The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) recently organized a national workshop on the e-SAKSHI web portal and mobile app for the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS).
About MPLADS:
Overview: A Central Sector Scheme, launched in 1993, to empower MPs to recommend developmental works in their constituencies, focusing on durable community assets addressing local needs.
Administration: Initially under the Ministry of Rural Development; Since 1994, managed by MoSPI.
Implementation:
State-level nodal department supervises implementation.
District authorities sanction projects, release funds, and ensure execution.
Funding:
Each MP gets ₹5 crore per year (since 2011–12).
Disbursed by MoSPI in two instalments of ₹2.5 crore each to district authorities.
Funds are non-lapsable i.e. carried forward if unutilized.
Targeted Allocation: Minimum 15% for SCs and 7.5% for STs.
Special Provisions:
Up to ₹25 lakh annually can be spent outside constituency/state for national unity projects.
Up to ₹1 crore can be allocated nationwide during severe natural calamities.
Eligible Projects:
Durable community assets (e.g., libraries, community halls, ambulances, sports infrastructure, sanitation).
MPLADS funds can be converged with MGNREGS or integrated with Khelo India for asset creation.
Support allowed on lands of registered societies/trusts (3+ years old) engaged in welfare work.
Prohibitedfor societies/trusts where the MP/family are office-bearers.
Transparency Measures:
Plaque with MP’s name and project details must be installed at project sites.
Project details listed in district offices, MPLADS website, and accessible via RTI.
Monitoring & Audit:
District authorities inspect at least 10% of projects annually.
Funds audited by statutory auditors.
Regular review meetings at state and central levels.
e-SAKSHI platform: Enables MPs to digitally recommend, monitor, and track MPLADS projects, improving transparency, accountability, and efficiency in fund utilization.
[UPSC 2020] With reference to the funds under Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS), which of the following statements are correct?
1. MPLADS funds must be used to create durable assets like physical infrastructure for health, education, etc.
2. A specified portion of each MP’s ‘fund must benefit SC/ST populations.
3. MPLADS funds are sanctioned on yearly basis and the unused funds cannot be carried forward to the next year.
4. The district authority must inspect at least 10% of all works under implementation every year.
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
Options: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 3 and 4 only (c) 1, 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 4 only*
The World Coconut Day (2nd September) was recently celebrated by the Coconut Development Board (CDB).
About Coconut Development Board (CDB):
Establishment: Created on 12 January 1981; statutory body under the Ministry of Agriculture & Farmers Welfare.
Headquarters & Offices: HQ at Kochi, Kerala; regional offices in Bengaluru, Chennai, Guwahati, and Patna.
Mandate: Integrated development of coconut production and utilization with focus on productivity, processing, and product diversification.
Functions: Provides technical advice and financial aid to farmers/processors; promotes modern technology adoption, value addition, pricing & marketing measures, and export promotion.
Welfare Schemes: Implements farmer-focused programs like Coconut Palm Insurance Mission and Kera Suraksha.
Back2Basics: Coconut Cultivation in India
Global Standing: India is the third-largest coconut producer, contributing about 31.45% of world output.
Production: In 2023–24, India produced 153.29 lakh MT from an area of 23.33 lakh ha.
Productivity: Average productivity at 9,871 nuts/ha, among the highest globally.
Leading States: Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh account for ~90% of production. Kerala and TN lead, Karnataka has risen sharply, AP contributes ~8%.
Economic Value: Sector contributed ₹27,199.5 crore GVO and ₹30,795.6 crore GDP share in 2022–23.
Exports: In 2022–23, India exported coconut products worth ₹3,554.23 crore (US $452 million) including copra, oil, coir, activated carbon, and value-added foods.
The Union Home Ministry empowered Foreigners Tribunals (FTs), especially in Assam, to detain suspected illegal immigrants in designated camps, a power earlier exercised only through executive orders.
About Foreigners Tribunal (FT):
Nature: Quasi-judicial bodies constituted under the Foreigners (Tribunal) Order, 1964, framed under the Foreigners Act, 1946.
Purpose: Decide whether a person is a foreigner/illegal immigrant, especially in the context of Assam’s border migration issues.
Cases handled:
References from border police against suspected foreigners.
Cases of “D” (doubtful) voters flagged by the Election Commission.
Composition: Members drawn from retired judges, advocates, and civil servants with judicial experience; capped at 3 members per tribunal.
Functioning:
FTs exercise powers of a civil court (summons, evidence, witness examination).
Required to dispose of cases within 60 days of reference.
Burden of proof lies on the individual to establish citizenship (Section 9, Foreigners Act).
Present Status: About 100 FTs operational in Assam (expanded after NRC-2019). No FTs in other states, where suspected foreigners are tried in local courts.
New Provisions under the Immigration and Foreigners Act, 2025:
Replacement: Replaces the Foreigners (Tribunal) Order, 1964, now part of the comprehensive Immigration and Foreigners Act, 2025.
Detention Powers: For the first time, FTs are empowered to detain suspected illegal immigrants in designated transit camps, a power earlier exercised through executive orders.
Judicial Authority:
Powers of a civil court under CPC, 1908.
Powers of a judicial magistrate (first class) under Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023 — including issuing arrest warrants, ordering detention, and directing personal appearance.
Ex-parte Orders: Can be set aside if the appellant files a review within 30 days.
Scope: Though applicable nationwide, functional relevance remains in Assam.
Restrictions on Employment: Bars foreigners from working in strategic sectors (defence, nuclear energy, petroleum, power, water supply, space, human rights) without Central government approval.
Border Security Measures: Border forces/Coast Guard to record biometrics and demographic data of illegal entrants before pushing them back.
Grounds for Refusal of Stay: Foreigners convicted of terrorism, espionage, narcotics trafficking, organized crime, human trafficking, cybercrime, child abuse, crimes against humanity, etc., can be refused entry or deported.
Exemptions: Citizens of Nepal, Bhutan, Tibetans, and Sri Lankan Tamils exempted under a special 2025 order.
[UPSC 2009] Consider the following statements:
1. Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) was set up during the Prime Ministership of Lal Bahadur Shastri.
2. The Members for CAT are drawn from both judicial and administrative streams.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
Options: (a) 1 only (b) 2 only* (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2
The Ministry of Earth Sciences has formed a 12-member committee led by SC lawyer Sanjay Upadhyay to draft a new national law safeguarding India’s maritime and economic interests under the 2023 High Seas Treaty (BBNJ Agreement).
Objective: Conservation and sustainable use of marine biodiversity in international waters (covering ~64% of the world’s oceans).
Scope of Provisions:
Establishment of Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) in high seas.
Regulation of seabed mining and extractive activities.
Fair and equitable sharing of benefits from marine genetic resources.
Mandatory environmental impact assessments (EIAs) before major projects.
Use of both scientific and traditional knowledge, guided by the precautionary principle.
Relation to UNCLOS: Would be the third implementing agreement, alongside:
1994 Part XI Implementation Agreement (seabed mineral resources).
1995 UN Fish Stocks Agreement (conservation of migratory fish stocks).
Adoption & Status:
Agreed in March 2023, open for signature for 2 years from September 2023.
Enters into force 120 days after the 60th ratification (currently ratified by 55 countries).
[UPSC 2022] With reference to the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea, consider the following statements:
1. A coastal state has the right to establish the breadth of its territorial sea up to a limit not exceeding 12 nautical miles, measured from baseline determined in accordance with the convention.
2. Ships of all states, whether coastal or land-locked, enjoy the right of innocent passage through the territorial sea.
3. The Exclusive Economic Zone shall not extend beyond 200 nautical miles from the baseline from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
Options: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3*
[UPSC 2021] Disucss the desirability of greater representation to women in higher judiciary to ensure equity and inclusiveness.
Linkage: The acute gender imbalance in the Supreme Court, with only 11 women judges since 1950, directly reflects the inequity in higher judiciary appointments. Greater representation of women is not only about fairness but also about inclusiveness, diversity of perspectives, and legitimacy of justice delivery. This makes the 2021 UPSC question highly relevant as it highlights why institutionalising gender as a criterion in judicial appointments is essential.
Mentor’s Comment
The issue of women’s representation in the higher judiciary has resurfaced sharply after the recent appointments to the Supreme Court overlooked senior women judges and lawyers. Despite being the guardian of constitutional morality and equality, the apex court itself reflects a glaring gender imbalance. This article explores the extent of underrepresentation, the opacity in the appointment process, and why diversity on the Bench is not merely symbolic but essential for justice delivery.
Introduction
The retirement of Justice Sudhanshu Dhulia in August 2025 created an opportunity to address the deep gender imbalance in India’s Supreme Court. However, with the appointments of Justices Vipul Pancholi and Alok Aradhe, the Court continues to have only one woman judge—Justice B.V. Nagarathna. This exposes both a structural problem in the judicial appointment system and the reluctance to institutionalise gender as a criterion for higher judiciary appointments.
The significance of gender imbalance in the Supreme Court
Striking underrepresentation: Only 11 women judges out of 287 since 1950 (3.8%).
Missed opportunity: Despite two vacancies in August 2025, no woman judge was appointed.
Historical first ignored: The 2021 Collegium decision appointing three women judges at once raised hope of change, but the momentum has not continued.
Symbolic contradiction: The Court upholds gender equality but does not reflect it internally.
The historical trajectory of women judges in the Supreme Court
First woman judge: Justice Fathima Beevi (1989).
Trail of appointments: Only 11 till date, with short tenures limiting their influence.
Tenure disparity: Women often appointed at a late stage in career, reducing chances of reaching the Collegium or CJI position.
Upcoming first woman CJI: Justice B.V. Nagarathna, but for only 36 days (Sept–Oct 2027).
Lack of caste and minority representation: Only Justice Fathima Beevi represented a minority faith; no SC/ST woman judge was ever appointed.
Gender disparity in direct elevation from the Bar
Male dominance: Nine men have been directly elevated from the Bar.
Single woman appointee: Justice Indu Malhotra (2018) was the only woman elevated directly.
Systemic discrimination: Despite women Senior Advocates being present, elevation remains blocked.
Global comparison: Worldwide, the Bar is a major route to the higher judiciary, India lags in enabling women lawyers.
The opacity of the judicial appointment process
Collegium secrecy: No clarity on criteria or names under consideration.
Inconsistent transparency: Collegium resolutions briefly made public in 2017 under CJI Dipak Misra, but not institutionalised.
Regional and caste factors considered: Yet gender is ignored as a formal category.
Violation of merit claims: Recent appointments skipped senior women High Court judges despite “seniority” being cited in the past as a hurdle.
The importance of women’s representation on the Bench
Unique perspectives: Women judges bring experiential diversity that shapes judicial outcomes.
Public trust: Greater representation builds confidence in judicial impartiality.
Truly representative court: The SC must reflect India’s social and gender diversity to strengthen legitimacy.
Judicial precedents: The Court itself has mandated 30% reservation for women in Bar Association elections, but has no such rule for its own appointments.
Conclusion
The Supreme Court’s gender imbalance undermines its constitutional commitment to equality and inclusivity. Unless women are institutionalised as a criterion for judicial appointments, alongside caste, religion, and region, the credibility of India’s top court will remain in question. Representation is not tokenism; it is a constitutional necessity to ensure justice is dispensed through the lens of diversity, fairness, and lived realities.
Value Addition
Committees & Reports
Law Commission 230th Report (2009): Recommended adequate representation of women and minorities in higher judiciary.
Justice Verma Committee (2013): Strongly stressed the need for gender diversity in judiciary to handle women-related cases with sensitivity.
International Comparisons & Norms
Beijing Platform for Action (1995): Calls for women in decision-making positions, including judiciary.
Canada & UK: Women form 40–50% of higher judiciary in recent years.
South Africa: Institutionalised diversity (race + gender) as a mandatory criterion in judicial appointments.
India’s poverty story is no longer about how little people earn but about how we measure, interpret, and respond to deprivation.
UPSC often asks sharp, layered questions on poverty-how it’s measured and how well welfare schemes work. The 2015 question on urban vs. rural poverty indicators is a case in point, demanding both data literacy and conceptual depth. Yet many aspirants miss key elements like PPP adjustments, demographic shifts, or the trade-offs behind India’s poverty story.
This article bridges that gap – linking older frameworks (Lakdawala, Tendulkar) with new benchmarks (World Bank’s $3/day line, MPI). Subheads like “India’s Outlier Status” and “Welfare Schemes May Need Updating” unpack why India’s poverty numbers look better—and why the full picture is more complex.
PYQ ANCHORING:
GS 2: Though there have been several different estimates of poverty in India, all indi cate reduction in poverty levels over time. Do you agree? Critically examine with reference to urban and rural poverty indicators. [2015]
MICROTHEMES: Poverty
Recently, the World Bank has announced a major revision to global poverty estimates, raising the International Poverty Line (IPL).
It raised the IPL from $2.15/day (2017 PPP) to $3.00/day (2021 PPP) (which at PPP-Exchange Rate for Indian Rupee in 2025 is Rs 20.6). Thus, it comes out to be Rs 62/day for India.
While the change led to a global increase in the count of extreme poverty by 125 million, India emerged as a statistical outlier in a positive direction. Based on this update, it is now stated that only 5.75% Indians live under extreme poverty (down from 27% in 2011-12).
About Poverty Line
A poverty line is a threshold of minimum income or consumption needed to meet basic necessities like food, shelter, and clothing.
Purpose: It serves to identify who is poor and helps in targeting welfare schemes and tracking poverty reduction over time.
Standards Used:
Absolute Poverty Line: Fixed benchmark (e.g., World Bank’s $1.90/day for extreme poverty).
Relative Poverty Line: Based on a population’s median income or living standards, reflecting social inclusion.
Importance:
Classifies individuals as poor or non-poor.
Informs policy decisions, resource allocation, and efforts toward poverty alleviation.
Source – Indian Express
India’s Outlier Status in Global Poverty Reduction
Reason
Explanation
Substantiation
Sustained Economic Growth
Despite COVID-19 setbacks, India has maintained a stable growth trajectory post-2015, which helped lift incomes and create jobs, especially in services and construction.
IMF estimates India’s GDP grew at 7.2% (FY23).
Large-Scale Welfare Schemes
Government schemes like free food (PMGKAY), LPG connections (Ujjwala), and rural jobs (MGNREGA) helped protect vulnerable groups.
PMGKAY provided free ration to ~80 crore people during COVID; MGNREGA offered 3.5 billion person-days in 2020-21.
Direct Benefit Transfers (DBT)
Technology-enabled transfers ensured subsidies reached the poor directly, reducing leakages and informal exclusion.
Over ₹28 lakh crore transferred through DBT since 2014 (as per govt data).
Declining Fertility and Demographic Shifts
Smaller family sizes mean fewer dependents and higher per capita consumption within households.
India’s Total Fertility Rate fell to 2.0 (NFHS-5).
Improved Access to Basic Services
Access to electricity, toilets, cooking fuel, housing, and bank accounts expanded significantly, reducing multidimensional poverty.
NITI Aayog’s MPI 2023: Multidimensional poverty halved between 2015-16 and 2019-21.
Revised PPP Exchange Rate
New 2021 PPP revisions increased the purchasing power of the Indian rupee, lowering the number of people under the $3.00/day threshold.
World Bank (2024): Revised PPP adjustment favoured India, unlike many African economies.
Impact of Revision on Poverty Perception and Policy Targeting in India
1. A Higher Poverty Line Shows Deeper Poverty: The new $3.00/day line raises the basic standard for survival.It brings into focus people who were above the old line but still struggle to meet daily needs.
2. More People May Need Help: Many who were earlier not counted as poor may now be seen as poor under the new line.This means more people may need to be included in government welfare programs.
3. India’s Progress Looks Better, But Challenges Remain: India now has only about 5.75% extreme poor under the new line, which shows progress.But this average hides regional and rural-urban gaps. Many areas still have deep poverty.
4. Welfare Schemes May Need Updating: Programs like MGNREGA, free food schemes, and cash transfers may need to expand.Focus should also be on people who are not extremely poor but still vulnerable to slipping into poverty.
5. Need to Shift Toward Universal Services: The higher poverty line supports the idea that healthcare, education, and social security should be available for all, not just for the poorest.
6. India Must Update Its Own Poverty Measures: India still uses old poverty estimates. New methods, including multidimensional poverty (like NITI Aayog’s index), should be used.This helps track not just income, but also access to basic needs like education, sanitation, and housing.
Importance of the Poverty Line
Measuring the Scale of Poverty: The poverty line provides a clear, quantifiable way to identify how many people are poor in India. This headcount is essential to understand the size of the problem and track who needs the most help.
Monitoring Progress Over Time: It acts as a benchmark to assess whether policies and development programs are making an impact. A fall in poverty numbers over time signals improvement in living conditions.
Targeting Welfare Schemes Effectively: Poverty line identification helps direct benefits to the right people. Many welfare schemes depend on Below Poverty Line (BPL) classification, including:
PDS: Ration cards for subsidized grains.
PMAY: Affordable housing in rural and urban areas.
MGNREGA: Although universal, poverty data helps identify the most vulnerable.
NSAP: Pensions for the elderly, widows, and disabled.
Ayushman Bharat: Health insurance for the poorest families.
Assessing Inclusiveness of Growth: If GDP is rising but poverty remains high, it shows that economic growth is not reaching the poor. The poverty line helps check if development is inclusive and equitable.
Fulfilling Constitutional Goals: While the Constitution doesn’t mention a poverty line directly, the Directive Principles of State Policy require the state to create a just and equitable society. Estimating poverty supports this objective.
Enabling Global Comparisons: Global poverty lines (like the World Bank’s $3.00/day PPP) help compare India’s performance with other countries, shaping global reputation and development policy.
Challenges with the Poverty Line in India
‘Basic Needs’: Defining minimum needs is subjective and evolves with time. A small change in the poverty line’s value can drastically change poverty numbers, making it politically sensitive.
Neglect of Non-Food Essentials: Early poverty lines focused mainly on food. Later, health and education were included (e.g., Tendulkar/Rangarajan), but the assumption that the state provides these services for free often doesn’t match ground realities.
Outdated Official Estimates: India hasn’t officially updated its poverty line since the 2011–12 Tendulkar estimates. The 2017–18 consumption survey was scrapped, and while new HCES data (2022–23) is available, poverty estimates based on it are still pending.
Uncertainty Over Actual Trends: Economists disagree over whether poverty has truly declined as much as recent data claims. Events like COVID-19, demonetisation, and stagnant rural wages suggest setbacks for the poor that may not reflect in outdated estimates.
Regional Variations: One uniform poverty line fails to reflect differences in living costs and service access across states or between rural and urban areas. A national line may oversimplify complex regional realities.
Way forward
1.Mandate for a Modern Basket: The government should immediately constitute a new expert committee, similar to the Tendulkar and Rangarajan committees, but with a broader and more contemporary mandate. This committee should define a “Poverty Line Basket” (PLB) that truly reflects the minimum requirements for a dignified life in 21st-century India. The committee should recommend a mechanism for periodic revision and updating of the poverty line (e.g., every 3-5 years) to account for inflation, changes in consumption patterns, and evolving societal standards.
2. Leverage the Latest HCES Data (2022-23): The HCES data should be fully utilized to derive poverty lines and estimates at state-specific, rural-urban, and potentially even sub-state levels, reflecting the vast economic and cost-of-living disparities across India.
3. Embrace a Multi-Tiered Approach to Poverty Measurement: India should move beyond the debate of a single poverty line. A multi-tiered framework would be more appropriate:
Extreme Poverty Line: Aligned with the World Bank’s international poverty lines (e.g., the revised $3.00/day PPP) for international comparisons and to track progress on SDG 1.
National Poverty Line: A domestically derived, consumption-based line reflecting the minimum for a dignified life. This could be akin to a “basic needs” poverty line.
Vulnerability Line/Near-Poor Line: A line slightly above the national poverty line to identify households that are not officially “poor” but are highly vulnerable to falling into poverty due to economic shocks (e.g., illness, job loss, climate events). This group also needs policy attention.
4. Strengthen Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI): The MPI should be officially recognized as a primary and complementary tool for poverty measurement, not a replacement for a consumption-based line. Use MPI to identify specific deprivations (e.g., sanitation, cooking fuel, education access) at granular levels (district, block) to design targeted, multi-sectoral interventions. Continuously improve the data sources and frequency for MPI calculation (e.g., by integrating HCES data with NFHS and other administrative data).
#BACK2BASICS: Tracking India’s Poverty
Various Approaches to Tracking Poverty
India and the world have used different methods to track poverty. Each method has strengths and limitations.
1. Consumption-based Poverty
What it is: Tracks how much people spend on food, housing, clothes, etc.
Used by: India’s official poverty estimates (like Tendulkar Committee, 2011-12).
Pros:
Better reflects long-term wellbeing, especially in informal economies like India’s.
More stable and less affected by income shocks.
Cons:
Requires detailed surveys, often delayed.
May underestimate urban poverty and non-food needs.
2. Income-based Poverty
What it is: Based on how much a person earns, usually per day or per month.
Used by: World Bank’s International Poverty Line ($2.15 or $3/day).
Pros:
Easy global comparison.
Can reflect short-term changes in wellbeing.
Cons:
Inaccurate in informal sectors where incomes are irregular or underreported.
May miss consumption from savings, credit, or in-kind transfers.
3. Multidimensional Poverty
What it is: Looks at poverty beyond income—includes access to education, health, sanitation, housing, and nutrition.
Used by: NITI Aayog’s MPI, UNDP’s Global MPI.
Pros:
Holistic. Shows how poor people are deprived in multiple areas.
Helps target specific policies (e.g. education in Bihar, sanitation in UP).
Cons:
Complex to calculate.
Needs regular, high-quality data.
Alagh Committee (1979)
Developed the poverty lines for rural and urban areas based on nutritional requirements (2400 kcal for rural, 2100 kcal for urban). These calorie norms were subsequently accepted by the Planning Commission.
Lakdawala Committee (1993)
Recommended using Consumer Price Index for Agricultural Labourers (CPI-AL) for rural areas and Consumer Price Index for Industrial Workers (CPI-IW) for urban areas to update state-specific poverty lines. It emphasized that poverty estimates should be based on consumption expenditure surveys conducted by the National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO).
Tendulkar Committee (2009)
It moved away from a solely calorie-based model and recommended a more comprehensive “Poverty Line Basket” that included private expenditure on health and education, in addition to food and other basic necessities. It also recommended a uniform poverty line basket across rural and urban areas, though with different monetary values. Based on its methodology, the Tendulkar Committee estimated the poverty line for 2011-12 at:₹816 per capita per month for rural areas (~₹27.2 per day)₹1,000 per capita per month for urban areas (~₹33.3 per day)Using this line, India’s poverty rate was estimated at 21.9% (25.7% rural, 13.7% urban), meaning approximately 26.93 crore people were below the poverty line.
Rangarajan Committee (2014)
Constituted to review the Tendulkar methodology, this committee proposed higher poverty lines, considering a slightly different consumption basket. Poverty Line:₹972 per capita per month for rural areas (~₹32.4 per day)₹1,407 per capita per month for urban areas (~₹46.9 per day)Based on these lines, the Rangarajan Committee estimated India’s poverty rate to be 29.5% for 2011-12, significantly higher than the Tendulkar Committee’s estimate. However, the Indian government did not officially adopt the Rangarajan Committee’s recommendations, meaning the Tendulkar Committee’s estimates (for 2011-12) remained the last official poverty figures for a long time.
World Bank
The World Bank’s current extreme poverty line is $2.15 per day (2017 PPP). Recently, the World Bank announced a revision to $3.00 per day (2021 PPP). At the 2025 PPP rate, this translates to roughly ₹62 per day for India. Using the World Bank’s updated line, about 5.75% of Indians live in extreme poverty as of 2025, a sharp decline from 27% in 2011–12.
NITI Aayog
National Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI): Unlike a purely income/consumption-based poverty line, the MPI measures poverty across multiple dimensions (health, education, and living standards) using 12 indicators (e.g., nutrition, schooling, cooking fuel, sanitation, electricity, housing, assets, bank accounts). NITI Aayog’s recent reports (based on NFHS data) show a significant reduction in multidimensional poverty in India:From 29.17% in 2013-14 to 11.28% in 2022-23, with approximately 24.82 crore people escaping multidimensional poverty in 9 years.Rural poverty showed a larger decline than urban poverty in this period.This provides a more holistic picture of deprivation beyond just monetary income.
SMASH MAINS MOCK DROP
While India has shown remarkable reduction in poverty as per global estimates, the outdated nature of domestic poverty lines hampers effective policy targeting.” Critically examine in light of recent revisions in the international poverty line and India’s welfare architecture.
India’s electricity sector faces a chronic mismatch between the cost of supply and the revenue collected, leaving distribution companies (DISCOMs) financially stressed. To bridge this gap, regulatory assets, unrecovered costs deferred for future recovery, have become common. The Supreme Court has now ordered DISCOMs and regulators to clear these within strict timelines and capped their creation, marking a crucial step towards financial discipline and consumer protection in the power sector.
Significance of the Supreme Court’s Directive
The Supreme Court directed State Electricity Regulatory Commissions (SERCs) and DISCOMs to clear existing regulatory assets within four years and any new ones within three years, while capping their creation at 3% of Annual Revenue Requirement (ARR). The Court also mandated transparent recovery roadmaps and intensive audits for non-compliant DISCOMs.The judgment is significant because it marks the first time the Supreme Court has set explicit timelines and caps for the liquidation of regulatory assets. With Delhi DISCOMs alone carrying regulatory assets worth over ₹58,000 crore, and Tamil Nadu reporting ₹89,375 crore in FY 2021-22, the scale of the problem is massive. The ruling highlights how the misuse of regulatory assets has become systemic, leading to debt accumulation, delayed payments to generators, and poor grid modernisation.
Understanding Regulatory Assets
Definition: Regulatory assets are deferred costs created when the Average Cost of Supply (ACS) is higher than the ARR, allowing DISCOMs to recover the gap later instead of burdening consumers immediately.
Example: If ACS = ₹7.20/unit and ARR = ₹7.00/unit, the shortfall of ₹0.20 per unit across 10 billion units leads to a revenue gap of ₹2,000 crore, which becomes a regulatory asset.
Consumer relief: Prevents immediate tariff shocks but leads to deferred steep tariff hikes later, often with interest.
Causes of the Average Cost of Supply (ACS)- Annual Revenue Requirement (ARR) Gap
Non-cost reflective tariffs: Tariffs often kept artificially low for political reasons.
Delayed subsidies: State governments fail to release subsidies for agriculture or low-income households on time, worsening DISCOM finances.
Historical evidence: Punjab’s 2004–05 case of ₹487 crore revenue gap set the precedent for regulatory assets in India.
Impact of regulatory assets on consumers and DISCOMs
Consumers:
Immediate stability in tariffs but eventual steeper hikes.
Example: Delhi DISCOMs must recover ₹16,580 crore annually in four years, implying an additional ₹5.5/unit on average.
DISCOMs:
Persistent cash flow crises as revenue doesn’t cover costs.
Forced to borrow → higher debt burden.
Limited capacity to modernise grids, integrate renewables, or improve services.
Creates a vicious cycle of financial and operational distress.
Regulatory Assets and Grid Modernisation
Yes: Large unrecovered costs reduce capital available for investment in infrastructure.
Renewable integration challenge: Financially weak DISCOMs are unable to invest in flexible grids or storage solutions.
Consumer service compromise: Lower quality of supply, billing inefficiencies, and lack of digital modernisation.
Way forward
Cost-reflective tariffs: Rationalise tariffs while shielding vulnerable consumers with targeted subsidies.
Timely subsidy release: State governments must ensure fiscal discipline.
Automatic fuel cost adjustments: Tariffs should respond dynamically to input cost fluctuations.
Annual true-up exercises: Prevent backlog accumulation by reconciling projections with actual costs.
Regulatory discipline: Enforce caps, transparency, and timelines to ensure regulatory assets remain exceptional, not structural.
Conclusion
The Supreme Court’s directive signals a turning point for India’s power sector. It underlines the urgent need for financial discipline, timely subsidies, and transparent tariff setting. If implemented well, this move could break the cycle of deferred costs and inefficiencies, ensuring that electricity supply remains both affordable for consumers and financially viable for utilities. For policymakers, it serves as a reminder that delaying reforms through regulatory tools only compounds systemic risks.
Value Addition
Importance of DISCOMs in India’s Power Sector
DISCOMs are the last-mile link in the electricity chain, responsible for delivering power to households, industries, and agriculture.
Their financial health directly impacts energy access, affordability, and quality of supply.
Current Financial Stress
AT&C Losses: Aggregate Technical & Commercial losses remain high at ~16–20% (against a target of 12–15%).
Revenue Gap: ACS > ARR leads to losses per unit supplied.
Debt Burden: Many DISCOMs rely on borrowing to bridge gaps, adding to systemic financial stress.
Key Causes of DISCOM Distress
Non-cost reflective tariffs: Political pressure keeps tariffs lower than actual supply cost.
Delayed subsidies: State governments often delay releasing agricultural/poor household subsidies.
Cross-subsidisation: Industrial and commercial consumers are charged higher rates to subsidise other sectors, affecting competitiveness.
UDAY (2015): Transferred debt to State governments, targeted efficiency improvements.
Revamped Distribution Sector Scheme (RDSS) (2021): RDSS, focuses on smart meters, loss reduction, and IT-based monitoring.
Electricity Amendment Bill (2022) (proposed): Aims to promote competition, allow multiple distributors in the same area, and reduce monopolies.
DISCOMs and Energy Transition
Financially weak DISCOMs struggle to integrate renewable energy and invest in smart grids, storage, and modernisation.
This hampers India’s 2030 renewable energy targets (500 GW capacity, 50% non-fossil share).
Global Comparisons
Many countries (e.g., UK, Germany) have cost-reflective tariff mechanisms and automatic adjustment clauses to prevent accumulation of arrears.
India’s reliance on regulatory assets is unusual, reflecting deeper political economy challenges.
PYQ Relevance
[UPSC 2021] “Access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy is the sine qua non to achieve Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).’’ Comment on the progress made in India in this regard.
Linkage: The Supreme Court’s directive on regulatory assets directly ties to SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) by addressing the financial distress of DISCOMs, which undermines both affordability for consumers and sustainability for utilities. India has expanded electricity access impressively, but the persistence of unrecovered costs, delayed subsidies, and non-cost-reflective tariffs highlight the fragility of the system. The judgment pushes for financial discipline, timely subsidy release, and transparent tariff recovery, ensuring that progress towards universal, reliable, and modern energy access is not compromised by systemic inefficiencies.
India’s foreign policy has historically oscillated between balancing great power politics and safeguarding its strategic autonomy. The 2025 SCO Summit in China witnessed a landmark moment: Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first bilateral engagement with Chinese President Xi Jinping since the 2020 military standoff. The visit not only revived dormant dialogues but also underscored India’s shifting posture in a multipolar world marked by U.S. sanctions, instability in West Asia, and contestations within Eurasia.
Significance of Indian Prime Minister’s Visit to China
Seven-year gap: PM Modi had not travelled to China since 2017, making this a major diplomatic breakthrough.
First bilateral since standoff: Meeting with Xi Jinping was the first since the 2020 military confrontation along the LAC.
Three-year SCO absence: Modi’s return to SCO after three years shows India’s willingness to re-engage with a grouping seen as anti-Western.
Optics of bonhomie: Images with Xi and Putin evoked memories of the inactive Russia-India-China trilateral, signalling recalibration.
Revival of India-China Bilateral Engagement
Troop disengagement: Both leaders endorsed the normalisation process initiated in October 2024.
Boundary resolution: Agreed to fast-track talks between Special Representatives.
Connectivity revival: Resumption of direct flights and visa facilitation announced.
Economic ties: Leaders stressed on building trade relations to stabilise world commerce.
Mutual trust rhetoric: Modi stressed ties based on “mutual trust, respect and sensitivity”, while Xi used the metaphor of “Dragon and Elephant” coming together.
External Drivers of India’s Foreign Policy Recalibration
U.S. tariffs and sanctions: American restrictions and mistrust of the Trump administration nudged India to diversify partnerships.
Strategic compulsion: India managed to side-step concerns like China’s support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor, UNSC/NSG opposition, and shielding of terrorists.
Multipolar optics: India’s engagement at SCO signals balancing between West and Eurasia.
Key Outcomes of the 2025 SCO Summit
Tianjin declaration: Strong language against cross-border terrorism, including condemnation of the Pahalgam attack (India) and Balochistan attacks (Pakistan).
West Asian crisis: SCO united on humanitarian crisis in Gaza and condemned U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran.
China’s push: Xi proposed an SCO Development Bank.
India’s push: Modi proposed a Civilisational Dialogue among SCO members.
India’s reservation: Continued opposition to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) paragraph.
Missed Diplomatic Opportunities at the Summit
Skipped SCO Plus: Indian Prime Minister did not attend the extended “SCO Plus” Summit, limiting engagement with neighbourhood and Global South leaders.
Regional bonding gap: While optics were strong, substantive regional outreach was diluted.
Conclusion
The SCO Summit underscored India’s willingness to recalibrate its foreign policy in a changing world order. Modi’s visit after years of distance marked a thaw with China, greater Eurasian engagement, and assertion of India’s independent foreign policy despite U.S. pressures. However, missed opportunities in broader outreach and unresolved trust deficits with China remain cautionary notes.
Value Addition
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)
Historical Background
Successor to: SCO is the successor to the Shanghai Five, formed in 1996 between China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan.
Formation: Established in 2001 in Shanghai by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan.
Expansion: India and Pakistan joined as full members in 2017; Iran became a member in 2023.
Observers & Dialogue Partners: Afghanistan, Belarus, Mongolia, and others engage as observers; several countries (e.g., Turkey, Sri Lanka) are dialogue partners.
Strategic Importance of SCO for India
Geopolitical Balancing: Provides a platform to engage with China and Russia while maintaining ties with the West (Quad, U.S.).
Regional Security: Key forum for counter-terrorism cooperation, especially in light of cross-border terrorism and instability in Afghanistan.
Eurasian Connectivity: Enhances India’s presence in Central Asia, a region rich in energy resources.
Multipolar World Order: Strengthens India’s narrative of strategic autonomy and non-alignment in new form.
Key SCO Mechanisms
Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS): Headquartered in Tashkent, focuses on counter-terrorism intelligence sharing.
Economic Cooperation: Proposals for SCO Development Bank, regional trade, and connectivity projects (though India resists BRI-linked initiatives).
Cultural and Civilisational Dialogues: Shared platforms for people-to-people exchanges, education, and cultural diplomacy.
India’s Challenges within SCO
China Factor: Difficult to expand cooperation given border disputes and China’s Pakistan tilt.
Pakistan Factor: Its membership often leads to diplomatic blockages on issues like terrorism.
BRI Opposition: India consistently refuses to endorse the Belt and Road Initiative, creating friction.
Russia-China Axis: Russia’s growing dependence on China may dilute India’s influence in the bloc.
Contemporary Relevance
Energy and Trade: Central Asia is crucial for energy diversification; SCO provides a gateway.
Geopolitical Flux: With U.S.-China rivalry and West Asia instability, SCO’s role in Eurasian stability gains importance.
Soft Power Opportunity: India uses SCO to promote civilisational dialogue, yoga, Ayurveda, and cultural diplomacy.
PYQ Relevance
[UPSC 2021] Critically examine the aims and objectives of SCO. What importance does it hold for India?
Linkage: The article directly illustrates the objectives of SCO—counter-terrorism (Tianjin declaration), multipolarity, and Eurasian stability. It highlights India’s balancing act—reviving ties with China, opposing BRI, and pushing for civilisational dialogue. Thus, the SCO Summit outcomes reflect both the scope and constraints of SCO’s importance for India in strategic, economic, and security domains.
Raman Research Institute (RRI) has devised the Probing ReionizATion of the Universe using Signal from Hydrogen (PRATUSH) Telescope to study the “Cosmic Dawn” by detecting radio signals from neutral hydrogen gas.
About the PRATUSH Mission:
Developer: Designed by the Raman Research Institute (RRI), Bengaluru, an autonomous institute under the Department of Science and Technology (DST).
Main Goal: To study the Cosmic Dawn – the period when the first stars and galaxies formed – by detecting the faint 21-cm radio signal from neutral hydrogen.
Why from the Moon? On Earth, these signals get lost due to radio noise (like FM signals) and atmospheric distortions. The lunar far side is the quietest place in the inner Solar System for radio astronomy, making it the best site.
Scientific Importance: Will help scientists understand how the first stars heated and ionized hydrogen gas, how the early Universe changed, and may even give clues about dark matter and fundamental physics.
Key Features:
Compact Design: Small, lightweight, low-power, and cost-effective – in line with the global trend of miniaturized space instruments.
Digital Receiver System:
Uses a single-board computer (like Raspberry Pi prototype).
Equipped with FPGA (Field Programmable Gate Array) for high-speed radio data processing.
How it Works:
Antenna collects faint hydrogen signals.
Analog receiver amplifies them.
Digital receiver + FPGA convert them into detailed spectral fingerprints of sky brightness.
Test Results: Lab trials (352 hours) showed extremely low noise (few millikelvins), proving it can detect faint cosmic signals.
SWaP Advantage: Optimized for Size, Weight, and Power (SWaP), making it highly suitable for space deployment.
[UPSC 2010] In the context of space technology, what is Bhuvan, recently in the news?
Options:
(a) A mini satellite launched by ISRO for promoting the distance education in India
(b) The name given to the next Moon Impact Probe, for Chandrayaan-II
(c) A geoportal of ISRO with 3D imaging capabilities of India *
A recent controversy arose in Kerala, where the Governor (ex-officio Chancellor of State Universities) urged the Supreme Court to exclude the Chief Minister from the process of selecting Vice-Chancellors (VCs).
Who is the Vice-Chancellor?
Position: Serves as Principal Academic and Executive Officer of the university.
Functions: Bridges executive and academic wings; ensures compliance with Acts, Statutes, and Regulations.
Authority: Chairs key bodies such as the Executive Council, Academic Council, Finance Committee, and Selection Committees.
