Vladimir Putin, who annexed Crimea in 2014 has now mobilised some 100,000 troops on the Ukraine border.
How insecurity and history plays role in Russia’s actions
Russia, the world’s largest country by land mass, lacks natural borders except the Arctic Ocean in the north and the Pacific in the far east.
Its vast land borders stretch from northern Europe to Central and north east Asia.
The country’s heartland that runs from St. Petersburg through Moscow to the Volga region lies on plains and is vulnerable to attacks.
In the last two centuries, Russia saw two devastating invasions from the west — the 1812 attack by Napoleonic France and the 1941 attack by Nazi Germany.
After the Second World War, Russia re-established its control over the rim land in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, which it hoped would protect its heartland.
But the disintegration of the Soviet Union threw its security calculations into disarray, deepening its historical insecurity.
NATO’s expansion after disintegration of the Soviet Union
When the Soviet Union collapsed, Russia lost over three million square kilometres of sovereign territory.
In the last months of the Soviet Union, the West promised that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) would not “expand an inch to the east”.
The United States and the United Kingdom repeated the pledge after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
But despite the promises, NATO continued expansion.
In March 1999, in the first enlargement since the end of the Cold War, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland (all were members of the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact) joined NATO.
Five years later, seven more countries — including the three Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, all of which share borders with Russia — were taken into the alliance.
Russia felt threatened but was not able to respond.
But in 2008, when the U.S. promised membership to Georgia and Ukraine in the Bucharest summit, Russia, which was coming out of the post-Soviet retreat, responded forcefully.
How Russia see NATO expansion as threat to its dominance on Black Sea
Turkey, Bulgaria and Romania, all Black Sea basin countries, are NATO members.
Ukraine and Georgia are the other countries that share the Black Sea coast, besides Russia.
Russia was already feeling squeezed on the Black Sea front, its gateway to the Mediterranean Sea.
If Ukraine and Georgia also join NATO, Russia fears that its dominance over the Black Sea would come to an end.
So, in 2008, Mr. Putin sent troops to Georgia over the separatist conflict in South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
In 2014, when the Kremlin-friendly regime of Ukraine was toppled by pro-western protesters, he moved to annex the Crimean peninsula, expanding Russia’s Black Sea coast, thereby protecting its fleet based in Sevastopol in Crimea.
Restoring the rim land
In recent years, Mr. Putin has tried to turn every crisis in the former Soviet region into a geopolitical opportunity.
South Ossetia and Abkhazia, the self-proclaimed republics that broke away from Georgia, are controlled by Russia-backed forces.
In 2020, when protests erupted in Belarus after a controversial presidential election, Mr. Putin sent assistance to the country to restore order.
In the same year, Russia sent thousands of “peacekeepers” to end the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Earlier this year, Belarus leader Alexander Lukashenko, with Mr. Putin’s backing, manufactured a migrant crisis on the Polish border of the European Union.
This month, when violent unrest broke out in Kazakhstan, the largest and wealthiest country in Central Asia, its leader turned to Russia for help.
How do geopolitical circumstances favour Russia?
The U.S.’s ignominious withdrawal from Afghanistan has left the Central Asian republics deeper in the Russian embrace.
Europe is very much dependent on Russian gas, which limits its response.
For years, the West, the winner of the Cold War, discounted Mr. Putin.
Having failed to defeat the Taliban in Afghanistan, NATO is unlikely to pick a war with Russia over Ukraine.
Conclusion
By destabilising Georgia and Ukraine and re-establishing Russia’s hold in Belarus, Caucasus and Central Asia, Moscow has effectively stalled NATO’s further expansion into its backyard.
The “State Finances, Study of Budgets of 2021-22” report, correctly identify the role of the city governments in meeting the challenges the pandemic has thrown up, the report also points to the draining of resources.
What the RBI report says about the role of local governments
The report highlights the frontline role played by the third-tier governments by implementing containment strategies, healthcare.
Due to this, their finances have come under severe strain, forcing them to cut down expenditures and mobilise funding from various sources.
Need for functional autonomy: The RBI further commented that the functional autonomy of civic bodies must increase and their governance structure strengthened.
Empowering financially: This could happen by ‘empowering them financially through higher resource availability.
The RBI did echo the recommendations of the 15th Finance Commission report on local bodies that emphasised city governance structures and financial empowerment.
Limited coverage of property tax: The RBI report also highlights the limited coverage of property tax and its failure in shoring up municipal corporation revenues.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) data show that India has the lowest property tax collection rate in the world — i.e., property tax to GDP ratio.
Issues faced by city governments
During the pandemic, while leaders from the Prime Minister to Chief Ministers to District Magistrate were seen taking a call on disaster mitigation strategies, city mayors were found missing.
The old approach of treating cities as adjuncts of State governments continues to dominate the policy paradigm.
The general approach towards urban empowerment has remained piecemeal in India.
The first intervention to understand ‘the urban’ (though there are references in the Five Year plans) and plan with a pan-Indian vision took place in the 1980s when the National Commission On Urbanisation was formed with Charles Correa as its chairperson.
Another important intervention was in the first half of the 1990s with the Constitution 73rd and 74th Amendments.
The latter refers to urban reforms — empowering urban local bodies to perform 18 functions listed in the 12th Schedule.
However, there is no mention of financial empowerment.
The only exception to the rule has been the people’s plan model of Kerala where 40% of the State’s plan budget was for local bodies (directly) with a transfer of important subjects such as planning, etc.
How to achieve functional autonomy for city government
This should happen with three F’s: the transfer of ‘functions, finances and functionaries’ to city governments.
There are nearly 5,000 statutory towns and an equal number of census towns in India.
Nearly 35% of the population lives in urban centres.
And, nearly two-thirds of the country’s GDP stems from cities and almost 90% of government revenue flows from urban centres.
Before value-added tax and other centralised taxation systems, one of the major earnings of cities used to be from octroi.
But this source of revenue collection was taken away by the State and the central governments.
Instead, finance commissions recommended grants to urban local bodies based on a formula of demographic profile.
In such a situation, it is difficult for the towns to sustain their ability to perform their bare minimum functions, especially with the latest Pay Commission recommendations.
This has resulted in burdening people more with taxes and further privatisation/outsourcing of the services of the municipalities.
The often-cited example is how cities in the Scandinavian countries manage their functions well — from city planning to mobility to waste management.
But the truth is that a chunk of the income tax from citizens is given to city governments.
A committee formed by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development to review the 74th constitutional amendment recommended that 10% of income tax collected from the cities was to be given back to them as a direct revenue grant from the central government.
Way forward
1] Cities must be treated as important centres of governance, where democratic decentralisation can bring in amazing results.
There will be transparency and adequate participation of the people.
2] Cities should not be considered as entrepreneurship spaces where the sole driving force is to make them competitive to attract investments.
3] The resources required for quantitative and qualitative data must be immediately provided to the cities to ensure a disaster risk reduction plan keeping vulnerable communities in mind.
4] A piecemeal approach such as the concept of ‘smart cities’ must be shunned altogether.
This approach further widens the gap between different sets of people.
5] Leadership in the cities must be elected for a term of five years.
Likewise, the third F, i.e., functionaries, must be transferred to the cities with a permanent cadre.
Consider the question “The functional autonomy of civic bodies must be increased and their governance structure strengthened. This could happen by ‘empowering them financially through higher resource availability’. Comment.”
Conclusion
Thus, in this exercise by the RBI, the good part is that there has least been a mention of cities, with local bodies as important centres of governance.
The Union Cabinet has approved a three-year extension of the tenure of the National Commission for Safai Karamcharis (NCSK) that was set to end on March 31.
About National Commission for Safai Karamcharis
The commission was set up in 1993 under the NCSK Act 1993 for a period of three years, which has been extended since then.
The NCSK Act is however ceased to have effect from February 29, 2004.
After that, the tenure of the NCSK has been extended as a non-statutory body from time to time through resolutions.
Why was NCSK set up?
The commission helps in coming up with programmes for the welfare of sanitation workers.
It also monitors the implementation of the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013.
Till December 31, 2021, 58,098 manual scavengers had been identified.
Need for eliminating Manual Scavenging
Undignified life (all the 6 Fundamental Rights are compromised, directly or indirectly).
It directly perpetuates castism.
Modern, Secular India has no place for such “professions”.
It no way suits India’s rising global profile – ‘super power’ aspirations.
Women are mostly disprivileged since most manual scavengers are dalit women.
What else needs to be done?
Though the government has taken many steps for the upliftment of the safai karamcharis, the deprivation suffered by them in socio-economic and educational terms is still far from being eliminated.
Although manual scavenging has been almost eradicated, sporadic instances of their deaths do occur.
Way forward
There is a continued need to monitor the various interventions and initiatives of the government for welfare of safai Karamcharis.
The govt must strive to achieve the goal of complete mechanization of sewer/septic tanks cleaning in the country and rehabilitation of manual scavengers.
Try this question from CSP 2016:
Q.’Rashtriya Garima Abhiyaan’ is a national campaign to:
(a) rehabilitate the homeless and destitute persons and provide them with suitable sources of livelihood
(b) release the sex workers from their practice and provide them with alternative sources of livelihood
(c) eradicate the practice of manual scavenging and rehabilitate the manual scavengers
(d) release the bonded labourers from their bondage and rehabilitate them
[wpdiscuz-feedback id=”jine99bkvt” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here:[/wpdiscuz-feedback]
Incendiary speeches at a religious assembly include calls for the genocide of Muslims in India and can be seen as part of an ongoing pattern of targeting minorities.
Background of the convention against genocide
India’s role: India has signed and ratified the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948.
In 1946, Cuba, India and Panama co-sponsored General Assembly Resolution 96(I), which affirmed genocide as a ‘crime under international law’.
As a result of this resolution, a convention on the prohibition of genocide was drafted, which was passed by the General Assembly in 1948 and came into effect in 1951, with more than 150 states party to the convention presently.
Legal obligation: Legal obligations on states that are party to the convention include:
the obligation not to commit genocide,
to prevent genocide, and to punish genocide(Article I),
to enact legislation to give effect to the provisions of the convention (Article V);
to provide for effective penalties for those found guilty of criminal conduct (Article V); and
the obligation to try those charged with genocide in a competent tribunal (Article VI).
No legislation enacted by India
Since signing the Genocide Convention and ratifying it, to date India has not enacted any legislation in accordance with Article VI of the Genocide Convention.
At the outset, India is in violation of its international obligation to criminalise genocide within its domestic law per Articles V, VI and VII, and to take all means to ensure the prevention of genocide.
Indian domestic law shows that there are no comparable provisions for the prosecution of any mass crimes, least of all genocide.
Indian Penal Code provisions relating to rioting, unlawful assembly and ‘promoting enmity between different groups’ do not embody the basic elements of the crime of genocide, which is against a collectivity or a group, with the specific intent to cause its destruction.
These also do not pertain to another key aspect of the Genocide Convention – that of prevention, and creating the conditions in which such hate speech and other associated acts are not allowed to flourish.
Significance of the Gambia’s proceedings before the ICJ against Myanmar
The Gambia has initiated proceedings before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against Myanmar on the basis of the Convention.
The ICJ, relying on a previous case of Belgiumv. Senegal, stated, “It follows that any State party to the Genocide Convention, and not only a specially affected State, may invoke the responsibility of another State party with a view to ascertaining the alleged failure to comply with its obligations erga omnes partes, and to bring that failure to an end.”
Conclusion
It is more imperative than ever that international legal protections against genocide are incorporated in domestic legislation. Furthermore, the fact that India has international legal obligations under the Genocide Convention which it is not adhering to must be rectified.
The national security policy statement issued last week by the government of Pakistan acknowledges the need for change.
Why does it matter for India?
India’s stakes in a stable Pakistan are higher than anyone else in the world.
Therefore, Delhi must pay close attention to the internal debates within Islamabad on the imperatives of major change in Pakistan’s national direction.
But as critics in Pakistan insist, the policy offers no clues on how to go about it.
The classified version probably has a clear strategy on how to accelerate economic growth, build national cohesion, and revitalise its foreign and security policies.
Overview of India’s transformation after 1990s
The crises that Pakistan confronts today are quite similar to those Delhi faced at the turn of the 1990s.
Economic challenge: India’s post-Independence old economic model was on the verge of collapse.
Political instability: The era of massive domestic political mandates was over and weak coalitions government were in place.
Challenges in International relations: The Soviet Union, India’s best friend in the Cold War, fell off the map and the Russian successor was more interested in integrating with the West.
India found that its political ties with all other major powers — the US, Europe, China and Japan — were underdeveloped at the end of the Cold War.
Pakistan, meanwhile, was running proxy wars in India even as it mobilised international pressures against Delhi on Kashmir.
Within a decade, though, India was on a different trajectory.
. Its reformed economy was on a high growth path.
India was hailed as an emerging power that would eventually become the third-largest economy in the world and a military power to reckon with.
Delhi also cut a deal with Washington to become a part of the global nuclear order on reasonable terms.
This involved a series of structural economic reforms, the recasting of foreign policy, and developing a new culture of power-sharing within coalitions and between the Centre and the states.
The economic transformation of Bangladesh
The economic transformation of Bangladesh has been equally impressive.
Since Sheikh Hasina returned to power in 2009, Bangladesh focused on economic development, stopped support to terrorism, and improved ties with the larger of its two neighbours — India.
As a result, Bangladesh’s economy in 2021 (GDP at $350 billion) is well ahead of Pakistan ($280 billion).
How Pakistan missed the opportunity
Pakistan chose a different path.
Having ousted the Soviet superpower from Afghanistan in the late 1980s, Pakistan was ready to apply the model of cross-border terrorism to shake Kashmir loose from India and turn Afghanistan into a protectorate.
Supporting jihadi groups was seen as a low-cost strategy to achieve Pakistan’s long-standing strategic objectives in the neighbourhood.
These grand geopolitical obsessions left little bandwidth for the much-needed economic modernisation of Pakistan.
Islamabad, which relentlessly pursued parity with Delhi, now finds that the Indian economy at $3.1 trillion is more than 10 times larger than that of Pakistan.
Factors that explain change in Pakistan’s policy
Diminishing role in geopolitics: In the past, Pakistan had much success in pursuing a foreign policy that not only balanced India with the support of the West, but also carved out a large role for itself in the Middle East and more broadly the Muslim world.
Today, barring the United Kingdom, Pakistan’s equities in the West have steadily diminished.
Weakened ties in the Middle East: Meanwhile, it has weakened its traditionally strong ties in the Middle East with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
Weakened ties with the US: Although its all-weather ties with China have gone from strength to strength, the unfolding conflict between Washington and Beijing has put Pakistan in an uncomfortable strategic situation.
Pakistan’s support for violent religious extremism has also begun to backfire.
A permissive environment for terrorism has now attracted severe financial penalties from the international system.
India’s changed approach towards Pakistan
Delhi, which was prepared to make concessions on Kashmir in the 1990s and 2000s, has taken Kashmir off the table and is ready to use military force in response to major terror attacks.
Delhi’s attitude towards Islamabad now oscillates between insouciance and aggression.
Unlike in the past, the West is no longer pressuring India to accommodate Pakistan on Kashmir.
The US is eager for India’s support in balancing China in the Indo-Pacific.
Conclusion
All these shifts together have compelled Pakistan to rethink its policies. There is no guarantee that the change will be definitive and for the good. But if it is, Delhi should be prepared to respond positively.
Karnataka CM has said irrigation projects are bogged down by river water sharing disputes and asked the Centre to ‘revisit the Inter-State River Water Disputes (IWRD) Act since the law is creating more disputes than resolving them’.
About IWRD Act
The IWRD Act, 1956 aims to resolve the water disputes that would arise in the use, control and distribution of an interstate river or river valley.
Article 262 of the Indian Constitution provides a role for the Central government in adjudicating conflicts surrounding inter-state rivers that arise among the state/regional governments.
This act is confined to states of India and not applicable to union territories.
Only concerned state governments are entitled to participate in the tribunal adjudication and non-government entities are not permitted.
Jurisdictions over Rivers
River waters use / harnessing is included in states jurisdiction.
However, Union government can make laws on regulation and development of inter-State rivers and river valleys to the extent such water resources are directly under its control when expedient in the public interest.
When union government wants to take over a interstate river project under its control by law, it has to take approval of the riparian states’ legislature assemblies before passing such bill in the Parliament per Article 252 of the constitution.
When public interest is served, President may also establish an interstate council as per Article 263 to inquire and recommend on the dispute that has arisen between the states of India.
Resolution of disputes
Dispute resolution is a layered process, as mandated by the ISWD Act.
After receiving a complaint from a state, the Union government first tries to mediate. It is only when negotiations fail that the Centre is required to form a tribunal to adjudicate the dispute.
If a State Government makes a request regarding any water dispute and the Central Government is of opinion that the water dispute cannot be settled by negotiations, then a Tribunal is constituted.
Constitution of Tribunal
Whenever the riparian states are not able to reach amicable agreements on their own in sharing of an interstate river waters, section 4 of IRWD Act provides for a Tribunal.
The tribunal shall not only adjudicate but also investigate the matters referred to it by the central government and forward a report setting out the facts with its decisions.
The tribunal responsibility is not limited to adjudication of issues raised by the concerned states and but investigation of other aspects such as water pollution, water quality deterioration, flood control etc.
Time-frame for dispute resolution
The tribunals have been allotted three years to arrive at a final decision, extendable by two years.
The 2002 Amendment to the ISWD Act specified a one-year limit on the timeline allowed to carry out the process of dispute resolution.
Active tribunals in India
Ravi & Beas Water Tribunal (1986) – Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan
Krishna Water Disputes Tribunal II (2004) – Karnataka, Telangana, Andra Pradesh, Maharashtra
Mahadayi Water Disputes Tribunal (2010) – Goa,Karnataka, Maharashtra
Vansadhara Water Disputes Tribunal (2010) – Andra Pradesh & Odisha
Mahanadi Water Disputes Tribunal (2018) – Odisha & Chattisgarh
Need for the IWRD Act
Major inter-state river basins: India has 25 major river basins, with most rivers flowing across states.
Equitable distribution of water: As river basins are shared resources, a coordinated approach between the states is necessary for the preservation, equitable distribution and sustainable utilization of river water.
Hydro-politics: Much recently, interstate rivers in India have become sites of contestations, fuelled by conflicting perceptions of property rights, flawed economic instruments for food security.
Sustainability: This has led to a lack of an integrated ecosystems approach, and the prevalence of reductionist hydrology for water resource development.
Issues with IRWD Act
Centre’s dilemma: Since river water falls within the ambit of State Subjects, its governance remains confined to the limits of the state political discourse.
Interference of Judiciary: The apex court has limited the role of the tribunals to quantification and allocation of water between riparian states, and its own role is to be an interpreter of the awards and agreements.
Colonial award: The history of colonial rule has led to the creation of asymmetries between states, and the present water disputes stem from the reproduction of this imperial and colonial power relation.
Structural issues: Various operational characteristics of the tribunals as problematic, since they do not adhere to any established system.
Operational issues: For instance, the sittings are not routine, the functioning is outside the regular court system, and day-to-day or week-to-week hearings are few and far in between.
Why this has become a sensitive topic?
Associated ethnicity: At the state level, river water is politically perceived as part of the larger issue of “regional sharing of resources,” which is linked with the ethnic and cultural identity of the state and its people.
Matter of autonomy: The political narrative around river disputes is subsumed within the question of regional rights, and any possibility of water sharing is seen as a compromise or infringement on the regional autonomy of a state.
Identity politics: Hence, the political narrative around the river disputes jumps to a larger scale of identity politics.
Way forward
For such dispute resolution, all other recourses such as mediation and conciliation must remain viable options.
These should operate simultaneously along with adjudication and political consensus among the riparian states.
Directly approaching the Supreme Court may result in adversarial outcomes, with the conflict reaching a point of no return.
Recently, West Bengal’s tableau for the Republic Day parade was rejected without assigning any reasons or justifications.
Who manages the R-Day Parade?
The Defence Ministry is the responsible authority for the Republic Day parade and the celebrations.
Around September, it invites all the states, the UTs, Central Government departments, and a few constitutional authorities to participate in the parade through tableaux.
Managing Tableaux
The Defence Ministry shares the basic guidelines about what all the tableaux can or should include.
The tableaux of two different states/ UTs cannot be too similar, as the tableaux, together, should showcase the diversity of the country.
The tableaux cannot have any writing or use of logos, except for the name of the state/ UT/ department, which should be written in Hindi on the front, English on the back, and a regional language on the sides.
The Ministry also asks the participants to use eco-friendly material for the tableaux, and avoid the use of plastic or plastic-based products.
How are the tableaux selected?
The selection process is elaborate and time-consuming.
The Defence Ministry constitutes an expert committee of distinguished persons from fields like art, culture, painting, sculpture, music, architecture, choreography, etc.
Process of selection
(1) Submission of sketches
First, the submitted sketches or designs of the proposals are scrutinised by this committee, which can make suggestions for any modifications in the sketch or design.
The sketch should be simple, colourful, easy to comprehend and should avoid unnecessary detail.
It should be self-explanatory, and should not need any written elaboration.
(2) Music and Visuals
If there is a traditional dance involved with the tableau, it should be a folk dance, and the costumes and musical instruments should be traditional and authentic.
The proposal should include a video clipping of the dance.
(3) 3D Models
Once approved, the next stage is for the participants to come up with three-dimensional models for their proposals.
These are again examined by the expert committee for final selection, taking in view several criteria.
In making the final selection the committee looks at a combination of factors, looking at the visual appeal, impact on the masses, idea/ theme of the tableaux, degree of detail involved.
Do they have to be of a particular size?
The Defence Ministry provides each participant with one tractor and one trailer, and the tableau should fit on that.
The ministry prohibits use of any additional tractor or trailer, or even any other vehicle to be part of it.
However, the participant can replace their ministry-provided tractor or trailer with other vehicles, but the total number should not be more than two vehicles.
The tractor has to be camouflaged in harmony with the tableau’s theme, and the ministry stipulates a distance of around six feet between the tractor and the trailer for turning and manoeuvering.
The dimensions of the trailer on which the tableau will be placed is 24 feet, 8 inches long; eight feet wide; four feet two inches high; with a load-bearing capacity of 10 tonnes.
The tableaux should not be more than 45 feet long, 14 feet wide and 16 feet high from the ground.
(Republic Day celebrations from this year will start on January 23 instead of January 24 to include the birth anniversary of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.)
Risks in 2022 could be both domestic and geopolitical, with many precepts that the world has been accustomed to being at risk. Democracy itself could face serious headwinds this year.
Challenges to democracy
The world has recently seen the rise of authoritarian rulers in many countries.
What is worrisome is that democratic tenets which have been under attack in recent years appear set to face more onslaughts this year.
The United States, which was widely viewed as a major bulwark for democracy, appears to have developed certain pathological infirmities.
Geopolitical challenges and risks
[1] Disruption by China
The role of China is possibly the most disrupting one, given the challenge it poses to the existing international order.
Militarily, China is openly challenging U.S. supremacy in many areas, including ‘state-of-the-art weaponry’ such as hyper-sonic technology.
China is now threatening Taiwan, which could well become one of the flashpoints of conflict in 2022.
The dip in China’s economic profile in the past year and more could also lead to new tensions in the Asia-Pacific region in 2022.
[2] Russia-Ukraine conflict
The other major risk of a war in 2022, stems from the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine — the latter being backed by the U.S. and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces.
During the past three decades, NATO has expanded its reach almost a 1,000 miles to the east in violation of an earlier tacit understanding.
Russia appears determined that Ukraine should be the ‘last frontier’ and, if need be, ensure this through military force.
The situation has grave possibilities and could result in a series of cyclical outcomes with considerable damage potential.
[3] Instability in the vast region
Unrest in Kazakhstan: The current unrest in Kazakhstan, which till recently was one of the more stable Central Asian nations, is perhaps symptomatic of what is in store.
Recent events in Kazakhstan demonstrates a sharper cleavage between the U.S.-led West and its principal opponents, Russia and China.
This is not a good sign for the world already wracked by a series of coups or internecine strife as in Ethiopia, Libya and certain regions of West Asia and North Africa.
[4] Return of Taliban and security implications for India
Shift in balance of power: Of particular significance to India is that the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan has led to a material shift in the balance of power in India’s periphery.
Developments in Afghanistan have fuelled the ambitions of quite a few ‘anti-state militant groups’ across the region.
Even in Pakistan, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has become energised and is enlarging its sphere of action to other parts of Asia, notably Kazakhstan.
This will have an unsettling effect across large parts of Asia.
New evidence suggests that on India’s eastern flank, viz. Indonesia, a resurgence of radical Islamist activities is taking place.
The Jemaah Islamiyah has reportedly become more active in Indonesia.
[5] India’s border issue with China
The most serious issue that India confronts today is how to deal with a China that has become more confrontational.
India’s membership of the Quad still rankles as far as China’s psyche is concerned, and during 2022, may well result in China embarking on new adventurist actions at many more points on the Sino-Indian border compelling India to react.
Additionally, India will need to determine how best to respond to China’s provocations.
Strengthen military posture: India would need to strengthen its military posture, both as a means to deter China and also to convince India’s neighbours that it can stand up to China.
Challenges ahead for India
Challenge in Central Asia: Diplomatically, in 2022, India may find itself vulnerable in dealing with the turmoils which have occurred in two areas of strategic interest to it, viz. Central Asia and West Asia.
Challenge in West Asia: In West Asia, the challenge for India is how to manage its membership of the Second Quad (India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and the U.S.) with the conflicting interests of different players in the region.
Limits to balancing: There is a limit to the kind of balancing act that India can perform, whether it be with regard to buying S-400 missile systems from Russia, risking potential sanctions from Washington under Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) or manoeuvering between the Arab States, Israel, Iran and the U.S. in West Asia.
Conclusion
Facing a host of unprecedented challenges, India’s leaders and diplomats must not only take stock of the dangers that exist but also be ready on how to manage the risks that are well evident.
The year 2022 marks the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and India.
Historical background of India-Japan relationship
We have a long history of people-to-people exchanges that can be traced back to the sixth century.
Buddhism was brought to Japan and, in 752.
During Meiji Restoration in the late 19th Century — Japan needed natural resources to modernise its industry.
Many Japanese travelled to India to purchase cotton, iron ore, etc.
Formal relations between Japan and India began in 1952.
After the Second World War, instead of signing the multilateral San Francisco Peace Treaty, India opted for concluding a bilateral peace treaty with Japan, considering that honour and equality should be ensured for Japan to rejoin the international community.
But even before the establishment of diplomatic relations, the goodwill between the people of the two countries was deeply rooted through business, academic and cultural exchanges.
After 70 years of multi-layered exchanges, the relationship between our two countries grew into a “Special Strategic and Global Partnership”.
Future possibilities
[1] As democratic countries, contribute to global peace and prosperity
As democratic countries in Asia, India and Japan can cooperate to contribute to global peace and prosperity.
We share political, economic and strategic interests based on the firm foundations of common values and traditions.
We are continuing our efforts to build a rules-based free and open international order.
[2] Cooperation in security
There are a plethora of fields that we can cooperate in security issues including cyber security, outer space and economic security.
[3] Augmenting economic relations
For long, Japan has been the largest ODA (Official Development Assistance) donor to India.
One of the most recent and ongoing examples of our collaboration is the Mumbai-Ahmedabad High-Speed Rail project.
Japan is also one of the largest investors in India.
Both countries have also promoted economic cooperation in other countries to enhance social infrastructure and connectivity.
Our economic partnership can further strengthen the economy of the Indo-Pacific, as well as the world economy.
[4] Cultural exchange
Cultural exchanges including literature, movies, music, sports and academics are essential for our relations, enabling a better understanding.
Consider the question “The year 2022 marks the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and India. The future offers enormous possibilities for the partnership. In context of this, examine the future possibilities the two countries can explore.”
Conclusion
India-Japan ties will continue to flourish. Our long history substantiates that.
In Japanese history, the political revolution in 1868 that brought about the final demise of the Tokugawa shogunate (military government)—thus ending the Edo (Tokugawa) period (1603–1867)—and, at least nominally, returned control of the country to direct imperial rule under Mutsuhito (the emperor Meiji).
In a wider context, however, the Meiji Restoration of 1868 came to be identified with the subsequent era of major political, economic, and social change—the Meiji period (1868–1912)—that brought about the modernization and Westernization of the country.
The position of women in the armed forces, which is described as a male-dominated establishment generally, offers a limited window for any kind of change in the role of women in occupational and bureaucratic structures. However, breaking the glass ceiling, two women officers have been selected to train as helicopter pilots at Combat Army Training School, Nashik. Till now, women officers were only limited to performing ground duties in the Army Aviation Corps.
The Supreme Court last year ruled that women could serve as army commanders further granting permanent commission and promotions equal to their male counterparts.
India’s women in uniform: A timeline
The role of women in the Indian Army began in 1888 when the ‘Indian Military Nursing Service’ was formed during the British Raj.
During 1914-45, British Indian Army nurses fought in World War I (1914–18) and World War II (1939-45), where 350 nurses either died or were taken prisoner of war or declared missing in action.
But it was only in 1992 that the organisation opened doors and started inducting women in non-medical roles. In 2015, India also opened new combat air force roles for women as fighter pilots.
During 1914-45, British Indian Army nurses fought in World War I (1914–18) and World War II (1939-45), where 350 nurses either died or were taken prisoner of war or declared missing in action.
However, despite all these developments, the women in the Indian armed forces that constitute 3% of the Indian army are still not allowed to be a part of the active combat.
Since 2008, women were inducted as permanent commissioned officers in the legal and education corps and as permanent commissioned officers in eight more non-combative corps in 2020.
A timeline of women’s inductions into the military –
Year
Service
Branches that opened up for women
1991
Navy
Education, Logistics and Law Cadre of Executive Branch
1992
Army
Army Service Corps, Army Ordnance Corps, Army Education Corps, Judge Advocate General Branch
1993
Navy
Air Traffic Controller
1994
Air Force
Transport and helicopter pilots
1996
Army
Engineers, Signals, Intelligence, Electrical and Mechanical Engineering branches opened up for women.
2001
Navy
Naval Constructor Cadre of Engineering Branch
2008
Army
Women became eligible for Permanent Commission in Army Education Corps and Judge Advocate General Department
2008
Navy
Observers
2015
Air Force
Fighter pilots
Present context
The Supreme Court on Tuesday asked the Union government to explain the admission of merely 19 women in the prestigious National Defence Academy (NDA) for 2022.
The court also asked the Centre to place the figures on record the total number of candidates, including women, who appeared in the NDA, Rashtriya Indian Military College (RIMC) and Rashtriya Military School (RMS) entrance tests.
The NDA exam was held and 8,009 candidates qualified for the Service Selection Board test as also medical tests, out of which 1,002 candidates were women and 7,007 men.
Supreme Court’s ruling to grant Permanent Commission (PC)to women officers
In 2020, the Supreme Court upheld the right of serving Short Service Commission (SSC) women officers of the Navy to be granted Permanent Commission (PC) on a par with their male counterparts.
The Court has directed that SSC women officers found suitable for the grant of PC shall be entitled to all consequential benefits, including arrears of pay, promotions and retirement benefits as and when due.
All serving women SSC officers in at least seven wings, including the executive, engineering, electrical, education, law and logistics, will be eligible to apply.
The grant of PCs will be subject to: (i) availability of vacancies in the stabilized cadre; (ii) Suitability of the candidate; and (iii) recommendation by the chief of Naval Staff.
Women in Uniform: A global scan
India has limited experience as regards the induction of women in the armed forces. The first batch had joined in 1992. Therefore, our knowledge of the complexities and long-term effects of the issues involved is highly limited.
On the other hand, women have been serving in the militaries of developed countries for a long time. These countries have acquired a deep understanding of all the issues involved.
Let’s have a look:
United States
The United States is considered a pioneer and a trend-setter as regards induction of women in the services.
There are approximately 200,000 American women on active duty in the US armed forces. They constitute nearly 20 percent of its strength.
Women are also participating in Iraq operations in large numbers, albeit in support functions as they are forbidden to be placed in direct ground combat with enemy. They, however, are assigned ‘combat support’ duties on voluntary basis.
Prior to November 1975, if women became pregnant, they were given the option to terminate pregnancy or seek discharge.
A number of important steps were initiated during President Clinton’s time. Women were permitted to join as combat aircraft pilots and could also be assigned for prolonged duty on combat naval ships. The scope of combat-risk assignments for women was redefined to open additional appointments to them.
Israel
Though Israel has conscription for women (as well as men), a large number of them are exempted for various reasons.
Women are generally not allotted active battle field duties. They serve in many technical and administrative posts to release men for active duty.
Although they make excellent instructors as well, most women occupy lower and middle level appointments. Only a handful reaches senior ranks.
Other Countries
In the Australian Army, women are still not allowed in the field/battle. In Russia, women generally serve in nursing, communications and logistic support functions.
Like all Islamic states, Pakistan does not permit women in the armed forces. It is feared that women would create distraction and cause disruption of internal order.
There is also a great deal of concern for the safety of women from the organisational environment itself.
Why males have ever dominated the armed forces?
Militaries across the world help entrench hegemonic masculine notions of aggressiveness, strength and heterosexual prowess in and outside their barracks.
The military training focuses on creating new bonds of brotherhood and camaraderie between them based on militarised masculinity.
This temperament is considered in order to enable conscripts to survive the tough conditions of military life and to be able to kill without guilt.
To create these new bonds, militaries construct a racial, sexual, gendered “other”, attributes of whom the soldier must routinely and emphatically reject.
Dimensions of the Issue
Indeed, the court’s strong statements against the gender stereotypes employed by the government come as a welcome relief. Equally, ensuring that women can hold permanent commissions in the army recognizes the equal effort and service that they put in.
Gender is not a hindrance: As long as an applicant is qualified for a position, one’s gender is arbitrary. It is easy to recruit and deploy women who are in better shape than many men sent into combat.
Military Readiness: Allowing a mixed-gender force keeps the military strong. The armed forces are severely troubled by falling retention and recruitment rates. This can be addressed by allowing women in the combat role.
Effectiveness: The blanket restriction for women limits the ability of commanders in theatre to pick the most capable person for the job.
Tradition: Training will be required to facilitate the integration of women into combat units. Cultures change over time and the masculine subculture can evolve too.
Cultural Differences & Demographics: Women are more effective in some circumstances than men. Allowing women to serve doubles the talent pool for delicate and sensitive jobs that require interpersonal skills, not every soldier has.
The road is not so simple
Capabilities of women
The Centre states that although women are equally capable, if not more capable than men, there might be situations that could affect the capabilities of women such as absence during pregnancy and catering to the responsibilities of motherhood, etc.
The arguments are presented on the basis that a role in combat would require tough training, whereas the current training for women is different and at a much lower level than that of their male counterparts.
However, Lieutenant Colonel Mitali Madhumita and IAF squad leader Minty Agarwal are examples of women who stand as a testament to the capabilities of women in commanding positions.
Adjusting with the masculine setup
To then simply add women to this existing patriarchal setup, without challenging the notions of masculinity, can hardly be seen as “gender advancement”.
In fact, in order to succeed within the army, women are forced to deride their femininity and work harder than men to establish parity in the eyes of their counterparts.
They are forced to blend in while standing out for their exceptional work in order to be taken seriously.
Fear of sexual misconduct
This superficial approach to gender equality defines parity solely based on the opportunity to participate hence fails to address several fallouts most notable of which is sexual harassment and abuse.
Sexual harassment faced by women military officers is a global phenomenon which remains largely unaddressed, and women often face retaliation when they do complain.
Extensive and rigorous data on the pervasiveness of sexual harassment in the Indian armed forces is not available.
However, a relatively small 2015 study, which questioned 450 members of the armed forces on sexual discrimination in their workplace, found that sexual harassment is rampant in the military.
Gender progressiveness could be an illusion
In reality, there are several factors behind the decision to include women in the forces, including using the illusion of gender progressiveness within the army to shame populations for their gender inequities, brand them as backwards and use this to justify military control.
Women’s inclusion is criticized as just another manoeuvre to camouflage women’s subjugation and service as women’s liberation.
Battle of ‘Acceptance’
The only way to command is to show the lower ranks that the orders are fair and just, both in spirit and action.
Acceptance of women in the military has not been smooth in any country. Every country has to contend with sceptics who consider it to be a counterproductive programme.
They tend to view it as a political gimmick to flaunt sexual equality, or, at best, a necessary liability.
Additionally, every country has to mould the attitude of its society at large and male soldiers in particular to enhance acceptability of women in the military.
For trained soldiers “acceptance” is not an option; they have undergone rigorous regimentation to accept orders from the command.
Job Satisfaction
Most women feel that their competence is not given due recognition. Seniors tend to be over-indulgent without valuing their views.
They are generally marginalised and not involved in any major decision-making. They have to work twice as hard as men to prove their worth. Additionally, a woman is always under scrutiny for even minor slip-ups.
Many women complain that despite their technical qualifications, they are generally detailed for perceived women-like jobs. Either they get routine desk work or are asked to perform duties related to social minutiae.
Doubts about Role Definition
The profession of arms is all about violence and brutality. To kill another human is not moral but soldiers are trained to kill.
They tend to acquire a streak of raw ruthlessness and coarseness. This makes the environment highly non-conducive and rough for women.
Women, in general, are confused about the way they should conduct themselves. If they behave lady-like, their acceptance amongst male colleagues is low.
On the other hand, their active participation in casual repartee carries the danger of their losing colleagues’ respect.
Societal Impact
The government has argued that if a woman is taken captive by insurgents/terrorists or as a Prisoner of War (PoW) by an enemy state, then it would become an international and deeply emotive issue which could have an impact on the society.
However, times have changed and this cannot be a valid reason for denying command roles and permanent commission to women.
Physical and Physiological Issues
The natural physical differences in stature, strength, and body composition between the sexes make women more vulnerable to certain types of injuries and medical problems.
The vigorous training might also have an effect on the health of women officers.
The natural processes of menstruation and pregnancy make women particularly vulnerable in combat situations.
Such positions usually leave the commanding officer with no privacy and during adverse situations, the lack of sanitation can have an impact on their health.
Comfort Level
Most women accepted the fact that their presence amongst males tends to make the environment ‘formal and stiff’.
The mutual comfort level between men and women colleagues is often very low.
Men miss their light-hearted banter which is considered essential to release work tensions and promote group cohesion. They consider women to be intruding on their privacy.
Whose concern is National Security…
Many defense analysts are disgusted with the ongoing emulsive debate incorporating issues of national security with gender justice. Few of their opinion are discussed as under:
The recent debate about the entry of women officers in the armed forces has been highly ill- informed and subjective in nature.
People have taken stands and expressed opinion without analysing the matter in its entirety. It is imprudent to consider it as an issue of equality of sexes or gender bias or even women’s liberation.
It is also not a question of conquering the so-called ‘last male bastion’.
That would amount to trifling a matter that concerns the well-being and the war-potential of a nation’s armed forces.
Armed forces have been constituted with the sole purpose of ensuring defence of the country and all policy decisions should be guided by this overriding factor.
All matters concerning defence of the country have to be considered in a dispassionate manner.
No decision should be taken which even remotely affects the cohesiveness and efficiency of the military. Concern for equality of sexes or political expediency should not influence defence policies.
Way Forward
Defense readiness is one major aspect which is required to be borne in mind throughout while considering their employability options. The career aspects and opportunities for women need to be viewed holistically keeping the final aim in focus.
Misleading information such as using the patriarchal nature of the society as an excuse to deny women their deserving opportunities should be stopped. India has come a long way, and society should be supportive of women being inducted in to combat roles.
So far combatant roles are concerned, an all-women combat squadron should be designed and studied extensively before any further development or decisions are made.
The training provided to men and women should be similar to eliminate differentiation on the basis of physical standards.
It is the responsibility of the Government to create both administrative and social infrastructure for the easy induction of women into the Armed Forces. Administrative issues should not be cited as a barrier to women’s entry in the Armed Forces.
The framework for the induction of women should be incorporated into a policy. As for the concern of preserving the female officers’ modesty and dignity, there should be elaborate codes of conduct to ensure no adverse incident occurs.
Finally, no decision should be taken which even remotely affects the cohesiveness and efficiency of the military. Concern for equality of sexes or political expediency should not influence defense policies.
