

    3. Tracking the migration of animals

    In how many of the above activities can the radars be used?

    Options: (a) Only one (b) Only two* (c) (c) All three (d) None

     

  • [27th June 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Fathoming America’s plan to manage AI proliferation

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2021] The USA is facing an existential threat in the form of a China, that is much more challenging than the erstwhile Soviet Union.” Explain.

    Linkage: The article explicitly state that the US views AI technology control as a means to “preserve its lead” against adversaries like China and Russia, seeing advanced AI capabilities as a determinant of national power, similar to nuclear weapons.

     

    Mentor’s Comment:  The United States’ decision to withdraw the AI Diffusion Framework marks a clear change in policy, but not in its overall strategy to control AI technology. The framework had treated AI like a nuclear threat, aiming to tightly control the export of AI chips, especially to China and Russia. Its removal is seen as positive news, especially for countries like India, which were not treated fairly. However, the U.S. is now trying to achieve the same goals through technology-based controls instead of direct trade rules. This shift from open policy to hidden enforcement could hurt global AI cooperation, cause strategic caution among allies, and lead to repeating the same problems in a new way.p

    Today’s editorial talks about the impact of the United States’ recent decision to cancel its AI Diffusion Framework. This topic is useful for GS Paper II (International Relations) in the UPSC mains exam.

    _

    Let’s learn!

    Why in the News?

    The United States recently cancelled its AI Diffusion Framework, a set of rules that controlled the export of AI technology. This decision is being seen as a positive move.

    What is the AI Diffusion Framework?

    The AI Diffusion Framework was a set of export control rules announced by the United States in early 2025. It aimed to regulate how advanced AI technology, such as AI chips and model weights, could be shared or sold to other countries.

    What were the key goals of the U.S. AI Diffusion Framework?

    • Restrict Access to Strategic Competitors: The framework aimed to block countries like China and Russia from obtaining advanced AI chips and model weightsto prevent them from enhancing their military and surveillance capabilities through powerful AI systems.
    • Preserve U.S. Technological Leadership: By limiting the global spread of high-performance computing resources, the U.S. sought to maintain its edge in AI development and ensure that cutting-edge innovations remained concentrated within the U.S. and trusted allies.
    • Create a Structured Export Control System: It introduced a clear set of rules combining export controls and licensing, aiming to simplify regulatory procedures and standardize how AI-related technology was shared or restricted across countries.

    Why was the U.S. AI Diffusion Framework seen as counterproductive?

    • Damaged trust among allies and partners: The broad restrictions impacted both rivals and friendly countries, causing diplomatic friction. Some nations that were not classified as preferred allies began investing in independent AI ecosystems to avoid overdependence on the U.S.
    • Accelerated innovation in restricted regions: By limiting access to advanced AI chips, the framework pushed affected countries to create more efficient algorithms that required less computing power. This led to the development of competitive AI models that challenged the dominance of those built with high-end hardware.

    Why is the framework’s withdrawal seen as beneficial for countries like India?

    • Improved Access to AI Hardware and Resources: With the framework withdrawn, countries like India now face fewer barriers in acquiring high-performance AI chips and related technologies. Eg: Indian startups and research institutions can more easily procure advanced GPUs necessary for developing large AI models.
    • Support for Strategic and Technological Autonomy: The removal of restrictions allows India to pursue its own AI development agenda without being constrained by another country’s policy. Eg: India can strengthen initiatives like the IndiaAI Mission and the Semiconductor Mission to build domestic capabilities.
    • Enhanced Global Collaboration Opportunities: The rollback encourages deeper cooperation between India and other nations, including the U.S., in AI research and innovation. Eg: Indian firms may now engage in joint ventures or technology partnerships with U.S. companies without facing restrictive export barriers.

    How do new U.S. AI chip controls reflect a continuation of earlier strategies?

    • Ongoing Restriction on Adversaries: The U.S. continues to block access to advanced AI chips for countries like China by expanding export controls and adding more firms to the Entity List, just as the earlier framework aimed to do.
    • Shift from Trade to Technological Enforcement: Instead of broad trade bans, the new approach focuses on hardware-level restrictions, such as embedding features in chips to monitor or limit usage, reflecting the same strategic intent in a new form.
    • Sustained Focus on Controlling AI Diffusion: The introduction of location tracking mandates and usage controls in AI chips shows the U.S. is still trying to control how and where AI technology spreads, continuing the goals of limiting proliferation and maintaining dominance.

    What are the global implications of U.S. AI export controls on innovation and technological sovereignty?

    • Push for Technological Self-Reliance: Countries affected by the controls are investing in domestic AI ecosystems and indigenous chip manufacturing to reduce dependence on U.S. technology, leading to the rise of multiple, parallel innovation hubs around the world.
    • Erosion of Trust and Collaboration: Export restrictions create privacy concerns, surveillance risks, and a sense of strategic vulnerability, prompting both allies and adversaries to hedge against U.S. influence, thereby weakening global scientific cooperation and technological integration.

    What are the steps taken by the Indian government in AI chips?

    • IndiaAI Mission (2024): A ₹10,000 crore initiative focused on developing compute infrastructure, datasets, and talent.
    • Semiconductor Mission (ISM): Includes financial incentives and infrastructure support for AI chip manufacturing and design.
    • Collaborations with the private sector: Partnerships with companies like Micron, AMD, and Tata Group to build chip fabs and R&D centres in India.
    • Supercomputing initiatives: Under PARAM and National Supercomputing Mission, India is developing indigenous high-performance compute for AI workloads.
    • IndiaAI compute platform: Aimed at giving startups and researchers access to high-end GPU clusters.

    Way forward: 

    • Promote Inclusive and Transparent AI Governance: The U.S. and other major powers should work through multilateral platforms to create balanced AI export norms that protect security interests without stifling global innovation or alienating partners.
    • Strengthen Global AI Collaboration Frameworks: Countries like India should advocate for open-access research, joint AI development programs, and capacity-building initiatives to ensure equitable access to AI technology and reduce dependency on a single ecosystem.

  • Vaccinating India: On Zero-Dose Children

    Why in the News?

    India has made significant progress in expanding vaccine coverage, with a dramatic drop in the percentage of zero-dose children from 33.4% in 1992 to 6.2% in 2023. But even though India is not affected by war or extreme poverty like some other countries, it still has the second-highest number of children without any vaccination in the world.

    What is the trend in global and Indian vaccine coverage?

    • Global Progress: Since 1980, coverage for six major diseases—including measles, polio, and tuberculosis—has doubled worldwide, and the proportion of zero-dose children has fallen to around 75% fewer globally.
    • India’s Improvement with Persistent Gaps: India has dramatically reduced zero-dose children from 33.4% in 1992 to 6.2% in 2023, yet still ranks second globally in absolute numbers, indicating significant strides amid ongoing challenges.

    What are zero-dose children?

    • Zero-dose children are those who have not received the first dose of the diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis (DTP) vaccine.
    • They are a crucial performance marker of a country’s immunisation system and indicate inequities in vaccine coverage.

    Why are they important for assessing vaccination?

    • Reflects health system coverage and equity: A high number of zero-dose children shows that vaccination programmes are not reaching all segments of the population. NFHS-5 (2019–21) Data also showed that full immunisation coverage among children aged 12–23 months was significantly lower in rural and tribal regions compared to urban areas (e.g., Nagaland: 57.8%, compared to Tamil Nadu: 89.8%).
    • Indicates social and economic exclusion: The presence of zero-dose children highlights barriers like poverty, low maternal education, and marginalisation. Eg: Urban slums with high migrant populations tend to have more zero-dose children due to lack of awareness and access.
    • Warns of vulnerability to disease outbreaks: Areas with many zero-dose children are more likely to face outbreaks of vaccine-preventable diseases. Eg: Measles outbreaks are more common in districts with poor immunisation coverage.

    Why does India still have a high number of zero-dose children despite adequate resources?

    • High birth rate increases absolute numbers: India has the highest number of annual births globally. In 2023, India had around 23 million births, making even a small percentage of zero-dose children translate into a large number.
    • Geographical and logistical challenges: Remote tribal areas, urban slums, and migrant populations are harder to reach due to terrain, mobility, and poor infrastructure. E.g., children in parts of Meghalaya or urban Delhi, slums often miss vaccinations due to lack of access and follow-up.
    • Socio-cultural barriers and vaccine hesitancy: Low maternal education, religious beliefs, and misinformation lead to vaccine hesitancy in certain communities. Eg: In some Muslim households or among Scheduled Tribes, distrust or misinformation about vaccines limits uptake.

    How has India’s zero-dose child rate changed over time, especially post-COVID?

    • Steady decline before the pandemic: Between 1992 and 2016, India reduced the percentage of zero-dose children from 33.4% to 10.1%, showing consistent improvement in immunisation outreach.
    • Sharp rise during the COVID-19 pandemic: Disruptions in health services led to a surge in zero-dose children, increasing from 1.4 million in 2019 to 2.7 million in 2021, reversing years of progress.
    • Partial recovery after the pandemic: The number dropped to 1.1 million in 2022 but rose again to 1.44 million in 2023, indicating ongoing challenges in sustaining immunisation coverage.

    Where are zero-dose children mainly located in India?

    • High-burden states in northern and central India: Large numbers of zero-dose children are concentrated in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat, which have large populations and gaps in last-mile immunisation delivery.
    • Northeastern and underserved regions: A relatively high proportion is also found in Meghalaya, Nagaland, Mizoram, and Arunachal Pradesh, where geographic inaccessibility, scattered populations, and weaker health infrastructure pose challenges.

    What actions are needed for India to meet the WHO’s 2030 immunisation target?

    • Expand and intensify targeted immunisation drives: Strengthen last-mile delivery through regular and focused vaccination campaigns in underserved regions. Eg: Mission Indradhanush and its intensified versions could increase immunisation coverage in low-performing districts.
    • Strengthen community-level engagement and awareness: Promote behavioural change and reduce vaccine hesitancy through culturally tailored IEC (Information, Education, and Communication) activities. Eg: Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY) encourages institutional deliveries and postnatal care, which can be used to ensure timely vaccination of newborns.
    • Integrate immunisation with digital health monitoring systems: Use technology for real-time tracking of vaccine coverage and follow-up in high-birth and high-risk areas. Eg: eVIN (Electronic Vaccine Intelligence Network) monitors vaccine stocks and cold chain availability, improving efficiency and reducing wastage.

    Conclusion: India’s immunisation journey shows a mixed reality, while the country is a global leader in vaccine development, it still struggles to ensure all its children receive basic immunisation. Closing this gap is important not just for public health but also for social fairness and overall development. The need is even more urgent because India has the highest number of newborns in the world. The Immunisation Agenda 2030 should be treated as a national priority.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2022] How do vaccines work? What approaches were adopted by the Indian vaccine manufacturers to produce COVID-19 vaccines?

    Linkage: It explicitly deals with “vaccines” and “Indian vaccine manufacturers”. While it focuses on COVID-19 vaccines, the discussion around vaccine functionality and production capacity is fundamentally linked to the broader challenge of “Vaccinating India” and reaching “zero-dose children” for various preventable diseases.

  • Registered Unrecognized Political Parties

    Why in the News?

    The Election Commission of India (ECI) has initiated the process to delist some Registered Unrecognized Political Parties (RUPPs) that have not contested a single election since 2019 and whose offices are untraceable.

    About Registered Unrecognized Political Parties (RUPPs):

    • Definition: RUPPs are political parties that are registered with the Election Commission of India (ECI) but have not yet qualified as State or National Parties.
    • Electoral Status: These parties may be newly registered, may have contested elections but underperformed, or may have never contested at all.
    • Privileges:
      • Eligibility for election symbols under specific conditions.
      • Tax exemptions for donations under Section 13A of the Income Tax Act, 1961.
      • The ability to participate in elections under the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968.

    How are Political Parties Registered?

    • Legal Basis: Registration is governed by Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951.
    • Requirements: Parties must submit an application with their constitution or memorandum to the ECI.
    • Declarations: The party must affirm adherence to the Constitution and commit to socialism, secularism, democracy, and national unity.
    • Benefits: Once registered, the party can contest elections, seek a common symbol, and receive legal financial support.

    Criteria for Recognition as a Political Party:

    • For State Party Recognition: A party must:
      • Win 6% of valid votes and 2 Assembly seats, or
      • Win 3% of Assembly seats or at least 3 seats, or
      • Win 1 Lok Sabha seat and 6% of valid votes in a general election from the state.
    • For National Party Recognition: A party must:
      • Be recognized as a State Party in 4 states, or
      • Win 2% of Lok Sabha seats (11 seats) from at least 3 states, or
      • Poll 6% of valid votes in 4 states and win 4 Lok Sabha seats.
    • Advantages of Recognition: Recognized parties get reserved symbols, broadcast time, campaign benefits, and can appoint more star campaigners.
    [UPSC 2001] Consider the following statements regarding the political parties in India:

    1. The Representation of the People Act, 1951 provides for the registration of political parties.

    2. Registration of political parties is carried out by the Election Commission.

    3. A national level political party is one which is recognised in four or more States.

    4. During the 1999 general elections, there were six National and 48 State level parties recognised by the Election Commission.

    Options: (a) I, II and IV (b) I and III (c) II and IV (d) I, II, III and IV*

     

  • India refuses to sign SCO draft statement

    Why in the News?

    At the SCO Defence Ministers’ meeting in Qingdao, China, Raksha Mantri Rajnath Singh refused to sign the draft joint statement after it excluded the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack.

    About SCO:

    • Overview: It is a regional intergovernmental body with 10 members—India, China, Russia, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Iran, and Belarus (joined in 2024).
    • Origin: It evolved from the “Shanghai Five” formed in 1996, aimed at resolving post-Soviet border and security issues in Central Asia and China.
    • Formation: Itwas formally established on June 15, 2001, in Shanghai to promote regional cooperation in security, economic development, and cultural exchange.
    • Security Arm: The Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure- RATS of SCO focuses on counter-terrorism, cybersecurity, and drug trafficking.
    • Global Role: It is the world’s largest regional group by area and population, and is viewed as a counterweight to Western alliances.
    • India and SCO:
      • Membership Journey: India became an observer in 2005 and gained full membership in 2017, along with Pakistan.
      • Areas of Participation: India engages in SCO summits, joint military drills, and anti-terror cooperation, often using the forum to address cross-border terrorism

    Significance of Rajnath Singh’s Action:

    • Strong Message: In his recent SCO address, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh emphasized zero tolerance for terrorism, citing the Pahalgam attack as a case of religious targeting.
    • Foreign Policy Signal: His statement reflects India’s independent foreign policy stance, especially significant in a group where China wields influence and often backs Pakistan
    • Zero Tolerance Stand: The speech reinforced India’s message that peace and terrorism cannot coexist, and there can be no normal ties with terror-sponsoring nations.
    [UPSC 2022] Consider the following:

    1. Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank

    2. Missile Technology Control Regime

    3. Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

    India is a member of which of the above?

    Options: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 3 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3*

     

  • In news: International Olympic Committee (IOC)

    Why in the News?

    Kirsty Coventry, aged 41, has become the first African and the first woman to head the International Olympic Committee (IOC).

    Also in news:

    The IOC has paused the selection process for future Olympic Games hosts, impacting India’s bid for the 2036 Olympics.

    About the International Olympic Committee (IOC)

    • Overview: It is a non-governmental international organisation established in 1894, and is headquartered in Lausanne, Switzerland.
    • Functions: It sets the rules and framework for the Olympic Games, including deciding on host cities and event structures.
    • Membership: IOC members must be proficient in French or English and be citizens or residents of countries with a National Olympic Committee (NOC).
    • Jurisdiction: The IOC acts as the final authority on matters related to the Olympic Games and the Olympic movement.
    • Indian and the IOC:
      • The Indian Olympic Association (IOA) has been recognized by the IOC since 1927.
      • It is responsible for selecting and sending Indian athletes to the Olympics and other major international competitions.

  • [26th June 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: The ‘Axis of Upheaval’ in the West Asia conflict 

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2022] How will I2U2 (India, Israel, UAE and USA) grouping transform India’s position in global politics?

    Linkage: This question highlights a new grouping involving Israel and the USA, both central to the West Asia conflict described as the origin point for the “Axis of Upheaval”. The formation and impact of such new strategic groupings, particularly in the context of the Middle East, are directly relevant to the evolving power dynamics and strategic realignments that define the concept of the “Axis of Upheaval.”

     

    Mentor’s Comment:  The recent U.S.-Israel attack on Iran’s nuclear sites and the weak ceasefire that followed have shown that today’s global alliances, often compared to Cold War groups, are not very strong or united. Even though Iran has close economic and political ties with Russia and China, neither country gave any military support. This clearly shows the limits of strategic partnerships when there is a real military threat. The so-called ‘Axis of Upheaval’ made up of Iran, Russia, and China is really just a loose group, without any formal military treaties like those in Western alliances such as NATO. This crisis breaks the idea of a bipolar world and highlights the unequal power dynamics in today’s global politics.

    Today’s editorial discusses global power alliances in the context of the Israel-Iran war. This topic is helpful for GS Paper II (International Relations) in the UPSC mains exam.

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    Let’s learn!

    Why in the News?

    The recent U.S.-Israel attack on Iran’s nuclear sites, followed by a weak ceasefire, has shown that today’s global alliances, often compared to Cold War blocs, are not as strong or united as they appear.

    What are the new global power blocs?

    New global power blocs refer to emerging alliances among countries like China, Russia, and Iran that seek to challenge the dominance of the Western-led global order. These blocs focus on economic cooperation, strategic alignment, and institutional alternatives such as BRICS and SCO, but lack formal military treaties like NATO.

    Why has the Israel-Iran conflict weakened the idea of new global power blocs?

    • Lack of Military Support: Despite Iran’s close ties with Russia and China, neither provided military assistance during the conflict. Eg: Russia, engaged in the Ukraine war, offered only diplomatic mediation, while China limited itself to verbal condemnation.
    • Absence of Binding Alliances: The so-called ‘Axis of Upheaval’ lacks formal military treaties that require collective defense. Eg: Iran’s strategic partnerships with Russia (2025) and China (2021) are primarily economic, not military.
    • Diverging Strategic Interests: Russia and China used the conflict to advance their own interests, letting the U.S. get entangled in West Asia. Eg: The U.S. bombing of Iran may distract American focus from the Indo-Pacific and Europe, which suits Beijing and Moscow.

    What are the strategic limits of Iran’s ties with Russia and China?

    • No Binding Military Pact: Iran’s ties with Russia and China are largely economic and diplomatic, with no formal military alliance or commitment to joint defense.
    • Conflicting Strategic Priorities: Russia is deeply engaged in the Ukraine war, and China is focused on maintaining its economic growth and regional stability, limiting their readiness to back Iran militarily. Eg: Russia has turned to North Korea for troops, showing its own resource constraints.
    • Unequal Benefits: Iran is heavily dependent on these relationships, while Russia and China gain economic and geopolitical advantages without taking on direct strategic risks. For instance, China secures discounted Iranian oil under sanctions, while offering limited concrete support in return.

    How have Russia and China responded to Iran’s crisis post-ceasefire?

    • Diplomatic Support without Military Action: Russia offered to mediate the conflict through a call by President Putin, but this was ignored by the U.S., and no military support was extended.
      Putin’s involvement reflected symbolic backing, not a commitment to defend Iran.
    • Condemnation of Israeli Actions: China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi criticised Israeli airstrikes as violations of international law, showing support through official statements while avoiding direct intervention. This response aimed to maintain China’s global diplomatic posture without escalating tensions.
    • Strategic Caution for Self-Interest: Both countries used the conflict to their advantage by letting the U.S. get entangled in West Asia, potentially weakening its focus on the Indo-Pacific and Ukraine. The crisis served to advance Beijing and Moscow’s strategic space without direct involvement.

    Where does Iran stand diplomatically and militarily after the recent conflict?

    • Diplomatic Isolation and Limited Support: Despite having strategic partnerships with Russia and China, Iran received only verbal and symbolic backing, with no concrete military or institutional support.
      Its regional alliances failed to activate, reflecting a gap between rhetoric and action.
    • Military Weakening and Proxy Setback: Iran suffered a decapitation of leadership and capacity, while its key proxies like Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthiswere unable to respond effectively.
      This has weakened Iran’s role as a regional power and exposed its dependence on non-state actors.

    Way forward: 

    • Formalize Strategic Partnerships: Iran, Russia, and China should work toward institutionalising their ties through defense cooperation frameworks, joint military exercises, and security dialogues to build trust and operational coordination.
    • Align Long-term Strategic Interests: The three nations need to develop a shared geopolitical vision that goes beyond transactional ties, ensuring mutual support mechanisms during crises while balancing individual regional priorities.