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Subject: “Digital Payments,Digital Infrastructure”

  • Inclusive and trusted intelligent finance pitched at Global Fintech Festival 2026

    Why in News

    The Ministry of Communications set out India’s digital finance record at the Global Fintech Festival 2026 in Mumbai.

    Core facts

    1. Guiding frame: Finance must become inclusive before it becomes intelligent. Connectivity, compute and trust are named the new digital trinity.
    2. Internet access: It expanded from 25 crore users to 100 crore users over a decade.
    3. Broadband access: It grew from 6 crore to 103 crore, a 16 fold rise in ten years. About 6.5 lakh villages now join the digital economy.
    4. 5G rollout: The fifth generation (5G) network covers 99.9% of districts and 85% of the population within 26 months of its 2022 launch. It runs on over 5 lakh base stations with ₹4.5 lakh crore capital expenditure.
    5. Data price: Data costs about 10 cents per gigabyte. India is stated as the world’s most affordable data market.
    6. Unified Payments Interface (UPI): UPI is a real time retail payment system linking bank accounts for instant transfers. It processed 24,162 crore transactions worth ₹314 lakh crore in the 2025 to 2026 financial year. It forms 84% of domestic digital transactions and 49% of global real time payment volumes.
    7. UPI abroad: It is live in nine countries at no cost. Expansion to 20 more nations is planned.
    8. Financial inclusion base: 60 crore Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY) accounts are open. 9 billion documents sit on DigiLocker, the government’s digital document wallet.
    9. Rural coverage: Under Digital Bharat Nidhi, 22,000 towers are being placed across 34,000 villages without telecom links.
    10. Fraud tools: Sanchar Saathi blocks suspicious connections and stolen devices. ASTR, an Artificial Intelligence (AI) tool, cut 88 lakh suspicious mobile connections. The Financial Fraud Risk Indicator blocks fraudulent transfers before withdrawal.
    11. Stated vision: A Trust Grid would integrate telecom, digital identity, UPI and financial systems. The 6G mission targets 10% of global patents.

    Static Context

    1. UPI is operated by the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI). NPCI is an umbrella body for retail payments set up in 2008 under the guidance of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and the Indian Banks’ Association.
    2. Digital Bharat Nidhi is the successor to the Universal Service Obligation Fund (USOF). It was renamed under the Telecommunications Act, 2023. It funds telecom access in commercially unviable rural and remote areas.
    3. PMJDY launched in 2014 as the national financial inclusion mission. It provides basic savings accounts, RuPay cards and overdraft access.
    4. DigiLocker operates under the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology. It issues and stores verified documents linked to Aadhaar.

    Prelims angle

    UPI versus Central Bank Digital Currency (Digital Rupee) distinctions; the operator of UPI is NPCI, not RBI; Digital Bharat Nidhi sits under the Telecommunications Act, 2023 and replaces the USOF; PMJDY launch year 2014; Sanchar Saathi as the fraud reporting platform.

    Mains angle

    GS Paper 3, Indian economy and inclusive growth. The digital public infrastructure stack can frame a question on how far technology driven financial inclusion closes welfare and credit gaps.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2026] Which one of the following statements about Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and Central Bank Digital Currency (Digital Rupee) is NOT correct?
    (a) UPI is a real-time payment system but Digital Rupee is akin to sovereign paper currency
    (b) In case of UPI, settlement for end users happens instantly; in case of Digital Rupee, wallet balance gets transferred to another wallet (no traditional settlement)
    (c) UPI transactions are recorded by banks and reflected in bank statements; in case of Digital Rupee, no data is captured in bank statements
    (d) In both the cases (UPI and Digital Rupee), the liability lies with the users and their respective banks
    Answer: (d)”

    “[2023, GS3, 10 marks] What is the status of digitalization in the Indian economy? Examine the problems faced in this regard and suggest improvements.”

  • Why is BRICS exploring cross-border payments?

    Why in the News

    The 18th BRICS summit in New Delhi, with India as Chair, is expected to push for mechanisms to settle payments between members, including links between national digital payment systems and central bank digital currencies (CBDCs), which are digital versions of a national currency issued by its central bank. Finance ministry and central bank representatives from member countries met at Jaipur on August 12-13 to discuss financial cooperation, payments and the wider use of national currencies in settling trade between members. The push follows a 2024 BRICS report under Russia’s chairmanship, which argued that this part of the financial system is monopolised by a single institution and that the monopoly raises transaction costs. India has framed its own proposal as a way of cutting costs and speeding settlement rather than as a move away from the dollar. The tension is that every workable alternative needs a critical mass of banks and regulators to join before it saves anyone money, and the members most eager to build one are the members others are most wary of joining.

    How does a cross-border payment move today?

    1. The chain of correspondents: Money does not travel directly between the buyer’s bank and the seller’s bank. It moves through a series of correspondent banks that hold accounts with each other. Eg. An importer in Cape Town paying an exporter in Chennai is routed through a larger international bank typically headquartered in London or New York.
    2. The dollar as a vehicle: Very few banks hold both rupees and rand, so the payment is converted from rand to dollars and then from dollars to rupees, with no American party to the trade.
    3. Messaging is separate from settlement: The instructions travel over SWIFT, the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication, a Belgium-based cooperative overseen by the National Bank of Belgium along with the G-10 central banks including the U.S. Federal Reserve. It carries payment instructions; the money is settled separately.
    4. Why the network is hard to displace: SWIFT is used directly by more than 11,000 institutions in over 200 countries, and smaller banks reach it indirectly through larger member banks.

    What does the chain cost?

    1. Foreign exchange margins are paid twice: Every intermediary charges a fee, and the two currency conversions mean the exchange margin is taken on both legs.
    2. The measured margins: A 2019 BRICS survey of cross-border payment systems conducted by Brazil found Brazilian respondents reporting foreign exchange margins of 2.5 per cent, rising to 8.5 per cent for payments into Africa and in some cases as high as 20 per cent.
    3. The network has thinned: The Bank for International Settlements (BIS) found active correspondent banking relationships fell by 20 per cent between 2011 and 2018, with regional declines ranging from 12 per cent to 30 per cent and Latin America worst affected. The reasons were largely commercial, since payment volumes kept growing through the same period.
    4. Speed is no longer the binding problem: SWIFT states that its Global Payments Innovation service has cut transaction times substantially, and the remaining delays are structural rather than a function of chain length.

    Why does BRICS want to change this system?

    1. Exposure to other countries’ monetary policy: Settling in a handful of dominant currencies, the U.S. dollar, the euro and the Japanese yen, exposes developing economies to policy decisions taken by the issuing countries.
    2. The stated cost argument: The 2024 BRICS report held that concentration of the messaging layer in one institution raises what every participant pays to transact.
    3. Sanctions are the sharpest driver and the sharpest deterrent: Several Russian banks were cut off from SWIFT in 2022 following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Sanctions-hit Russia has pushed hardest for an alternative, and that is also the reason other members are wary of joining one.
    4. The adoption problem: An alternative rail is useful only once a large number of banks and regulators have joined it, and a bank that uses one to deal with sanctioned entities risks sanctions itself.

    What alternatives are on the table?

    1. Bilateral linkage of national systems: Two countries can connect their domestic payment systems directly, avoiding correspondent banks and dollar conversion. Eg. India and Singapore have linked the Unified Payments Interface with PayNow for remittances. Building such links pair by pair does not scale.
    2. A shared hub: Project Nexus, designed by the BIS and handed to a company set up by six central banks including the Reserve Bank of India, lets each country join one connection rather than many. It goes live only in 2027 and is not a BRICS initiative.
    3. CBDC settlement on a common platform: Central banks issue digital versions of their currencies for use between banks, a settlement asset distinct from the retail digital rupee held by individuals, and exchange them on one platform. Both legs of a currency swap occur at the same instant or not at all, which removes the risk of paying out before the other side pays and cuts the capital banks must set aside.
    4. The one platform running today: mBridge, built by the BIS with the central banks of China, Thailand, Hong Kong and the UAE, was handed to its participants when the BIS left in October 2024. Over 95 per cent of its settlement volume is in China’s digital yuan, according to People’s Bank of China figures.
    5. The BRICS-specific proposal: The Kazan declaration of 2024 agreed to discuss and study the feasibility of an independent settlement system called BRICS Clear. The Rio declaration the following year did not mention it.

    What is India’s position?

    1. The proposal: India has proposed that members link their CBDCs for trade and tourism payments, extending the linkage idea from retail systems to central bank money.
    2. The framing is deliberate: Indian officials have consistently presented the payment systems as a means of cutting transaction costs and speeding settlement, not as an initiative to displace the dollar.
    3. Other members have gone further: Russian proposals, and those of some Brazilian economists, have moved towards alternative financial systems explicitly aimed at reducing dependence on the dollar.
    4. The reason for the caution: In November 2024 the U.S. President threatened 100 per cent tariffs on BRICS countries that moved away from the dollar, and a further 10 per cent on countries aligning with vaguely defined anti-American BRICS policies. The threats were not carried out.

    Challenges to a linked BRICS payment system

    1. Domestic rails are not built alike: Member systems differ in message formats, operating hours and rules on when a payment becomes final, so linking them forces each participant to change domestic infrastructure. Eg. The Unified Payments Interface settles instantly and around the clock. Several member country systems settle in batches on business days only.
      The Fix: Require every participant to migrate to the ISO 20022 messaging standard and extend operating windows so linked systems overlap for a common settlement period.
    2. Most member currency pairs have no liquid market: Settling directly in national currencies needs someone willing to hold and convert the receiving currency, which does not exist for most BRICS pairs. Eg. Indian exporters accumulated rupee balances in special vostro accounts under the rupee trade settlement mechanism that counterparties could not readily deploy.
      The Fix: Establish central bank swap lines and designated market makers for the main pairs, so balances can be converted rather than parked.
    3. One platform needs one rulebook: Customer verification, anti money laundering standards and dispute resolution differ across members, and a shared platform cannot function on several standards at once. Eg. Financial Action Task Force grey listing constrains banks anywhere from dealing with counterparties in a flagged jurisdiction.
      The Fix: Agree a common rulebook and a named dispute resolution seat before the platform carries live value rather than after.
    4. CBDC readiness is uneven across members: A linkage of central bank digital currencies cannot include a member whose currency has not reached production. Eg. India’s wholesale and retail digital rupee pilots began in 2022 and remain pilots.
      The Fix: Sequence the linkage in waves, beginning with members whose wholesale CBDC is already in live operation.

    Conclusion

    The grouping has no shortage of proposals and a shortage of commitment. Every model on the table asks members to surrender something domestically, either control over settlement or their own infrastructure standards, before any of them saves a rupee. The declarations so far have moved in the opposite direction, agreeing to study a settlement system in one year and passing over it the next. The New Delhi summit is where the members either name one model and a date for it or repeat the study language a third time.

    Back2Basics: Bank for International Settlements

    1. Established in 1930 and headquartered at Basel, Switzerland, it is the oldest international financial institution.
    2. It is owned by 63 member central banks, including the Reserve Bank of India, and functions as a bank for central banks rather than for governments or individuals.
    3. It hosts the committees that set global financial standards, including the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision.
    4. Its Innovation Hub builds payment and settlement prototypes and hands them over to participating central banks, which is how both mBridge and Project Nexus were created.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “With reference to the Central Bank digital currencies, consider the following statements: 1. It is possible to make payments in a digital currency without using US dollar or SWIFT system. 2. A digital currency can be distributed with a condition programmed into it such as time-frame for spending it. Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2”

  • A.P. to become third subsea hub on data centre buildout

    A.P. to become third subsea hub on data centre buildout

    Why in the News

    Technology majors Microsoft and Google are building new subsea cable landing stations on the coast of Andhra Pradesh as part of an artificial intelligence linked data centre buildout in the State. Microsoft is part of a consortium with Lightstorm and the Singaporean telecom operator Singtel to land the 3,600 kilometre India Southeast Asia Submarine Cable System, while Google’s globe spanning America India Connect system will land at Visakhapatnam, where the company’s own data centre complex is coming up. Once complete, the buildout will give India, after Mumbai and Chennai, a third digital international gateway, even as a global shortage of fibre threatens to slow the inland network these projects still need.

    What is a subsea cable landing station?

    1. Definition: A subsea cable landing station is the facility where an undersea fibre optic cable comes ashore and connects to a country’s terrestrial network, carrying the bulk of international internet traffic.
    2. Global reliance: The overwhelming majority of the world’s international data traffic travels through such undersea cable systems rather than satellites, making landing stations critical infrastructure.
    3. India’s current concentration: India’s existing landing stations are concentrated in Mumbai and Chennai, leaving the country reliant on a small number of routes.

    What new cable infrastructure is being built off Andhra Pradesh’s coast?

    1. Microsoft’s consortium project: Microsoft, alongside Lightstorm and Singtel, is landing the 3,600 kilometre India Southeast Asia Submarine Cable System, expected to be ready for service in the fourth quarter of 2029.
    2. Google’s own system: Google’s America India Connect system will land at Visakhapatnam, alongside the data centre complex the company is building there as part of what a Google executive described as an artificial intelligence hub.

    What does this make Visakhapatnam?

    1. India’s third gateway: After Mumbai and Chennai, Visakhapatnam becomes India’s third digital international subsea gateway, connecting the country directly with Southeast Asia, Australia and the Middle East.
    2. A new corridor: Lightstorm’s chief executive has described the India Southeast Asia system, which also connects to Chennai, as providing a fresh corridor to South Asia from Singapore and Malaysia.

    Why are companies building on the east coast now?

    1. Ageing existing infrastructure: Most cables currently connecting India’s east coast are old, are already filled to capacity and are approaching the end of their working life.
    2. A search for resilience: Companies are also seeking to reduce the risk of relying on a single route by adding cables on India’s east coast, citing instability in West Asia as a reason to build in an alternate location.

    What inland infrastructure does this buildout require?

    1. A nationwide undertaking: Both projects require installing and lighting thousands of kilometres of new terrestrial fibre linking the coast to major cities, a scale one company executive described as spanning the entire country.
    2. A dedicated corridor: Lightstorm is expected to build a terrestrial corridor connecting Machilipatnam to Mumbai and Hyderabad, and Chennai to Hyderabad and Mumbai, with matching bandwidth.
    3. A global fibre shortage: Fibre, its components and its raw material are in short supply worldwide, including from Indian manufacturers, a constraint industry executives describe as unprecedented in over a decade.

    What will Google’s Visakhapatnam facility do?

    1. Focused on inference: The facility will focus on inference work rather than power intensive training runs, serving domestic enterprises and government agencies given the deep adoption of artificial intelligence across government service delivery.
    2. Power and water choices: Google is seeking to source as much renewable power for the project as possible and is using air cooling technology to minimise water use.

    Challenges to the subsea cable buildout

    1. A global fibre shortage: A worldwide shortage of fibre and its raw material, unprecedented in over a decade, could delay the inland network these projects still need. Eg. Industry executives report that fibre is out of stock across the globe, including from Indian manufacturers. Fix. Expand domestic fibre manufacturing capacity through targeted incentives so the inland rollout is not held back by global supply constraints.
    2. Physical vulnerability of undersea cables: Undersea cables remain exposed to accidental damage from fishing and anchoring activity and to disruption in contested waters. Eg. India’s existing east coast cables are already ageing and running close to capacity, leaving few redundant routes today. Fix. Build multiple, geographically separated landing points and routes, as the new Visakhapatnam gateway is itself intended to do, so a single cable fault cannot isolate India’s connectivity.
    3. Concentration of ownership with foreign firms: The new cable systems and the data centres they serve are being built and operated by foreign technology majors, so India’s expanding gateway capacity depends on the investment decisions of a small number of firms. Eg. Both the India Southeast Asia system and the America India Connect system are anchored by Microsoft and Google respectively rather than Indian carriers. Fix. Encourage Indian telecom operators to invest jointly in landing station capacity so gateway control is not concentrated entirely with foreign firms.

    Conclusion

    Andhra Pradesh’s coastline is emerging as India’s third major digital gateway, as Microsoft and Google build new subsea cable systems into Visakhapatnam alongside the data centres driving the region’s artificial intelligence buildout. Delivering on that promise depends on inland fibre rollout keeping pace despite a global supply crunch, and on India diversifying its cable landing points and ownership so its expanding digital infrastructure does not remain concentrated in a handful of ageing routes and foreign owned systems.

    [2023] “What is the status of digitalization in the Indian economy? Examine the problems faced in this regard and suggest improvements.”

  • Fair pricing could help sustain UPI network

    Fair pricing could help sustain UPI network

    Why in the News

    The op-ed, by a NITI Aayog consultant, argues that the zero-Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) regime underpinning Unified Payments Interface (UPI)‘s free-to-use model is financially unsustainable, and proposes a differentiated pricing structure as the Department of Financial Services examines whether to restore MDR for high-threshold transactions or merchants. The piece is pegged to a Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance report tabled this month, which cited an industry estimate of about Rs 20,700 crore in annual UPI operating costs against a Rs 2,000 crore government allocation under the zero-MDR regime.

    What is the fiscal problem with UPI’s current pricing model, and what does the op-ed propose?

    1. The cost-subsidy gap is large and quantified: The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance’s report cited industry estimates of roughly Rs 20,700 crore in annual UPI operating costs, against a government allocation of only Rs 2,000 crore under the zero-MDR regime, with banks and payment companies absorbing the balance.
    2. Two restructuring options are formally under examination: The Department of Financial Services is examining restoring MDR for certain high-threshold transactions or merchants, and separately, phasing out government support through a tiered incentive structure.
    3. The op-ed’s proposed principle is differentiated, not uniform, pricing: It argues for keeping UPI free for consumers and small merchants while allowing a capped MDR for larger commercial users and higher-value transactions, on the basis that a uniform rate would be negligible for a large retailer but consequential for a street vendor.
    4. The author’s own research links merchant ecosystem formalisation to UPI adoption: Citing research with Sharon Buteau, the op-ed states that more formalised merchant ecosystems are associated with higher UPI use, and that MDR design should be calibrated to where acceptance networks are still developing rather than applied uniformly.
    5. Aggregated payment data is proposed as a second, non-MDR revenue and policy tool: The op-ed cites PhonePe’s PulsePro and a recent MoU with the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY) to integrate UPI transaction metrics into PM GatiShakti for infrastructure and economic planning, arguing that privacy-safe aggregated payment signals have public value independent of any pricing decision.

    Conclusion

    The op-ed’s position is that UPI’s zero-MDR model has reached a fiscal limit documented by Parliament’s own Standing Committee, and that a threshold-based, differentiated MDR, protecting small merchants and consumers while pricing larger commercial transactions, is a more sustainable path than either continuing an unfunded subsidy or imposing a uniform fee that would slow onboarding in less-formalised markets.

    Back2Basics

    1. Merchant Discount Rate (MDR): The fee a merchant pays to their bank or payment service provider for accepting digital payments, historically waived to zero on UPI and RuPay debit card transactions in India since January 2020 to encourage adoption.
    2. Unified Payments Interface (UPI): A real-time payment system developed by the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) that enables instant interbank transactions through a single mobile application.

    “[2023, GS3, 10 marks] What is the status of digitalization in the Indian economy? Examine the problems faced in this regard and suggest improvements.”

  • Keep UPI free. Fund it from the savings it generates

    Why in the News

    Parliament has passed the Taxation and Other Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026, rewriting Section 10A of the Payment and Settlement Systems Act, 2007. That section barred any charge on Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and RuPay transactions. The amendment replaces the bar with an enabling provision, letting the government notify in future which payment modes may carry a charge. No charge is imposed today. The tension is that the cost of running UPI is real and the state’s compensating outlay is shrinking. The only fee instrument available for recovering that cost would be levied on the smallest transactions in the economy.

    What is the Merchant Discount Rate?

    1. Definition: The Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) is the percentage of a transaction value that a merchant pays for accepting a digital payment, deducted before the money reaches the merchant’s account.
    2. Card world origin: It is an inheritance from card payments, with the card issuer, the acquiring bank and the network each taking a slice. A physical card, a terminal and credit default risk give the fee something real to recover.

    What has the amendment to Section 10A actually changed?

    1. From prohibition to permission: A statutory bar on charging has been converted into a discretionary power to allow charging on notified modes.
    2. The trigger moves to the executive: Imposing a charge no longer needs Parliament, only a notification.
    3. The status quo is unchanged today: No charge has been imposed on any mode as of the amendment.
    4. Why it still matters: A right protected by statute and a right held at executive discretion are different guarantees for a merchant deciding whether to accept digital payment.

    What has UPI become?

    1. Volume and value: In 2025-26 UPI carried over 24,000 crore transactions, roughly 66 crore a day, worth about ₹314 lakh crore.
    2. Share: It accounts for some 85 per cent of India’s digital retail payments and nearly half of the world’s real time payments.
    3. Ticket size: The average transaction is about ₹1,300, and 86 per cent of merchant payments are below ₹500.
    4. Who transacts: Payments at that size are made to the vegetable seller, the auto driver and the kirana shop, so a charge is a levy on the smallest transactions of the poorest rather than on commerce in the abstract.
    5. What was achieved: No other country has made real time digital payment free, instant and universal, and the transition pulled hundreds of millions of Indians into the formal economy.

    Why is UPI treated as public infrastructure rather than a company’s product?

    1. Most used digital public good: After Aadhaar gave every Indian a digital identity, UPI is the most visible piece of digital public infrastructure, and the citizen reaches for it many times a day rather than once.
    2. A protocol, not a platform: It is an open, protocol based public good, a shared language for money instead of any single firm’s product.
    3. What the protocol did to banking: Before UPI each bank ran its own closed application. UPI asked banks only to open their programming interfaces to a shared protocol, so any application can move money between any two accounts at any two banks.
    4. External validation: The model is being studied and adopted by other countries.

    Why is the Merchant Discount Rate the wrong instrument for UPI?

    1. The recoverable costs do not exist: The point of sale machine is the customer’s own phone, running on data he has already paid for. There is no card, no terminal, no credit risk, and settlement is instant.
    2. The work done test: Telecom interconnection regulation pays a network only for the work it actually performs, and the same test applies to a payment rail.
    3. The work actually performed: When A pays B, A’s bank makes a debit entry, the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) issues a settlement instruction, and B’s bank makes a credit entry. No cash moves at any point.
    4. What that work costs: NPCI runs the entire switch for about ₹500 crore a year, which is some two paise a transaction.

    The funding gap is real even where the fee is wrong

    1. Providers earn nothing directly: Banks and payment providers bear real costs, and under zero MDR they receive nothing from a UPI transaction itself.
    2. The bridge is being withdrawn: The government has covered the gap with an incentive, and the outlay is projected to fall to about ₹437 crore from about ₹3,631 crore two years ago.
    3. Traffic is moving the other way: The volume the incentive supports is multiplying and the incentive itself is shrinking. The shortfall widens each year without any policy decision being taken.

    Who actually captures the savings digitisation creates?

    1. Currency printing: The Reserve Bank spends some ₹5,000 crore to ₹6,400 crore a year merely printing currency notes, which is more than the government spends keeping UPI free, before storage and movement of cash is counted.
    2. Channel cost at the bank: A counter transaction costs a bank ₹40 to ₹50 and an automated teller machine (ATM) withdrawal costs ₹19 in interchange alone. A UPI transaction costs a small fraction of either.
    3. The float: By making an account as usable as cash, UPI keeps money in accounts rather than idle in pockets, and that low cost float is what banks earn a spread on and lend against.
    4. The mismatch: The beneficiary of digitisation is the state and the bank, and the party a merchant fee would tax is the merchant, so the instrument does not follow the benefit.

    What would a Merchant Discount Rate cost the transition?

    1. Price sensitivity: India is intensely price sensitive, and a digital payment costing even a rupee more than cash sends many users back to cash.
    2. Pass through at the counter: A merchant charged MDR passes it on as a stated surcharge for digital, or refuses digital payment altogether.
    3. Scale of the extraction: Even 0.3 per cent on merchant payments would take some ₹27,000 crore a year out of a thin margin retail economy.
    4. Reversal risk: Telling a hundred crore users that what was always free now costs money is the surest way to slow, and even reverse, a transition still forming, collecting a little and losing a great deal.
    5. A large merchant carve out will not hold: Confining the charge to large merchants offers no lasting protection, because thresholds slip and definitions widen.

    What funding model could cover the cost without charging the user?

    1. Return a share of the savings: The state, as steward of the public good and no longer obliged to print and move the cash UPI displaces, should return a small, defined share of its savings to those who run the rails.
    2. Formula, not discretion: The support should be transparent and formula based, funded specifically from savings in currency management.
    3. Not a subsidy: It is payment for value delivered, on the same principle by which the state pays a transmission company to carry electricity.
    4. The price stays off the citizen: The design keeps the charge out of sight of the user, so no price tag ever appears in front of the person paying.

    Challenges to keeping UPI free

    1. The support is a Budget line, not an entitlement: An annual allocation can be cut without any change in law, so the guarantee is only as durable as one fiscal year. Eg. The incentive allocation has been cut sharply across two consecutive Budgets. Fix. Convert the support into a formula linked to measured currency management savings, so the amount tracks the service rather than the fiscal cycle.
    2. Two applications carry most of the volume: Concentration lets a handful of private applications set the terms of access for banks and merchants. Eg. Two private applications account for roughly 80 per cent of UPI volume, and the market share cap on them has been deferred repeatedly. Fix. Fund interoperable merchant acquisition through smaller banks and the Bharat Interface for Money application to widen the base.
    3. Charged rails already run beside the free ones: Credit products routed over the same interface carry a fee, so the free character of the system is already partial. Eg. From June 2026 a merchant discount rate applies to large value RuPay credit on UPI transactions. Fix. Publish a single schedule stating exactly which flows carry a charge, so a merchant sees the boundary before accepting a payment.
    4. Fraud losses sit outside the pricing debate: The system’s real cost includes reimbursing victims, which no fee structure currently funds. Eg. Digital payment fraud losses have crossed ₹22,000 crore. Fix. Build a lagged credit window for high risk first time transfers, so a fraudulent transfer can be reversed before withdrawal.
    5. Downtime carries no consequence: Bank side outages take users off the network at peak hours with no compensation obligation. Eg. Server downtime at major banks has repeatedly disrupted time sensitive payments. Fix. Set a published per bank uptime standard with penalties credited directly to affected users.

    Conclusion

    The statutory prohibition on charging for UPI is gone and the power to permit a charge now sits with the executive, even though no charge exists today. The cost of running the rails is genuine and the compensating outlay is falling, so the funding question cannot be deferred much longer. The unresolved choice is between recovering that cost from the merchant, which taxes the smallest transactions and risks reversing adoption, and recovering it from the currency management savings the state already books because UPI exists.

    “[2018] Which one of the following best describes the term “Merchant Discount Rate” sometimes seen in news?

    (a) The incentive given by a bank to a merchant for accepting payments through debit cards pertaining to that bank.

    (b) The amount paid back by banks to their customers when they use debit cards for financial transactions for purchasing goods or services.

    (c) The charge to a merchant by a bank for accepting payments from his customers through the bank’s debit cards.

    (d) The incentive given by the Government to merchants for promoting digital payments by their customers through Point of Sale (PoS) machines and debit cards.

  • Transaction fees on UPI in 2 weeks

    Why in the News

    A merchant discount rate of 0.3% on Unified Payments Interface (UPI) transactions of Rs 2,000 and above is expected to be announced within two weeks. Six years of zero pricing built a network that now carries most of India’s digital payment volume without generating the revenue to maintain it, and restoring a fee moves that cost onto merchants while keeping the transaction free for consumers.

    What is the merchant discount rate?

    1. About: The merchant discount rate (MDR) is a fee paid by businesses to payment processors for accepting digital payments, deducted from the amount the merchant receives.
    2. Who it is shared among: The fee funds the banks, payment service providers and network operators that carry a transaction between the payer and the merchant.
    3. Its history on UPI: An MDR of up to 0.3% of the transaction value applied to UPI person-to-merchant transactions until December 2019.
    4. Zero MDR: Zero MDR was introduced in January 2020 to accelerate digital payment adoption and encourage a shift from cash to digital payments.

    What is the UPI and Services Steering Committee?

    1. About: It is the body headed by the National Payments Corporation of India that will determine the merchant discount rate on UPI, its scope and its structure.

    What is Section 10A of the Payment and Settlement Systems Act, 2007?

    1. About: Section 10A is the provision granting statutory protection from charges to specified electronic payment modes, which is what prevented a fee being levied on UPI.
    2. What changed: The Taxation and Other Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026 amended Section 10A to pave the way for an MDR on UPI transactions above a certain threshold.

    How will the fee actually be brought into effect?

    1. Step one, the gazette notification: The Department of Financial Services will likely issue a gazette notification within a week specifying which electronic payment modes continue to receive statutory protection from charges.
    2. Step two, the rate decision: The UPI and Services Steering Committee will then determine the MDR, its scope and its structure.
    3. The consumer assurance: The government assured during the parliamentary debate on the amending Bill that UPI transactions will remain free for consumers.

    Why is a fee being restored after six years of zero pricing?

    1. Volume outgrew the funding model: UPI transactions jumped sharply after the Covid-19 pandemic, and banks and payment intermediaries ramped up investment in payment infrastructure to carry that load.
    2. Industry pressure for sustainability: The scale of that investment produced industry calls for the restoration of charges to make the system financially sustainable.
    3. The interim substitute was a subsidy: The government introduced an incentive scheme providing banks and other ecosystem participants an incentive equivalent to 0.15% MDR on UPI transactions up to Rs 2,000.
    4. The parliamentary committee’s warning: The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance called for early implementation of a tiered MDR framework, warning that delays could leave payment service providers dependent on inadequate government subsidies and weaken investment in payment infrastructure.

    How does 0.3% compare with the cost of other payment instruments?

    1. Credit cards: The prevailing MDR on credit card transactions is 1% to 3% of transaction value.
    2. Debit cards: The prevailing MDR on debit card transactions runs up to 0.9%.
    3. UPI at the proposed rate: A reintroduced MDR of 0.3% above a threshold would still be substantially lower than either.
    4. The subsidy benchmark: The proposed rate is double the implicit rate the exchequer already bears through the incentive scheme on small-value payments.
    5. The volume the rate applies to: UPI processed 241.62 billion transactions worth Rs 314.23 lakh crore in 2025-26, so even a fraction of a percent applied above a threshold is a large revenue pool.

    Why does a free-to-consumer network still have to be paid for by someone?

    1. The cost does not disappear when the price is zero: Switching, settlement, fraud monitoring and dispute resolution have running costs, and zero MDR moved them from merchants onto banks and the exchequer.
    2. Subsidy funding is discretionary and can lapse: An incentive scheme depends on an annual budgetary allocation, which is what the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance identified as inadequate and unreliable.
    3. Merchants now bear what consumers do not: Keeping the consumer free means the fee lands on the acceptance side, on the same small merchants whose adoption zero MDR was designed to secure.
    4. The threshold is doing the distributive work: Applying the fee only at Rs 2,000 and above protects the low-value transactions that dominate UPI by count, and captures the higher-value transactions that dominate by value.

    What challenges does reintroducing MDR on UPI face?

    1. Merchant resistance at the acceptance point: Small merchants may refuse UPI above the threshold or steer customers to cash to avoid the fee. Eg. Cash-on-delivery persists across Indian e-commerce despite a decade of digital payment incentives.
    2. Transaction splitting to stay below the threshold: A hard cut-off gives both sides a reason to break one payment into two. Eg. A payment of Rs 2,500 broken into two of Rs 1,250 falls below the threshold and carries no fee.
    3. Erosion of the adoption gains zero MDR bought: The zero-price regime was introduced specifically to shift users from cash, and reversing it risks reversing part of that shift. Eg. Zero MDR was introduced in January 2020 for the stated purpose of accelerating digital payment adoption.
    4. Concentration risk in the underlying network: A small number of third-party applications carry most UPI volume, so pricing decisions transmit through a narrow set of intermediaries. Eg. The National Payments Corporation of India has repeatedly deferred its own market share cap on third-party application providers.
    5. Outage and reliability exposure at national scale: A single network carrying most retail payments makes any downtime a systemic event rather than a service failure. Eg. UPI accounted for 85% of India’s digital payment transactions by volume in 2025-26.
    6. Fraud and mule account misuse growing with volume: Higher-value transactions attract more sophisticated fraud, and the cost of investigation falls on the same intermediaries the fee is meant to fund. Eg. The Reserve Bank of India has repeatedly directed banks to tighten controls on accounts used to route proceeds of digital payment fraud.
    7. Cross-subsidy questions across instruments: Pricing UPI below cards while both run on shared bank infrastructure distorts the choice of instrument at the counter. Eg. Credit card MDR at 1% to 3% funds reward programmes that UPI cannot match at 0.3%.

    Conclusion

    Zero MDR delivered adoption at a scale no other retail payment system has reached, and it did so by placing the cost of the network on banks and on the exchequer rather than on its users. Restoring a 0.3% fee above Rs 2,000 converts that subsidy into a price, keeps consumers unaffected and tests whether merchants will absorb the cost at the acceptance point. The measure currently stands at the stage where Section 10A of the Payment and Settlement Systems Act, 2007 has been amended, and the next milestones are a gazette notification from the Department of Financial Services within a week and the rate decision by the UPI and Services Steering Committee within two weeks.

    “[2026] Which one of the following statements about Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and Central Bank Digital Currency (Digital Rupee) is NOT correct?

    (a) UPI is a real-time payment system but Digital Rupee is akin to sovereign paper currency

    (b) In case of UPI, settlement for end users happens instantly; in case of Digital Rupee, wallet balance gets transferred to another wallet (no traditional settlement)

    (c) UPI transactions are recorded by banks and reflected in bank statements; in case of Digital Rupee, no data is captured in bank statements

    (d) In both the cases (UPI and Digital Rupee), the liability lies with the users and their respective banks

  • As Govt. mulls MDR on UPI, data shows cash usage quickening

    Why in the News

    The Taxation and Other Laws (Amendment) Act, 2026, passed in the concluded Monsoon Session, enables a Merchant Discount Rate on Unified Payments Interface and RuPay debit card transactions that are currently free. Data over the same period shows digital transaction growth decelerating while cash with the public rose to Rs 41.8 lakh crore. The tension is between making the payments system financially self sustaining and preserving the zero cost design that drove its adoption.

    What is the Merchant Discount Rate?

    1. About: The Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) is the charge a bank levies on a merchant for accepting a customer payment through a card or a digital payment instrument.
    2. How it is split: The charge is shared between the card issuing bank, the acquiring bank and the network operator.
    3. Current position in India: MDR on UPI and RuPay debit card transactions was set at zero in 2020, making the rails free at the point of acceptance.
    4. What the Act changes: The amendment enables the government to permit an MDR on these instruments, reversing the zero charge position.

    What do the payment and cash numbers actually show?

    1. UPI value growth, decelerating: Growth fell from 133 per cent in 2019-20 to 95 per cent in 2020-21, 105 per cent in 2021-22, 20.3 per cent in 2025-26 and 18.7 per cent so far in 2026-27.
    2. Cash growth, accelerating: Growth in cash with the public fell to about 4 per cent in 2023-24, then rose to 6.5 per cent in 2024-25, 12 per cent in 2025-26 and about 13 per cent in 2026-27.
    3. Absolute cash level: Cash with the public stood at Rs 41.8 lakh crore as on 31 July 2026.
    4. The anomaly: Digital payments and cash holdings are growing together, which contradicts the substitution assumption behind the zero MDR policy.

    Why are digital payments and cash rising together?

    1. Under counted inflation: If nominal transactions require more cash than measured inflation implies, the price index is understating actual price growth. Retail inflation was 4.45 per cent in July 2026 while wholesale inflation stood at 9.8 per cent.
    2. Real growth explanation: A rate of real growth above 7 per cent expands nominal transaction demand for both cash and digital instruments at once.
    3. Distress explanation: Rising cash holding is read as precautionary balances accumulating under high youth unemployment.
    4. Measurement gap: The wholesale and retail inflation series have diverged by more than five percentage points, which is itself the evidence the competing explanations turn on.

    What is contested about charging for UPI?

    1. Government position: The charge will not fall on the general public and will apply only to certain high value transactions.
    2. Opposition position: Merchants will pass the charge on to customers, so the incidence reaches the consumer regardless of who is billed.
    3. Underlying fiscal problem: Zero MDR shifted the cost of running the rails onto banks and the exchequer through incentive payments, which is not indefinitely sustainable.
    4. Adoption risk: Small merchants accepted UPI precisely because acceptance was costless, so a charge changes the acceptance calculation at the margin.

    Challenges to the digital payments system

    1. Cost recovery without an acceptance charge: Banks carry infrastructure costs with no transaction revenue on UPI. e.g. the annual incentive outlay the government has budgeted to compensate banks for zero MDR.
    2. Concentration risk: Two applications account for the overwhelming majority of UPI volume. e.g. the National Payments Corporation of India repeatedly deferring its 30 per cent market share cap.
    3. Fraud and mule accounts: Instant irreversible settlement makes recovery difficult once a payment is made. e.g. the rise in digital arrest and investment fraud cases routed through UPI collect requests.
    4. Outage exposure: A single operator running the rails concentrates systemic failure risk. e.g. the intermittent UPI outages that halted merchant acceptance across the country in 2025.
    5. Rural acceptance gap: Feature phone and low connectivity users remain outside the mainstream flow. e.g. limited uptake of UPI123Pay against smartphone based volumes.
    6. Cash persistence in the informal economy: Cash remains preferred where transactions are deliberately unrecorded. e.g. cash with the public rising to Rs 41.8 lakh crore alongside record digital volumes.

    Conclusion

    The amendment converts a policy question about who pays for the payments system into an operative legal power, and the answer will determine whether acceptance keeps widening. The simultaneous rise in cash is the more important signal, since it suggests digital adoption has been additive rather than substitutive. The next milestone is the notification specifying which transaction categories will attract the charge and at what rate.

    Back2Basics: National Payments Corporation of India

    1. Set up in 2008 as an umbrella organisation for retail payments and settlement systems in India.
    2. Incorporated as a not for profit company under Section 8 of the Companies Act, 2013, promoted by public and private sector banks.
    3. Operates under the regulatory authority of the Reserve Bank of India, which draws its powers from the Payment and Settlement Systems Act, 2007.
    4. Runs UPI, RuPay, Immediate Payment Service, National Automated Clearing House, National Electronic Toll Collection and Bharat Bill Payment System.
    5. Established NPCI International Payments Limited in 2020 to take UPI and RuPay to overseas markets.

    Way Forward

    1. Define the threshold in the notification: State the transaction value above which the charge applies, so small merchant acceptance is not affected by ambiguity.
    2. Cap the pass through: Prohibit merchant surcharging on transactions below the threshold, since incidence rather than billing decides the consumer effect.
    3. Reconcile the inflation series: Investigate the divergence between retail and wholesale inflation before treating cash growth as evidence of either strength or distress.
    4. Enforce the market share cap: Implement the volume cap on individual UPI applications to reduce concentration risk.
    5. Fund the rails transparently: Publish the annual cost of running the zero charge system, so the trade off between an explicit charge and a budgetary subsidy is visible.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2018] Which one of the following best describes the term Merchant Discount Rate sometimes seen in news? (a) The incentive given by a bank to a merchant for accepting payments through debit cards pertaining to that bank. (b) The amount paid back by banks to their customers when they use debit cards for financial transactions for purchasing goods or services. (c) The charge to a merchant by a bank for accepting payments from his customers through the bank’s debit cards. (d) The incentive given by the Government to merchants for promoting digital payments by their customers through Point of Sale (PoS) machines and debit cards. Answer: (c)”

  • Govt exploring MDR to make UPI self-sustaining

    Why in the News?

    The government told Parliament that the current Unified Payments Interface (UPI) model is financially unsustainable, and that it is examining two routes to make the platform self-supporting without inflating the Budget. The trigger exposes a core tension: the zero-charge design that drove mass adoption now starves the ecosystem of the revenue needed for cybersecurity, fraud prevention and network upkeep.

    What is Unified Payments Interface (UPI)?

    1. Definition: UPI is a real-time payment system built by the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) and the Indian Banks’ Association that lets money move instantly between two bank accounts through a mobile app. It was launched as a pilot in April 2016 and became fully operational in August 2016.
    2. Scale: More than 55 crore people use UPI and 703 entities, from banks to payment service providers, facilitate its transactions. Of the 28,174 crore digital transactions recorded in 2025-26, 86% ran on UPI.

    What is the Merchant Discount Rate (MDR)?

    1. Definition: MDR is the fee that banks, payment processors and gateways levy on a merchant for accepting a digital payment.
    2. Current position: MDR is charged on most debit card and all credit card transactions. UPI and RuPay debit card transactions were exempted in 2020, making them zero-cost for merchants.

    What Makes Up MDR?

    1. Interchange fee: Money sent to the customer’s card-issuing bank.
    2. Network fee: Charges paid to card networks like Visa or Mastercard.
    3. Processor fee: Markup kept by the payment gateway or processor for handling the tech

    Why is the current UPI model financially unsustainable?

    1. Cost recovery gap: The subsidy scheme reimbursing processors is far short of actual cost. There is a mismatch between the roughly Rs 2,000 crore allocation and the industry’s estimated operational cost of about Rs 20,700 crore a year.
    2. Coverage shortfall: The Standing Committee on Finance found the incentive covers merely 11% of the industry’s actual costs and 14% of potential MDR collections.
    3. Investment risk: The gap threatens critical spending on cybersecurity, fraud prevention and network infrastructure as volumes scale toward a projected 150 billion transactions per month.

    What options is the government exploring?

    1. Selective MDR: Restoring MDR on certain high threshold transactions and high turnover merchants, leaving small merchant payments untouched.
    2. Tiered incentives: A tiered incentive structure to phase out government support over the next few years.
    3. Legal enabler: An amendment to the Payment and Settlement Systems Act, 2007 has already removed the bar on charging merchants a fee for receiving UPI payments.
    4. Industry proposal: Payment firms seek an MDR of 0.3% to 0.6% on payments above Rs 2,000 to large merchants, about 4% of person to merchant transactions but 68% of value.

    Conclusion

    The government has confirmed that UPI cannot indefinitely run on subsidies and is examining selective MDR and a tapering incentive structure to make it self-sustaining. The next milestone is a framework that funds the ecosystem through charges on large merchants while shielding small merchants.

    [UPSC 2026] Which one of the following statements about Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and Central Bank Digital Currency (Digital Rupee) is NOT correct?

    (a) UPI is a real-time payment system but Digital Rupee is akin to sovereign paper currency

    (b) In case of UPI, settlement for end users happens instantly; in case of Digital Rupee, wallet balance gets transferred to another wallet

    (c) UPI transactions are recorded by banks and reflected in bank statements; in case of Digital Rupee, no data is captured in bank statements

    (d) In both the cases, the liability lies with the users and their respective banks.

    Answer: D

  • As AI threat loomed, UPI players flagged rising security costs

    Why in News?

    UPI platforms have flagged rising cybersecurity costs, especially from AI-enabled fraud, renewing demands to allow Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) on UPI.

    What is MDR?

    • MDR: Fee paid by merchants to banks/payment providers for processing digital payments.
    • UPI: MDR is currently zero, so merchants pay no transaction fee.
    • Costs are borne by banks, payment apps and government reimbursements.

    Why are Security Costs Rising?

    • AI-enabled fraud can make sophisticated cyberattacks cheaper and easier.
    • Security accounts for 20%+ of UPI platform costs.
    • Security infrastructure costs around 10 to 20 paise per transaction.
    • Dependence on imported AI/cloud tools adds dollar and currency risks.
    • Rising transaction volumes keep security expenditure high.

    Why Allow MDR?

    • UPI infrastructure is not costless and someone must bear its cost.
    • Reduces dependence on uncertain government subsidies.
    • Provides dedicated funding for cybersecurity and system resilience.

    Concerns

    • Fees on small-value transactions could push users back to cash.
    • Higher costs may disproportionately affect price-sensitive consumers.
    • Poorly designed MDR could weaken UPI’s role as a public digital infrastructure.
    • Foreign AI security tools create strategic and currency dependence.

    UPI: Back2Basics

    • UPI: Real-time interbank payment system developed by NPCI.
    • Enables instant P2P and P2M payments.
    • NPCI: Umbrella organisation for India’s retail payment systems, established in 2008.
    • Key systems: UPI, RuPay, IMPS, BBPS and FASTag.
    • Regulated by RBI under the Payment and Settlement Systems Act, 2007.

    “[2026] Which one of the following statements about Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and Central Bank Digital Currency (Digital Rupee) is NOT correct?

    (a) UPI is a real-time payment system but Digital Rupee is akin to sovereign paper currency

    (b) In case of UPI, settlement for end users happens instantly; in case of Digital Rupee, wallet balance gets transferred to another wallet (no traditional settlement)

    (c) UPI transactions are recorded by banks and reflected in bank statements; in case of Digital Rupee, no data is captured in bank statements

    (d) In both the cases (UPI and Digital Rupee), the liability lies with the users and their respective banks

  • Seamless digital payments have a price / UPI and the cost of policy reversal

    Why in the News

    Parliament has passed the Taxation and Other Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026, allowing a legal framework for possible charges on Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and RuPay debit card transactions. The debate centres on whether digital payments should remain free to promote inclusion or adopt a sustainable funding model.

    What is UPI?

    • UPI: Unified Payments Interface.
    • Enables instant bank-to-bank payments through mobile applications.
    • Operated by the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI).
    • Processed 23.6 billion transactions in July.

    What is Merchant Discount Rate (MDR)?

    • MDR: Merchant Discount Rate.
    • A fee charged for processing digital payments, generally paid by merchants.
    • Credit-card MDR: around 1-3%.
    • Debit-card MDR: up to 0.9%.
    • UPI has followed a zero-MDR regime since 2020.

    What Does the 2026 Bill Do?

    • Amends Section 10A of the Payment and Settlement Systems Act, 2007.
    • Creates legal space for the government to notify charges on specified electronic payment modes.
    • A proposed MDR of 0.25-0.5% has been discussed for UPI transactions above ₹2,000.
    • This could cover about 5% of transactions by volume but around 65% by value.
    • The government has stated that consumers and small merchants will not bear MDR and the final framework is yet to be decided.

    Why is Zero-MDR Considered Unsustainable?

    1. Infrastructure costs: Huge transaction volumes require continuous investment.
    2. Fraud prevention: Cybersecurity and fraud-control systems require funding.
    3. Government support: ₹8,730 crore was provided through incentives during 2021-22 to 2024-25.
    4. Funding gap: This covered only a limited share of industry costs.
    5. Market concentration: PhonePe and Google Pay together account for around 80% of UPI transactions.

    What is a Two-Sided Market?

    • A platform connecting two groups whose participation reinforces each other.
    • UPI: Consumers ↔ Payment platforms ↔ Merchants
    • More users attract more merchants, while more merchants attract more users. Therefore, imposing a charge on one side may reduce the network effect.

    Why Could MDR Affect UPI?

    Arguments for charges

    • Provides sustainable revenue for infrastructure.
    • Supports innovation and fraud prevention.
    • May attract more competitors into the UPI ecosystem.

    Arguments against charges

    • Could discourage merchants and consumers from using digital payments.
    • Intermediaries may absorb the cost rather than pass it on.
    • Could weaken India’s financial inclusion and formalisation gains.
    • May encourage a shift back towards cash.

    About India’s Digital Payments Ecosystem

    • RBI: Reserve Bank of India, the regulator.
    • NPCI: National Payments Corporation of India, operator of major retail payment rails.
    • Banks and fintechs: Participate as payment service providers.
    • UPI: Real-time account-to-account payment system.
    • RuPay: India’s domestic card payment network.

    Statutory Framework

    • Payment and Settlement Systems Act, 2007: Regulates payment systems under RBI supervision.
    • Section 10A: Provides the framework for charges on specified electronic payment modes.
    • RBI Act, 1934: Establishes the Reserve Bank of India.
    • Information Technology Act, 2000: Provides legal recognition to electronic records and authentication.

    Back2Basics: NPCI

    • Full form: National Payments Corporation of India.
    • Established: 2008.
    • Nature: Not-for-profit company.
    • Promoted by: Banks under the guidance of RBI and Indian Banks’ Association (IBA).
    • Key systems: UPI, RuPay, Immediate Payment Service (IMPS), FASTag and Bharat Bill Payment System (BBPS).

    Government Initiatives

    • UPI Incentive Scheme: Supports the cost of low-value UPI transactions.
    • Digital India Programme: Expands digital infrastructure and inclusion.
    • BHIM: Bharat Interface for Money, NPCI’s UPI application.
    • RuPay: Domestic card network.
    • JAM: Jan Dhan-Aadhaar-Mobile trinity supporting digital transfers and financial inclusion.

    “[2026] Which one of the following statements about Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and Central Bank Digital Currency (Digital Rupee) is NOT correct?

    (a) UPI is a real-time payment system but Digital Rupee is akin to sovereign paper currency

    (b) In case of UPI, settlement for end users happens instantly; in case of Digital Rupee, wallet balance gets transferred to another wallet (no traditional settlement)

    (c) UPI transactions are recorded by banks and reflected in bank statements; in case of Digital Rupee, no data is captured in bank statements

    (d) In both the cases (UPI and Digital Rupee), the liability lies with the users and their respective banks