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  • Why courts keep striking down OBC reservation in local polls?

    The Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court quashed the state government’s draft notification on urban local body elections and ordered that the polls be held without reservation for OBCs.

    Precursor to the news

    • The Uttar Pradesh government had issued a draft notification for the reservation of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in urban local body elections.

    Why did the HC strike the draft down?

    • The verdict comes on the back of PILs challenging the state’s OBC reservation draft.
    • It was alleged that it was prepared without following the “triple test” formula prescribed by the Supreme Court.
    • The Court said that OBC reservation in local body polls cannot be provided until conditions mandated in the “triple test” are complied with.

    What’s the Triple Test formula?

    • A five-judge Constitution Bench in the K. Krishnamurthy (Dr.) v. Union of India (2010) judgment said that barriers to political participation are not the same as barriers to education and employment.
    • While deciding on the legality of OBC reservations in Maharashtra local body elections in March 2021, the Supreme Court set out a three-layered test – also called triple test.
    • This is something that State governments have to follow to provide reservations-
    1. Step 1: States must set up a dedicated commission to examine backwardness in local bodies.
    2. Step 2: they must determine the size of the quota for communities on the basis of data collected by the commission.
    3. Step 3: These reservations, combined with the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes quotas, cannot exceed 50% of the total seats in the local body.

    What did the court observe now?

    • Reservation to OBCs in local body elections without empirical base can no more be sustainable in law.
    • The latest order in RR Wagh v. State of Maharashtra & others makes it mandatory that the principles laid down by the Supreme Court for providing reservation to OBCs in local bodies shall be scrupulously followed across the country.

    Major takeaways of K. Krishnamurthy Case

    In this case, the Supreme Court had interpreted Article 243D(6) and Article 243T(6), which permit reservation by enactment of law for backward classes in local bodies respectively.

    • It held that barriers to political participation are not the same as that of the barriers that limit access to education and employment.
    • However, for creating a level playing field, reservation may be desirable as mandated by the aforementioned conditions.
    • Above articles provide a separate constitutional basis for reservation, as distinct from what are conceived under Article 15 (4) and Article 16 (4) which form the basis for reservation in education and employment.

    Reception of the Krishnamurthy Judgment

    • The Indian political class usually displays apathy to the law declared by the courts as contrary to the enacted law.
    • The 2010 judgment was not acted upon and the constitutionality of the enacted reservation was challenged.
    • This resulted in the 2021 judgment of a three-judge Bench of the Supreme Court.

    What about other states?

    • In 2021, OBC reservations in local bodies were set aside in Odisha and Madhya Pradesh too on similar grounds by courts.
    • Earlier this year, the Karnataka and Patna high courts have set aside notifications reserving seats for OBCs in municipal elections in Bengaluru and Bihar.
    • In May this year, the top court, however, allowed local body polls with OBC reservation in Madhya Pradesh after it proved compliance to the triple test formula.

     

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  • Delimitation exercise in Assam

    The Election Commission is set to begin the delimitation exercise of Assembly and parliamentary constituencies in Assam using census figures of 2001.

    Why discuss this?

    • The last delimitation of constituencies in Assam was done on the basis of census figures of 1971 by the then Delimitation Commission in 1976.

    What is Delimitation?

    • Delimitation is the act of redrawing boundaries of an Assembly or Lok Sabha seat to represent changes in population over time.
    • This exercise is carried out by a Delimitation Commission, whose orders have the force of law and cannot be questioned before any court.

    Why is it needed?

    • The objective is to redraw boundaries (based on the data of the last Census) in a way so that the population of all seats, as far as practicable, be the same throughout the State.
    • Aside from changing the limits of a constituency, the process may result in a change in the number of seats in a state.

    How is delimitation carried out?

    • Delimitation is carried out by an independent Delimitation Commission (DC).
    • Under Article 82, the Parliament enacts a Delimitation Act after every Census.
    • Once the Act is in force, the Union government sets up a DC made up of a retired Supreme Court judge, the Chief Election Commissioner and the respective State Election Commissioners.

    Terms of reference for DC

    • The Commission is supposed to determine the number and boundaries of constituencies in a way that the population of all seats, so far as practicable, is the same.
    • The Commission is also tasked with identifying seats reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes; these are where their population is relatively large.
    • All this is done on the basis of the latest Census and, in case of difference of opinion among members of the Commission, the opinion of the majority prevails.

    Implementation

    • The draft proposals of the DC are published in the Gazette of India, official gazettes of the states concerned and at least two vernacular papers for public feedback.
    • The Commission also holds public sittings.
    • After hearing the public, it considers objections and suggestions, received in writing or orally during public sittings, and carries out changes, if any, in the draft proposal.
    • The final order is published in the Gazette of India and the State Gazette and comes into force on a date specified by the President.

    How often has delimitation been done in the past?

    • The first delimitation exercise in 1950-51 was carried out by the President (with the help of the Election Commission).
    • The Constitution at that time was silent on who should undertake the division of states into Lok Sabha seats.
    • This delimitation was temporary as the Constitution mandated redrawing of boundaries after every Census. Hence, another delimitation was due after the 1951 Census.
    • Pointing out that the first delimitation had left many political parties and individuals unhappy, the EC advised the government that all future exercises should be carried out by an independent commission.
    • This suggestion was accepted and the DC Act was enacted in 1952.
    • DCs have been set up four times — 1952, 1963, 1973 and 2002 under the Acts of 1952, 1962, 1972 and 2002.

    Why postponed till 2026?

    • There was no delimitation after the 1981 and 1991 Censuses.
    • Although the freeze on the number of seats in Lok Sabha and Assemblies should have been lifted after the 2001 Census, another amendment postponed this until 2026.
    • This was justified on the ground that a uniform population growth rate would be achieved throughout the country by 2026.
    • So, the last delimitation exercise — started in July 2002 and completed on May 31, 2008 — was based on the 2001 Census and only readjusted boundaries of existing Lok Sabha and Assembly seats and reworked the number of reserved seats.

     

     

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  • Understanding the Russia through Ukraine War

    Russia

    Context

    • Russia marks two anniversaries the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Soviet Union and the 31st anniversary of its dissolution. Following the Bolshevik Revolution in November 1917, the Soviet Union was proclaimed on December 30, 1922. Until its dissolution on December 26, 1991.

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    Russia

    How India looks at Russia?

    • Special Strategic Partner: Vladimir Putin’s Russia continues to be valued as the heir to the Soviet Union and as a special strategic partner.
    • Ukraine war has not affected the ties: Putin’s aggression against Ukraine and his brutal bombing of its civilian population, which Moscow claims is an integral part of Russia, has hardly made a dent in the way the Indian political classes think about the crisis.
    • Russia as anti-imperialist: On the left and centre of the Indian political spectrum, the Soviet Union has been viewed purely through the ideological lens of progressive politics nationalist, internationalist, communist and anti-imperialist. That lens, however, is detached from the history of Russia and the continuing struggles for its political soul.
    • Russia as best friend forever: Within the strategic community, the conviction that Russia is India’s “best friend forever” leaves little room for a nuanced view of Russia’s domestic and international politics.

    Understanding Russia’s behaviour through Russian History

    • The Bolshevik Revolution: It is initially sought to destroy the Russian Orthodox Church, eventually leveraged it in the deification of the Soviet state and lent a religious colour to the claim of Russian exceptionalism.
    • Alliance with orthodoxy: Putin has taken the alliance with the Russian Orthodox Church to a higher level. For the Russian nationalists today, the effort to take back Ukraine is a “holy war”.
    • Limited sovereignty to other communist state: After the Second World War, Soviet Russia insisted that fellow communist states had only “limited sovereignty” and Moscow had the right to intervene to keep them on the straight and narrow path of socialism and prevent their destabilisation. The military invasions in Hungary (1956), Czechoslovakia (1968), and Afghanistan (1979) were motivated by this impulse.
    • Russia has not given up Imperialist tradition: In claiming that Ukraine has no sovereignty of its own, Putin is merely following that imperial tradition as well as the conviction that Ukraine, Belarus and Russian-speaking people everywhere are part of the “Russkiy Mir” or the “Russian world”.
    • Mao’s characterization of Russia: After he broke from the Russian communists, Mao began to characterise Russia as an “imperial power”. Mao had not forgotten the persistent tension between the Chinese and Russian empires.

    Russia

    Analyzing Russia’s internal politics

    • Weak federalism by Lenin: The founder of the Soviet Union, Vladimir Lenin warned against the dangers of “great Russian chauvinism”. He insisted on structuring a federal polity with the right of various nationalities to secede.
    • Strong soviet by Stalin: Stalin, however, turned Russian federalism into a hollow shell and erased the difference between the “Soviet Union” and “Soviet Russia”.
    • Putin refuse to recognize Ukraine: Putin denounced Lenin for giving a separate identity to Ukraine. “Modern Ukraine”, Putin said, “can with good reason be called ‘Vladimir Ilyich Lenin’s Ukraine’.”
    • Stalling the democratic process: The enduring autocratic impulse in Moscow that is rooted in the stalled democratic revolution. Traditionally, the Russian fear of disorder has left the population to put great faith in strong leaders.
    • Centralising tendency: The frequent but unsuccessful efforts at political liberalisation have left a fertile ground in Russia for centralising power under leaders like Putin and increasing the chances of grave miscalculation.

    Russia

    What should be the India’s approach towards Russia?

    • Not directly criticize Russia: Although it has been reluctant to directly criticise Russian aggression, official India is not blind to the fact that Putin’s “special military operation” has gone horribly wrong.
    • Taking note of changing world order: India will inevitably find ways to adjust to the tectonic shifts in the world order triggered by Putin’s misadventure.
    • Learning from Putin’s mistake: The Indian political and strategic communities must come to terms with the many complex factors that have contributed to Putin’s egregious errors in Ukraine.

    Conclusion

    • To understand how the war in Ukraine might play out and its longer-term consequences for India, India’s discourse must pay greater attention to the turbulent history of Russia and its troubled relations with its Central European neighbours.

     

  • Expedite categorization of DNTs: House panel

    A Parliamentary panel has pulled up the Centre over the “very slow” process to categorize over 260 Denotified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes (DNTs) under either the SC/ST/OBC lists.

    Why in news?

    • The government officials also pointed ‘delay’ in the approval of benefits under the SEED (Scheme for Economic Empowerment of DNTs) scheme launched in February this year.
    • There is a scheme in place with proper budgetary outlay, but there is no whereabouts of targeted beneficiaries for it. Imagine how ironical this is.

    Who are the DNTs?

    • The term ‘De-notified Tribes’ stands for all those communities which were once notified under the Criminal Tribes Acts, enforced by the British Raj between l87l and I947.
    • These Acts were repealed after Independence in l952, and these communities were “De-Notified”.
    • The DNTs (of whom most are the medieval period Banjaras) are the most neglected, marginalized, and economically and socially deprived communities.
    • Most of them have been living a life of destitution for generations and still continue to do so with an uncertain and gloomy future.
    • More than 10 crore Indians from over 1,400 communities are either denotified, nomadic or semi-nomadic.

    About SEED Scheme

    • It has been formulated for families having income from all sources of Rs.2.50 lakh or less per annum and not availing any such benefits from similar Scheme of Centre Government or the State Government.
    • The Scheme will be implemented through a portal, developed by the Department of Social Justice & Empowerment.
    • Post verification, the funds will be transferred directly to the beneficiaries in their account.
    • The other implementing agencies are Ministry of Rural Development, National Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM) and National Health Authority (NHA).

    Components of the scheme

    The Scheme will have the following four components:

    • Free Coaching: A component of free Coaching for DNT Students has been envisioned for the educational empowerment of these communities. It seeks to enable them to appear in competitive examinations/ admission to professional courses like medicine, engineering, MBA, etc. for obtaining an appropriate job in the Public/Private Sector.
    • Health Insurance: Members of these communities are likely to have little or no access to medical facilities and other benefits available under the mainstream health policies.This would ensure a health insurance cover of Rs.5 lakhs per family per year for families as per norms of “Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana.
    • Livelihood Initiatives: The decline of traditional occupations of DNT/NT/SNT communities has exacerbated their poverty. A focus to support livelihood generation for these communities was required.
    • Financial support for Housing: Considering the shortage of houses for DNTs, it has been proposed to earmark a separate outlay for PMAY to support specific importance in providing houses only for DNTs living in rural areas.

    Why was such scheme launched?

    • DNTs are ignored communities: They escaped the attention of our developmental framework and thus are deprived of the support unlike Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
    • Most deprived section: Historically, these communities never had access to private land or homeownership.
    • Ecological contribution: These tribes used forests and grazing lands for their livelihood and residential use and had “strong ecological connections.

    Status of DNT’s identification

    • Anthropological Survey of India study: AnSI had submitted reports on categorisation of 48 DNT communities so far. Further, the AnSI is finalising studies on 161 communities and is expected to finish studying the remaining communities (about 70) by the end of 2022.
    • Idate Commission: It had categorised 1,262 communities under SC/ST/OBC lists and 267 communities were left uncategorised.

    Why is there such delay?

    • Slow response from states: Officials cannot begin processing the applications for the SEED scheme unless the State and district-level reviews are completed.
    • Duplication of communities: There is inaccurate categorization/duplication of communities which leading to hiccups in the approval process.

     

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  • India-EU Free Trade Agreement

    Agreement

    Context

    • The third round of negotiations of the India-European Union (EU) free trade agreement concluded recently. The two sides are also negotiating an investment protection agreement (IPA), which will contain investment protection standards and an independent mechanism to settle disputes between investors and states under international law.

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    Why EU is seeking Investor Protection Agreement?

    • Regulatory troubles in India: Notwithstanding the laudable intent of the government to welcome them, foreign investors in India have often got into numerous regulatory troubles with the state.
    • Investors have sued India: Several foreign corporations like Vodafone, Cairn Energy, Nissan, White Industries, Telenor, Nokia, Vedanta have sued India to enforce the rights guaranteed to them in bilateral investment treaties (BITs). This is the main motivation behind the EU seeking an IPA with India.
    • India’s past of unilaterally changing the laws: EU investors can rely on Indian law for protection. But Indian law can be unilaterally changed to the detriment of the investor.
    • Slow Judicial process: The Indian judiciary is agonisingly slow in resolving disputes. Thus, the longing for protection under international law.

    Agreement

    What are the hurdles finalization INDIA-EU treaty?

    • Non-justiciable tax regulations: India wants to push taxation measures outside the scope of the treaty by making tax-related regulatory measures non-justiciable. The EU has difficulty accepting this proposition given the recent history of India’s tax-related investment disputes with Vodafone, Cairn Energy, and Nissan.
    • Two tier court system: The EU’s investment proposal to India talks of creating a two-tier court-like system with an appellate mechanism and tenured judges to resolve treaty disputes between investors and the state.
    • EU’s proposal of MIC: This proposal is connected to the EU’s stand internationally for creating a multilateral investment court (MIC), negotiations for which are going on at the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL). The MIC is aimed at overcoming the weaknesses of the current arbitration-based system of settling investor-state disputes.
    • Lack of clarity from India’s side: India’s position on creating an investment-court-like system is unknown. India hasn’t publicly contributed to the ongoing negotiations at UNCITRAL towards establishing a MIC.

    What is the issue of MFN and FET?

    • EU wants the MFN status: The EU’s investment proposal contains a most favoured nation (MFN) provision to ensure that EU investors do not face discrimination vis-Ă -vis other foreign investors.
    • India don’t want to include MFN: On the other hand, India’s position is not to include the MFN provision in its investment treaties because of the apprehension that foreign investors will use the MFN clause to indulge in disruptive treaty shopping. The solution to such disruptive treaty shopping is to negotiate for a qualified MFN provision and not exclude it altogether.
    • Fair equitable treatment: EU investment proposal contains what is known as a fair and equitable treatment (FET) provision, which is missing in the Indian 2016 Model BIT.
    • Making the state liable: The FET provision protects foreign investors, for example, by making the states liable if it goes back on the specific assurances made to an investor to induce investments on which the investor relied while making the investment.

    Why IPA is need of the hour?

    • FDI is stagnant: Overall FDI to India has stagnated for the past decade at around 2 per cent of the GDP. In the case of the EU, while its share in foreign investment stock in India increased from €63.7 billion in 2017 to €87.3 billion in 2020, this is way below the EU foreign investment stocks in China (€201.2 billion) or Brazil (€263.4 billion).
    • Negative Impact of BIT terminations: Recent research shows that India’s decision to unilaterally terminate BITs has negatively impacted FDI inflows to India.
    • IPA needed to attract FDI: India needs the IPA with the EU to attract FDI for achieving the aspirational milestone of becoming a $10-trillion economy by 2030.

    Conclusion

    • India needs to put its own house in order. India should review the 2016 Model BIT, as has also been recommended by the Parliament’s standing committee on external affairs.

    Mains Question

    Q. What is the investor protection scheme and why EU wants to include IPA in Free Trade Agreement with India? what are the hurdles in FTA between EU and India?

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  • India’s G20 Presidency: Healthcare should be a central agenda

    Healthcare

    Context

    • Health needs to be a central agenda for the G20 2023. It has been one of the priority areas for G20 deliberations since 2017, when the first meet of health ministers of G20 countries was organised by the German presidency. The G20 now has health finance in its financial stream and health systems development in the Sherpa stream.

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    Background: Prioritizing Health

    • An annual G20 meeting of health ministers and a joint health and finance task force reflects the seriousness the subject has gained.
    • The Berlin Declaration 2017 of the G20 health ministers provided a composite approach focusing on pandemic preparedness, health system strengthening and tackling antimicrobial resistance.
    • The Covid-19 pandemic gave added urgency to pandemic preparedness and the Indonesian presidency in 2022 made it the major focus. The Indian presidency needs to advance these agendas.

    resolution

    Global community engagement to strengthen Health systems

    • Universal Health Coverage (UHC): The concept of UHC was born in the 2000s to prevent catastrophic medical expenditures due to secondary and tertiary level hospital services by universalizing health insurance coverage.
    • UHC as a strategy to ensure healthcare for all: The UHC has been the big global approach for health systems strengthening since 2010, also adopted in 2015 as the strategy for Sustainable Development Goal-3 on ensuring healthcare for all at all ages.
    • Limited impact of UHC: However, the limited impact of this narrow strategy was soon evident, with expenditures on outdoor services becoming catastrophic for poor households and preventing access to necessary healthcare and medicines, while many unnecessary/irrational medical interventions were being undertaken.

    What are the new approaches developed to strengthen healthcare system?

    • Highlighted the need to prioritise primary healthcare (PHC): In 2018, the Astana Conference organised by WHO and UNICEF put out a declaration stating that primary healthcare (PHC) is essential for fulfilling the UHC objectives.
    • Combined UHC- PHC approach: In 2019, the UN General Assembly adopted the combined UHC-PHC approach as a political declaration.
    • World bank report on benefits of PHC services during pandemic: The World Bank published a report in 2021, “Walking the Talk: Reimagining Primary Health Care After COVID-19”. The dominant hospital-centred medical system is becoming unaffordable even for the high-income countries, as apparent during the 2008 recession and subsequently.

    What is PHC-with-UHC approach?

    • It means strengthening primary level care linked to non-medical preventive action (food security and safety, safe water and air, healthy workspaces, and so on)
    • It works through whole-of-society and whole-of-government approaches, and extending the “PHC principles” to secondary and tertiary care services.
    • This could be the most cost-effective systems design the comprehensive game changer that global health care requires.

    What is to be strengthened, what initiatives can be applied and how?

    • Making health central to development in all sectors: Health in all policies, one health (linking animal and human health for tackling antimicrobial resistance and zoonotic diseases), planetary health, pandemic preparedness.
    • Health systems strengthening: Designing PHC-with-UHC for diverse contexts. Conceptualised as a continuum of care from self-care in households to community services, to primary level para-medical services and first contact with a doctor, services provided as close to homes as possible, affordable and easily deliverable.
    • Appropriate technologies to be adopted as a norm: By strengthening health technology assessment, ethics of healthcare, equitable access to pharmaceutical products and vaccines, integrative health systems using plural knowledge systems rationally.
    • Health and healthcare from the perspective of the marginalised: Gendered health care needs, Health care of indigenous peoples globally, occupational health, mental health and wellbeing, healthy ageing.
    • Easy access to health knowledge for all: decolonization and democratization of health knowledge, with interests and perspectives of low-middle-income countries (LMICs), prevention and patient-centred healthcare.

    Healthcare

    India’s G20 Presidency: An opportunity to contribute and make inclusive healthcare system

    • India has several pioneering initiatives that can contribute to the PHC-with-UHC discussion:
    • National Health mission and dedicated health facilities: Lessons from the National Health Mission for strengthening public health delivery; the HIV-control programme’s successful involvement of affected persons/communities and a complex well-managed service structure.
    • Democratized health knowledge: Pluralism of health knowledge systems, each independently supported within the national health system.
    • Certified Health personnel: Health personnel such as the ASHAs, mid-level health providers and wellness centres, traditional community healthcare providers with voluntary quality certification;
    • R&D and widely acknowledged pharmaceutical capacity: Research designed for validation of traditional systems; pharmaceutical and vaccines production capacity;
    • Digital health as an example: Developments in digital health; social insurance schemes and people’s hospital models by civil society.

    resolution

    Conclusion

    • What is required is the drafting of PHC-with-UHC (a PHC 2.0) with a broad global consensus and commitment to a more sustainable and people-empowering health system. Pursuing such an agenda would involve much dialogue within countries, regions and globally. India should use its presidency to draft a model policy focusing on primary healthcare that commits to a universal, affordable, inclusive and just healthcare system

    Mains Question

    Q. What is Primary HealthCare and Universal healthcare integrated approach? What steps are necessary to further strengthen sustainable healthcare system? Discuss how India can contribute to it under its G20 presidency?

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  • Appointment of Judges: A case of confrontation between the Centre and judiciary

    Appointment

    Context

    • Recently, there has been confrontation between the Centre and judiciary on the interpretation of Article 124 (2) and 217 (1) of the Constitution.

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    Provisions related to the appointment of judges to the supreme court and high court

    • Article 124 (2): It highlights that every judge of the Supreme Court will be appointed by the president after consultation with such of the judges (in particular, the chief justice) of the Supreme Court and of the high courts in the states as necessary.
    • Article 217 (1): Similarly, for high courts, Article 217 (1) highlights that every judge of a high court will be appointed by the president after consultation with the Chief Justice of India, the governor of the state, and the chief justice of the high court.
    • Judicial independence and Collegium system: Judicial interpretation in SP Gupta vs Union of India (1981), The Supreme Court Advocates-on Record Association vs Union of India (Second Judges case) (1993) and Article 143(1) vs Unknown (Third Judges Opinion) (1998) has further evolved the principle of judicial independence and led to a collegium system for recommending judges.
    • Role of central government: Currently, the Centre can accept or reject recommendations made by the collegium system however, if a recommendation was reiterated, the government was obliged to accept it.

    Appointment

    What the ongoing tussle is all about?

    • More recently established consensus has given way to a stalemate, as the Centre stalls recommendations reiterated by the Collegium.
    • The Supreme Court pulled up the government for not following timelines laid down in the Second Judges Case.
    • The Standing Parliamentary Committee on Law and Personnel has also highlighted its disagreement with the Department of Justice that the time for filling vacancies cannot be indicated.

    Appointment

    What will be the impact of this tussle?

    • Decline in the capacity of India’s judicial system: The net effect of this historic tussle between the independent judiciary and overweening Centre has been a decline in the capacity of India’s judicial system
    • Vacancies in higher judiciary: There were approximately three vacancies (of 34) in the Supreme Court, along with about 381 (of 1,108) vacancies for judges in the high courts.
    • In lower judiciary: The lower judiciary had about 5,342 (of 24,631) seats vacant, accounting for 20 per cent of its capacity.
    • Impact on judicial efficiency: Such vacancies, particularly in the high courts of Bombay, Punjab & Haryana, Calcutta, Patna and Rajasthan are bound to have an impact on judicial efficiency (with about four crore cases pending, as of August 2022)

    Appointment

    A study: Process of appointment of judges in other countries and by political institutions

    • In Italy: Here, appointments to the Constitutional Court are made by the president, the legislature and the Supreme Court, with each entity allowed to nominate five judges.
    • In US: Supreme Court justices are nominated (for life) by the president and then approved by Senate via a majority vote. Whereas, the state governor appoints state judges based on recommendations provided by a merit commission.
    • In Germany: The German Constitutional Court is appointed by the Parliament (each House gets four appointments in each of the Court Senates) with a supermajority vote (2/3). Naturally, this can lead to a partisan judiciary.
    • In Iraq: All judges are graduates of a Judicial Institute, with all applicants undergoing written and oral tests, along with an interview with a panel of judges.
    • In Japan: The Supreme Court Secretariat controls lower-level judicial appointments, along with their training and promotions.
    • Judicial elections to enhance the accountability of judiciary: Judicial elections have also been utilised to enhance the accountability of the judiciary a variety of states in the US using elections for judicial appointments to the State Supreme Courts.
    • Judicial councils: Other countries have experimented with judicial councils (often comprising of existing judges, representatives of the Ministry of Justice, members of the bar association, laymen etc)

    Appointment

    Appointments through Judicial Commission

    • Centres push Judicial Commission: for Recently, the Centre pushed for judicial appointments to be conducted via a Judicial Commission (National Judicial Appointments Commission Bill, 2014).
    • Supreme court says collegium system open to greater transparency: The Supreme Court struck down the NJAC Act (2014) with a 4:1 majority, while highlighting that it was open to greater transparency in the collegium system in particular, making the collegium more transparent, fixing eligibility criteria for appointing judges and debating whether an empowered secretariat was required to appoint judges.

    In this scenario what are suggested reforms?

    • Empower secretariat to select and recommend candidates: The Collegium system can continue; however, a secretariat may be empowered to select and recommend candidates, with the Executive continuing to hold power to appoint judges.
    • Greater representation of our society in the judiciary: The secretariat could be staffed with current judges, members of the bar association, representatives of the law ministry and laymen and should push for greater representation of our society in the judiciary. There were only three women and two SC judges in the Supreme Court.
    • New Court of appeal: Beyond judicial appointments, there is a clear need for having a new Court of Appeal (refer PIL by V Vasanthakumar). The Supreme Court was never intended to be a regular court of appeal against orders in high courts (Bihar Legal Society vs Chief Justice of India, 1986) the Supreme Court should not be hearing bail applications.
    • Federal court of Appeal: Instead, as recommended by the Law Commission, we need to have a Federal Court of Appeal, with branches in major metros.
    • Transform Supreme court into constitutional court: The Supreme Court should be transformed into a Constitutional Court (via a constitutional amendment) doing this would mean fewer cases (about 50, anecdotally) being kept pending at the highest level.
    • Defined retirement age for all judges: There need a push for a defined retirement age, say 65, for all judges, whether at a high court or Supreme Court level post retirement, there should also be a mandatory cooling off period for judges to be nominated to roles in government.

    Conclusion

    • Judicial independence continues to be important for the health of India’s democracy. A credible and impartial system of appointing judges is necessary to achieve judicial independence. Any appointment must ensure judicial accountability, fostering a judiciary which, at an individual and systemic level, is independent from other branches of government.

    Mains Question

    Q. What is the process of appointment of Supreme Court and High Court Judges? What is the Government’s position on the appointment of judges? What measures are suggested for judicial appointments?

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  • Divyang Friendly Physical and Digital Interface of buildings

    Friendly

    Context

    • Among the various disadvantages we poorly equipped to support people with disabilities about access to parliament. It is time to make the physical and digital interface of parliament and other buildings more disabled-friendly.

    What are the common suggestions about disabled friendly parliament?

    • Accessibility Committee: To attend to the access needs of the disabled.
    • Providing sign language: For interpretation for Parliamentary proceedings.
    • Audit of website: Ordering an accessibility audit of Parliament’s websites.

    Friendly

    What is the accessible India campaign?

    • Disable friendly facilities: In December 2015, the Government of India launched the Accessible India Campaign (AIC) to make the built environment, ICT ecosystem and transport facilities more disabled-friendly.
    • Lack of enforcement: A strong enforcement mechanism is unfortunately absent in the AIC, led by people with disabilities and accessibility professionals, to ensure that ambitious milestones are set and pursued to their meaningful conclusion.

    Recommendations of report by the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy

    • Make every building accessible: A report by the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy, titled “Beyond Reasonable Accommodation” points out, the requirement to make every new building accessible before it is granted an Occupancy Certificate.
    • Integration of laws: The relevant provisions of the Harmonised Guidelines and Standards for Universal Accessibility in India, 2021 must be integrated into local bye-laws and state planning laws.
    • Sensitivity about compliance: Municipal authorities must have the know-how and sensitivity to gauge compliance with the norms to make the built environment accessible and access to competent accessibility professionals who can provide appropriate inputs at every stage.
    • Professions to enforce compliance: The list of empanelled professionals maintained by municipal authorities must also consist of accessibility professionals, and this requirement must be codified in model building bye-laws and the National Building Code.

    Digital

    What parliament can do?

    • Accessibility committee: Parliament must set up an accessibility committee urgently that must be tasked with delivering recommendations in a time-bound fashion on making every aspect of the Parliamentary process more disabled-friendly.
    • Taking cue from supreme court: The constitution of an Accessibility Committee by the Supreme Court recently may be a good reference point for Parliament.

    What can centre and states do?

    • Accessibility criteria in procurement: Central and state level procurement laws and policies must incorporate accessibility criteria in public procurement of physical, digital and transport infrastructure.
    • Accessible tenders and documents: These must be replicated in agreements between procurement agencies and bidders/contractors. In addition, tender documents must set out applicable accessibility standards.

    Conclusion

    • Disable people suffers from structural disadvantage at every stage of governance including building infrastructure. Parliament should start from itself to give larger message of about sensitivity towards disabled friendly buildings.

    Mains Question

    Q. Explain the limitations of accessible India campaign? Suggest the way towards more disable friendly buildings in India.

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  • Reviewing the Age of Consent Under POCSO Act

    Age of Consent

    Context

    • The Chief Justice of India’s recently raised the concerns about the age of consent under the POCSO Act. CJI quested parliament to review the age under POCSO act.

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    What are the issues related to age of consent?

    • Criminalization of romantic relationship: The Madras, Delhi and Meghalaya High Courts have flagged matters concerning criminalisation of romantic relationships between or with an adolescent under POCSO.
    • AK v. State Govt of NCT of Delhi: On November 12, the Delhi High Court in AK v. State Govt of NCT of Delhi (order by Justice Jasmeet Singh) stated that the intention of POCSO was to protect children below the age of 18 years from sexual exploitation and not to criminalise romantic relationships between consenting young adults.
    • Government not in favour of revision of age: The government told Parliament that it does not have any plan to revise the age of consent.
    • Blanket ban on anticipatory bail: The recent criminal law amendment in UP that imposed a blanket ban on granting anticipatory bail to a rape accused rubs salt on the already wounded.

    Age of Consent

    Concerns related to age of consent and POCSO Act

    • Criminalization of sexual act: POCSO conflates exploitative sexual practice and general sexual expression by an adolescent, and criminalises both.
    • Overlooking the voluntary sexual act: Criminal law has become an instrument to silence or regulate a non-exploitative consensual sexual relationship involving a minor girl, which is voluntary.
    • Abuse of POCSO act: The obiter of the court that POCSO has become a tool in the hands of certain sections of society to abuse the process of law is corroborated by other courts too.
    • Victimization of girls: The cumulative victimisation of the “consenting” girl also deserves the lawmakers’ attention.

    Today’s reality of sexual life among adolescent and mismatch in law

    • Increased age of consent: The age of consent has increased from 10 to 12 to 14 to 16 and finally to 18 years by the 2013 amendment, in order to bring it in conformity with the then newly legislated POCSO Act.
    • Consent of minor girl is illegal: The law disregards the likelihood of a minor girl engaging in sexual activity voluntarily it thus desexualises her.
    • Ignoring the social reality: The law that criminalises adolescent sexuality either ignores social reality or pretends to do so.
    • Sexual experience before the age of consent: According to the NFHS-5, for instance, 39 per cent women had their first sexual experience before turning 18. The same survey provides additional evidence of sexual engagement among unmarried adolescent girls by reporting contraception use by 45 per cent of unmarried girls in the age group of 15-19 years.

    Age of Consent

    What should be the way forward?

    • Separate procedure for POCSO Act: Need to evolve a separate procedure for children while dealing with POCSO cases.
    • Victimization should be avoided: Romantic” lovers in a mutually consensual relationship should not be victims of the abuse of the criminal justice system processes.

    Age of Consent

    Conclusion

    • Age of consent is matter of debate and cannot be decided alone by judges and judiciary. Need of an hour is a sexual education in the children and adolescence. We need to fight to taboo about sex and debate on sex.

    Mains Question

    Q. What are the misuse cases under POCSO act? What are the mismatch between todays POCSO act and social reality of adolescent sex life?

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  • What is Adjournment Sine Die?

    Both houses of the Parliament were adjourned sine die, six days ahead of their schedule.

    Session of Parliament and Related Terminologies

    • During a session, both the Houses meet almost daily barring holidays to transact business be it to discuss a matter of public matters, frame laws, amend laws, place Standing Committee reports and pass financial bills among others.
    • The Houses are in session thrice a year: Budget Session (February to May); Monsoon Session (July to September); and Winter Session (November to December).

    Terminating the session

    • During a session of Parliament, usually, there are two sittings: morning sitting from 11 am to 1 pm and post-lunch sitting from 2 pm to 6 pm.
    • The sitting of the Parliament in both the Houses can be terminated only by adjournment, adjournment sine die, prorogation and dissolution (not applicable for Rajya Sabha).
    • Technically, a session of the Parliament means the period between the first sitting of a House and its prorogation or dissolution.
    • The period between the prorogation of a House and its reassembly in a new session is called a recess.

    (1) Adjournment sine die

    • Adjournment sine die means terminating a sitting of Parliament for an indefinite period, that is, when the House is adjourned without naming a day for reassembly, it is called adjournment sine die.
    • The power of adjournment sine die lies with the presiding officer of the House.
    • However, the presiding officer of a House can call a sitting of the House before the date or time to which it has been adjourned or at any time after the House has been adjourned sine die.

    (2) Adjournment

    • An adjournment results in the suspension of work in a sitting for a specified time, which may be hours, days or weeks.
    • In this case, the time of reassembly is specified as an adjournment only terminates a sitting and not a session of the House.
    • The power of adjournment lies with the presiding officer of the House.

    (3) Prorogation

    • The term prorogation means the termination of a session of the House by an order made by the President under Article 85(2)(a) of the Constitution.
    • The prorogation terminates both the sitting and session of the House and is usually done within a few days after the House is adjourned sine die by the presiding officer.
    • The President issues a notification for the prorogation of the session. However, the president can also prorogue the House while in session.
    • It must be noted that all pending notices except those for introducing bills lapse.

    (4) Dissolution

    • Whenever a dissolution happens, it ends the very life of the existing House and a new House is constituted after the General Elections.
    • However, only the Lok Sabha is subject to dissolution as the Rajya Sabha, being a permanent House, is not subject to dissolution. The dissolution of the Lok Sabha may take place in two ways:
    1. Automatic dissolution: On the expiry of its tenure: five years or the terms as extended during a national emergency.
    2. Order of President: If the President is authorised by the Council of Ministers, he or she can dissolve Lok Sabha, even before the end of the term. The president may also dissolve Lok Sabha if the Council of Ministers loses confidence and no party is able to form the government. Once the Lok Sabha is dissolved before the completion of its normal tenure, the dissolution is irrevocable.

    Impact on legislation process

    • When the Lok Sabha is dissolved, all business including bills, motions, resolutions, notices and petitions that are pending before it or its committees lapse.
    • Summoning: Summoning is the process of calling all members of the Parliament to meet.

    When does a Bill lapse in Indian Parliament? 

    Depending on the status of the pending legislation, and where it originated, there are certain cases in which the Bill lapses on dissolution of Assembly.

    1. Bills originated in Lok Sabha
    • Any Bill that originated in the Lok Sabha, but could not be passed, lapses.
    • A Bill originated and passed by the Lok Sabha but pending in the Rajya Sabha also lapses
    1. Bills originated in Rajya Sabha
    • The Constitution also gives MPs in Rajya Sabha the power to introduce a Bill.
    • Therefore a Bill that originated in Rajya Sabha and was passed by it, but remains pending in Lok Sabha also lapses.
    • A Bill originated in the Rajya Sabha and returned to that House by the Lok Sabha with amendments and still pending in the Rajya Sabha on the date of the dissolution of Lok Sabha lapses.

    When a Bill does not lapse

    1. Not all Bills, which haven’t yet become law, lapse at the end of the Lok Sabha’s term.
    2. A Bill pending in the Rajya Sabha, but not passed by the Lok Sabha, does not lapse.
    3. A Bill passed by both the Houses but pending assent of the President of India, does not lapse.
    4. A Bill passed by both Houses but returned by the President of India for reconsideration of the Parliament does not lapse.
    5. Some pending Bills and all pending assurances that are to be examined by the Committee on Government Assurances also does not lapse on the dissolution of the Lok Sabha.

     

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