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Subject: Governance

Important aspects of Society

  • Anganwadis should provide early childhood care and education

    Context

    The National Education Policy, 2020 has rightly highlighted the importance of early childhood care and education (ECCE), vital for the young child’s early cognitive, social, and emotional development.

    Need for focus on early childhood care and education (ECCE)

    • The National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) finds only 13.6 per cent of children enrolled in pre-primary schools.
    • With its overriding focus on health and nutrition, ECCE has hitherto been the weakest link of the anganwadi system.
    • Multiple administrative duties have left anganwadi workers with little time for ECCE.
    • A child’s early learning begins at birth, initially through stimulation, play, interactions, non-verbal and verbal communication.
    • Unfortunately, due to a lack of parental awareness compounded by the daily stresses of poverty, disadvantaged households are unable to provide an early learning environment.
    • The existing system at best serves the age group of 3-6 years, ignoring infants and toddlers.

    Way forward

    1] A meaningful ECCE programme in anganwadis

    • A meaningful ECCE programme in anganwadis is not only a more intelligent and cost-effective strategy but is also feasible to implement through seven concerted actions.
    • 1)Activity-based framework which reflect local context: To design and put in place a meaningful activity-based ECCE framework that recognises the ground realities with autonomy to reflect the local context and setting.
    • 2) Remove non-ICDS work: Routine tasks of anganwadi workers can be reduced and non-ICDS work, such as surveys, removed altogether.
    • 3)Extend Anganwadi time: Anganwadi hours can be extended by at least three hours by providing staff with an increase in their present remuneration, with the additional time devoted for ECCE.
    • Karnataka has already taken the lead; its anganwadis work from 9.30 am to 4 pm.
    • This will have the added benefit of serving as partial daycare, enabling poor mothers to earn a livelihood.
    • 4) Change in policy mindset: ICDS needs a change in policy mindset, both at central and state levels, by prioritising and monitoring ECCE.
    • 5) Engagement with parents: Anganwadi workers must be re-oriented to closely engage with parents, as they play a crucial role in the cognitive development of young children.
    • Responsive parenting requires both parents to play an active role in ECCE activities at home; therefore, anganwadi workers should be asked to consciously engage with fathers too.
    • Appropriate messaging and low-cost affordable teaching materials can be designed and made accessible to parents.
    • 6) Activity-based play material: ICDS must supply age-appropriate activity-based play material in adequate quantities regularly, and anganwadi workers encouraged to utilise them in a liberal manner.
    • 7) Invest in research and training: States should invest in research and training to support early childhood education, and ensure that the ECCE programme is not a downward extension of school education.

    2] Pre-primary sections in government primary schools

    • Some educationists have suggested that owing to the high workload of anganwadi workers, ECCE in anganwadis would remain a non-starter.
    • Therefore, all government primary schools should open pre-primary sections, with anganwadis limiting themselves to the 0-3 age group.
    • Challenges: It would require a massive outlay to build over a million classrooms with a million nursery teachers and helpers — even a conservative estimate would put the additional annual outlay at over Rs 30,000 crore.
    • Moreover, with child stunting levels at 35 per cent in India, would children enrolled in pre-schools would require supplementary nutrition and health monitoring.
    • This would overburden the nursery teacher.

    Conclusion

    Nearly 1.4 million anganwadis of the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) across India must provide ECCE for the millions of young children in low-income households.

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  • Finding a way to share IAS officers

    Context

    There are recent reports in the media about serious concerns of several state governments on Government of India’s proposed move to amend the IAS service rules to meet the shortage of officers at various levels at the Centre.

    How does central deputation work?

    • Voluntary: Under the current dispensation, officers opt for central deputation from the states voluntarily.
    • The Centre then makes a selection from among these officers for posts which are vacant or are likely to be vacant in the near future.
    • While doing so, it considers the suitability of the officer based on his/her past experience.
    • Once the selection is finalised, orders are issued, requesting the state government to relieve the officer concerned.
    • Quota for each state: Each state has a certain quota beyond which its officers are not accepted by the Centre.

    Shortage of officers on central deputation

    • In the last decade, there has been a gradual decline in the number of officers who opt for central deputation.
    • Generally, of the total cadre strength of the states, about 25-30 per cent used to be on central deputation.
    • Currently, less than 10 per cent are working in various central ministries.
    • According to certain reports, in states like UP, Bihar, Odisha and Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the number is between 8 per cent and 15 per cent.
    • One of the reasons for this non-availability of officers for central deputation is the inadequate recruitment more than a decade and half ago.
    • But an important reason is also the comparatively better service conditions in the states.

    So, what do the proposed rules seek to achieve?

    • While fixing the cadre strength of states, about 40 per cent posts of senior duty are earmarked for central deputation.
    • Shortage to be shared equitably: Considering that recruitments in the past were not adequate, the proposed change in rules provides for shortage to be shared equitably between the Centre and states.
    • Time limit to relieve officers: Also, since vacancies need to be filled in time, there is a suggestion of a time limit in which states must respond and relieve the officer selected.

    Way forward

    • Respect the views of State: It has to be clearly understood that when states give the list of officers they wish to offer for central deputation, it will be the decision of the states alone.
    • The Centre, if it wishes to have an officer work for it, can suggest so to the state. 
    •  If the state does not wish to suggest his name for deputation, the Centre should respect their views, even though they have the power under cadre rules to do so.
    • Improving working conditions for officers: The Centre has to realise that improving working conditions for officers at the deputy secretary and director levels is critical to the success of cadre management.
    • Many of the officers at this level have concerns regarding education of their children, transport and the higher cost of living in Delhi.
    • A deputation allowance for the period of deputation in Delhi could be an option.
    • Non-adversarial manner: The states also have to look at this issue in a non-adversarial manner, where needs of both the Centre and the state have to be matched and met.
    • The Centre should dispel fears of states about misuse of central power.

    Conclusion

    Proposed amendment to service rules is needed to meet shortage of personnel, but Centre must dispel states’ fears about overreach.

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  • What are Padma Awards?

    The central government has announced the names of Padma awardees for this year.

    What are Padma awards?

    • The Padma awards are the highest civilian honor of India after the Bharat Ratna.
    • They are announced every year on the eve of Republic Day.
    • The awards are given in three categories:
    1. Padma Vibhushan (for exceptional and distinguished service)
    2. Padma Bhushan (distinguished service of higher order) and
    3. Padma Shri (distinguished service)
    • The award seeks to recognize achievements in all fields of activities or disciplines where an element of public service is involved.

    Note: During the years 1978 and 1979 and 1993 to 1997, Padma awards were not announced.

    Who are the awardees?

    • The awards are given in certain select categories which include Art, Social Work, Public Affairs, Science & Engineering, Trade & Industry, Medicine, Literature & Education, Civil Service and Sports.
    • Awards are also given for propagation of Indian culture, protection of human rights, wild life protection among others.

    Its constitution

    • The PADMA Awards were instituted in 1954 along with Bharat Ratna.
    • At that time only Padma Vibhushan existed with three sub-categories – Pahela Varg, Dusra Varg and Tisra Varg.
    • These were subsequently renamed as Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan and Padma Shri vide Presidential Notification issued on January 8, 1955.

    Particulars of the awards

    • The awardees do not get any cash reward but a certificate signed by the President apart from a medallion which they can wear at public and government functions.
    • The awards are, however, not a conferment of title and the awardees are expected to not use them as prefix or suffix to their names.
    • A Padma awardee can be given a higher award only after five years of the conferment of the earlier award.

    Terms of awarding

    • Not more than 120 awards can be given in a year but this does not include posthumous awards or awards given to NRIs and foreigners.
    • The award is normally not conferred posthumously.
    • However, in highly deserving cases, the Government could consider giving an award posthumously.

    Who is eligible for Padma awards?

    • All persons without distinction of race, occupation, position or sex are eligible for these awards.
    • However, government servants including those working with PSUs, except doctors and scientists, are not eligible for these awards.
    • The award seeks to recognize works of distinction and is given for distinguished and exceptional achievements or service in all fields of activities and disciplines.
    • According to Padma awards selection criteria, the award is given for “special services” and not just for “long service”.
    • It should not be merely excellence in a particular field, but the criteria has to be ‘excellence plus’.

    Who nominates the awardees?

    • Any citizen of India can nominate a potential recipient.
    • One can even nominate one’s own self. All nominations are to be done online where a form is to be filled along with details of the person or the organisation being nominated.
    • An 800-word essay detailing the work done by the potential awardee is also to be submitted for the nomination to be considered.
    • The government also writes to various state governments, governors, Union territories, central ministries and various departments to send nominations.

    Who selects the awardees?

    • All nominations received for Padma awards are placed before the Padma Awards Committee, which is constituted by the Prime Minister every year.
    • The Padma Awards Committee is headed by the Cabinet Secretary and includes Home Secretary, Secretary to the President and four to six eminent persons as members.
    • The recommendations of the committee are submitted to the Prime Minister and the President of India for approval.
    • The antecedents of the selected awardees are verified using the services of central agencies to ensure nothing untoward has been reported or come on record about them.
    • A final list is then prepared and announced.

    Is the recipient’s consent sought?

    • There is no provision for seeking a written or formal consent of the recipient before the announcement of the award.
    • However, before the announcement, every recipient receives a call from the Ministry of Home Affairs informing him or her about the selection.
    • In case the recipient expresses a desire to be excluded from the award list, the name is removed.

     

    Try this question from CSP 2021

    Q.Consider the following statements in respect of Bharat Ratna and Padma Awards

    1. Bharat Ratna and Padma Awards are titles under the Article 18(1) of the Constitution of India.
    2. Padma wards, which were instituted in the year 1954, were suspended only once.
    3. The number of Bharat Ratna Awards is restricted to a maximum of five in a particular year.

    Which of the above statements are not correct?

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 2 and 3 only

    (c) 1 and 3 only

    (d) 1, 2 and 3

     

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  • Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), 2021

     

    The 2021 Corruption Perception Index by Transparency International places India 85th on a list of 180 countries, one position above last year.

    Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI)

    • The CPI is an index which ranks countries “by their perceived levels of public sector corruption, as determined by expert assessments and opinion surveys.”
    • The CPI generally defines corruption as an “abuse of entrusted power for private gain”.
    • The index is published annually by the non-governmental organisation Transparency International since 1995.
    • The index ranks 180 countries and territories by their perceived levels of public sector corruption according to experts and business people.
    • It uses a scale of 0 to 100 to rank CPI, where 0 is highly corrupt and 100 is very clean.

    What kind of corruption does the CPI measure?

    The data sources used to compile the CPI specifically cover the following manifestations of public sector corruption:

    • Bribery
    • Diversion of public funds
    • Officials using their public office for private gain without facing consequences
    • Ability of governments to contain corruption in the public sector
    • Excessive red tape in the public sector which may increase opportunities for corruption
    • Nepotistic appointments in the civil service
    • Laws ensuring that public officials must disclose their finances and potential conflicts of interest
    • Legal protection for people who report cases of bribery and corruption
    • State capture by narrow vested interests
    • Access to information on public affairs/government activities

    The CPI does NOT cover:

    • Citizens’ direct perceptions or experience of corruption
    • Tax fraud
    • Illicit financial flows
    • Enablers of corruption (lawyers, accountants, financial advisors etc)
    • Money-laundering
    • Private sector corruption
    • Informal economies and markets

    Highlights of the 2021 Report

    • The top-performing countries were Denmark, Finland and New Zealand — all having a corruption perceptions score of 88 — followed by Norway, Singapore and Sweden, all of them scoring 85.
    • In contrast, the worst-performing countries were South Sudan with a corruption perceptions score of 11, followed by Syria (13), Somalia (13, Venezuela (14) and Afghanistan (16).

    India’s performance

    • In 2021, India ranked 86th with the same CPI score of 40.
    • The report highlighted concerns over the risk to journalists and activists who have been victims of attacks by the police, political militants, criminal gangs and corrupt local officials.
    • Civil society organizations that speak up against the government have been targeted with security, defamation, sedition, hate speech and contempt-of-court charges, and with regulations on foreign funding.

     

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  • Budgeting for the education emergency

    Context

    Faced with an unprecedented education emergency, this is the time to substantially ramp up public spending on education and make it more effective.

    Low allocation for education

    • UNESCO’s 2030 framework for action suggests public education spending levels of between 4% and 6% of GDP and 15%-20% of public expenditure.
    • A recent World Bank study notes that India spent 14.1 % of its budget on education, compared to 18.5% in Vietnam and 20.6% in Indonesia, countries with similar levels of GDP.
    • But since India has a higher share of population under the age of 19 years than these countries, it should actually be allocating a greater share of the budget than these countries.
    • Public spending on education in most States in India was below that of other middle-income countries even before the pandemic.
    • Most major States spent in the range of 2.5% to 3.1% of State income on education, according to the Ministry of Education’s Analysis of Budgeted Expenditure on Education.
    • This compares with the 4.3% of GDP that lower-middle-income countries spent, as a group, between 2010-11 and 2018-19.
    •  In the 2021-22 Budget, the Central government’s allocation for the Education Department was slashed compared to the previous year, even though the size of the overall budget increased.
    • Of the major States and Delhi, eight either reduced or just about maintained their budget allocation for education departments in 2021-22 compared to 2020-21.

    Way forward

    • The vast majority of the 260 million children enrolled in preschool and school, especially in government schools, did not have meaningful structured learning opportunities during the 20 months of school closures.
    • Infusion of resources: The education system now needs not only an infusion of resources for multiple years, but also a strengthened focus on the needs of the poor and disadvantaged children.
    • What it is spent on and how effectively resources are used are important.
    • It is clear what additional resources are required for.
    • The needs include: back-to-school campaigns and re-enrolment drives; expanded nutrition programmes; reorganisation of the curriculum to help children learn language and mathematics in particular, and support their socio-emotional development, especially in early grades; additional learning materials; teacher training and ongoing support; additional education programmes and collection and analysis of data.
    • Focus on teacher training:  How does expenditure on technology compare with the amounts spent on teacher training, which represents just 0.15% of total estimated expenditure on elementary education?
    • Teachers are central to the quality of education, so why does India spend so little on teacher training?

    The opacity of education finance data in India

    • The opacity of education finance data makes it difficult to comprehend this.
    • For instance, the combined Central and State government spending on education was estimated to be 2.8% of GDP in 2018-19, according to the Economic Survey of 2020-21.
    • This figure had remained at the same level since 2014-15.
    • On the other hand, data from the Ministry of Education indicates that public spending on education had reached 4.3% of GDP in the same year, rising from 3.8% of GDP in 2011-12.
    • The difference in the figures is due to the inclusion of expenditure on education by departments other than the Education Department.
    •  Including expenditure on education by, for example, the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment (on Anganwadis, scholarships, etc.), the Ministry of Science and Technology (for higher education) is of course legitimate.
    • However, the composition of these expenditures is not readily available.

    Conclusion

    The questions for this Budget should be clear. How much additional funds are being allocated for different levels of education by the principal departments in 2021-22? Are the funds being spent on the specific measures required to address the education emergency facing the children?

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  • Drop the IAS cadre rules amendments

    Context

    The Central Government has proposed four amendments to Rule 6(1) of the IAS (Cadre) Rules, 1954 dealing with deputation, and has sought the views of State governments before January 25, 2022.

    Historical background of All India Services

    • It was Sardar Patel who had championed the creation of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) and the Indian Police Service (IPS) as “All India Services” (AIS) whose members would be recruited and appointed by the Centre and allotted to various States, and who could serve both under the State and the Centre.
    • Speaking to the Constituent Assembly on October 10, 1949, Patel said, “The Union will go, you will not have a united India if you have not a good All India Service which has the independence to speak out its mind, which has a sense of security….”.

    Central deputation of All India Service officers

    • Consultative process: AIS officers are made available for central deputation through a consultative process involving the Centre, the States and the officers concerned.
    • The Centre would choose officers only from among those “on offer” from the States.
    • Concurrence of the State government: The existing Rule 6(1) states that a cadre officer may be deputed to the Central Government (or to another State or a PSU) only with the concurrence of the State Government concerned.
    • However, it has a proviso which states that in case of any disagreement, the matter shall be decided by the Central Government.
    • Unfortunately, both the Centre and the States have at times flouted these healthy conventions for political considerations.

    The politicisation of the deputation process

    • In May 2021, the Centre unilaterally issued orders for the central deputation of the Chief Secretary of West Bengal just before his last day in service.
    • Some States used to vindictively withhold the names of some of the officers who had opted for central deputation or delay their relief after they were picked up by the Centre.
    • The proposed amendment to rule: The Central Government has proposed four amendments to Rule 6(1) of the IAS (Cadre) Rules, 1954 dealing with deputation.

    Two of the four proposed amendments are disconcerting

    • 1] Providing a fixed number of IAS officers for central deputation: One is a new proviso making it mandatory for the State government to provide a certain fixed number of IAS officers for central deputation every year. 
    • The proposed amendment more or less compels a State government to offer IAS officers for central deputation even when these officers themselves may not wish to go on central deputation.
    • Reasons for shortage of  IAS officers: Poor working conditions in junior-level posts, an opaque and arbitrary system of empanelment for senior-level posts, and lack of security of tenure at all levels are the real reasons for the shortage of IAS officers, which the Centre should address.
    • 2] Requiring states to release the officer: The other is a proviso that requires the State government to release such officers whose services may be sought by the Central Government in specific situations.
    • Based on experiences of the recent past, State governments have a justified apprehension that this proviso may be misused for political considerations. 

    Issues with the proposed amendments

    • The contemplated changes have grave implications for the independence, security and morale of IAS officers.
    • Infringement of rights of States: States are right in perceiving the proposed amendments as a serious infringement of their rights to deploy IAS officers as they deem best, especially when the cutting edge of policy implementation is mostly at the State level.
    • States may prefer officers of the State Civil Services to handle as many posts as possible.
    • . In course of time, the IAS will lose its sheen, and the best and the brightest candidates will no longer opt for the IAS.
    • Against cooperative federalism: In S.R. Bommai vs Union of India (1994), the Supreme Court held that “States have an independent constitutional existence and they have as important a role to play in the political, social, educational and cultural life of the people as the Union. They are neither satellites nor agents of the Centre”.

    Consider the questions “What are the proposed amendments to IAS Rule 1954? What are the concerns with the proposed changes?”

    Conclusion

    In a federal setup, it is inevitable that differences and disputes would arise between the Centre and the States. But all such quarrels should be resolved in the spirit of cooperative federalism and keeping the larger national interest in mind.

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  • How Republic Day tableaux are designed and selected

    Recently, West Bengal’s tableau for the Republic Day parade was rejected without assigning any reasons or justifications.

    Who manages the R-Day Parade?

    • The Defence Ministry is the responsible authority for the Republic Day parade and the celebrations.
    • Around September, it invites all the states, the UTs, Central Government departments, and a few constitutional authorities to participate in the parade through tableaux.

    Managing Tableaux

    • The Defence Ministry shares the basic guidelines about what all the tableaux can or should include.
    • The tableaux of two different states/ UTs cannot be too similar, as the tableaux, together, should showcase the diversity of the country.
    • The tableaux cannot have any writing or use of logos, except for the name of the state/ UT/ department, which should be written in Hindi on the front, English on the back, and a regional language on the sides.
    • The Ministry also asks the participants to use eco-friendly material for the tableaux, and avoid the use of plastic or plastic-based products.

    How are the tableaux selected?

    • The selection process is elaborate and time-consuming.
    • The Defence Ministry constitutes an expert committee of distinguished persons from fields like art, culture, painting, sculpture, music, architecture, choreography, etc.

    Process of selection

    (1) Submission of sketches

    • First, the submitted sketches or designs of the proposals are scrutinised by this committee, which can make suggestions for any modifications in the sketch or design.
    • The sketch should be simple, colourful, easy to comprehend and should avoid unnecessary detail.
    • It should be self-explanatory, and should not need any written elaboration.

    (2) Music and Visuals

    • If there is a traditional dance involved with the tableau, it should be a folk dance, and the costumes and musical instruments should be traditional and authentic.
    • The proposal should include a video clipping of the dance.

    (3) 3D Models

    • Once approved, the next stage is for the participants to come up with three-dimensional models for their proposals.
    • These are again examined by the expert committee for final selection, taking in view several criteria.
    • In making the final selection the committee looks at a combination of factors, looking at the visual appeal, impact on the masses, idea/ theme of the tableaux, degree of detail involved.

    Do they have to be of a particular size?

    The Defence Ministry provides each participant with one tractor and one trailer, and the tableau should fit on that.

    • The ministry prohibits use of any additional tractor or trailer, or even any other vehicle to be part of it.
    • However, the participant can replace their ministry-provided tractor or trailer with other vehicles, but the total number should not be more than two vehicles.
    • The tractor has to be camouflaged in harmony with the tableau’s theme, and the ministry stipulates a distance of around six feet between the tractor and the trailer for turning and manoeuvering.
    • The dimensions of the trailer on which the tableau will be placed is 24 feet, 8 inches long; eight feet wide; four feet two inches high; with a load-bearing capacity of 10 tonnes.
    • The tableaux should not be more than 45 feet long, 14 feet wide and 16 feet high from the ground.

    (Republic Day celebrations from this year will start on January 23 instead of January 24 to include the birth anniversary of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.)

     

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  • Desh Ke Mentor Programme and the Controversy

    A controversy recently broke out after the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) recommended that the Delhi government suspend its flagship ‘Desh ke Mentor’ programme.

    What is the Desh Ke Mentor Programme?

    • The programme was launched in October 2021 and is aimed at connecting students in classes IX to XII with voluntary mentors.
    • People between the ages of 18 and 35 can sign up to be mentors through an app created by a team at the Delhi Technological University and will be connected with students based on mutual interests.
    • The mentorship entails regular phone calls for a minimum of two months, which can optionally be carried on for another four months.
    • The idea is for the young mentors to guide students through higher education and career options, preparation for higher education entrance exams, and dealing with the pressure of it all.

    How is a person selected to be a mentor?

    • The registration process takes place on the Desh ke Mentor app.
    • The volunteer has to fill in information about themselves such as their date of birth, education qualification, profession, organisation they work with and so on.
    • However, it is optional for them to upload any proof of identity.
    • Once the registration is complete, the mentor is connected to a set of children of the same gender as themselves whose interests align with theirs.
    • Students have to take parental consent before becoming a part of the programme.

    What are the concerns raised by the NCPCR regarding this process?

    • It has stated that assigning children to a mentor of the same gender as them does not necessarily assure their safety from abuse.
    • It has also expressed concern over the lack of police verification of the mentors.
    • It has a psychometric test which has not been scrutinized by professional practising experts.
    • It has also stated that limiting interactions to phone calls also does not ensure the safety of children since “child-related crime can be initiated through phone calls as well.”

    Back2Basics:  National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR)

    • The NCPCR is an Indian statutory body established by an Act of Parliament, the Commission for Protection of Child Rights (CPCR) Act, 2005.
    • It works under the aegis of the Ministry of Women and Child Development and began operational on 5 March 2007.
    • It works to ensure that all Laws, Policies, Programmes, and Administrative Mechanisms are in consonance with the Child Rights perspective as enshrined in the Constitution of India and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
    • As defined by the commission, a child includes a person up to the age of 18 years.

     

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  • National Education Alliance for Technology (NEAT) Scheme

    NEAT, first-of-its-kind government scheme, set in motion over two years ago, has finally taken shape, bringing courses offered by a group of edtech platforms within the reach of college and university students from socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds.

    NEAT Scheme

    • The National Education Alliance for Technology (NEAT) is implemented by the All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE).
    • It aims to act as a bridge between edtech companies, academic institutions and students.
    • The initiative was taken after a Ministry of Education review noted that learning tools developed by edtech platforms that can supplement classroom teaching need to be made more accessible.
    • Accordingly, it was proposed that a portal be created where edtech platforms can be roped in to display their products after a shortlisting process.

    What are the products on display in the portal?

    • The NEAT portal has separate sections listing products for students and educational institutes respectively.
    • The companies were shortlisted by independent expert committees leaving no room for favouritism, he said.
    • Under the B2B (business to business) segment of the portal, courses are on offer for higher education institutes to purchase in bulk for their students.
    • And the B2C (business to customer) section lists courses that eligible students can browse through and choose from.
    • The courses range from accounting and finance to coding, including advanced programming languages like python.

    How to enroll into this scheme?

    • There are two different ways through which students can enroll under the scheme.
    • The basic objective of the scheme is to make students from disadvantaged backgrounds aware of the availability of such opportunities that can help them learn new skills or polish existing ones.
    • In that regard, the AICTE reached out to higher education institutes across the country, directing them to inform students about the portal and enroll them based on their needs and consent.
    • The edtech platforms have been allowed to charge fees as per their policies.

    How will it benefit students from backward communities?

    • In order to do that, the government has mandated that every shortlisted company will have to offer free coupons to the extent of 25 per cent of the total registrations for their solution through NEAT portal.
    • Through this route, the government created a bank of 12.15 lakh free coupons over the last two years.
    • And it has now started distributing those coupons among students belonging to SC/ST/OBC and EWS categories with the annual family income cap fixed at Rs 8 lakh.

    What are the courses in demand?

    • The top five courses in terms of demand are python programming, C, C++, Java programming, data science, life science and healthcare analysis, and interview preparation.

     

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  • How to deal with hate speech

    Context

    On January 12, 2022 , the Supreme Court of India agreed to hear petitions asking for legal action to be taken against the organisers of, and speakers at, the “Hardwar Dharma Sansad”.

    What constitutes hate speech

    • Hate speech is speech that targets people based on their identity, and calls for violence or discrimination against people because of their identity.
    • There is an absence of any legal or social consensus around what constitutes “hate speech.”
    • As societies around the world have long understood, the harm in hate speech is not restricted to direct and proximate calls to violence.
    • Inciting discrimination is part of hate speech: Hate speech works in more insidious ways, creating a climate that strengthens existing prejudices and entrenches already-existing discrimination.
    • This is why – with the exception of the United States of America – most societies define hate speech in terms of both inciting violence, but also, inciting discrimination.

    Challenges in dealing with hate speech

    • Legal challenge: Our laws – as they stand – are unequipped to deal with the challenges of hate speech.
    • The laws commonly invoked in such cases are section 295A of the Indian Penal Code (blasphemy) and section 153A of the Indian Penal Code (creating enmity between classes of people).
    • Hate speech will not always be self-evident: Hate speech, by its very nature, will not always trumpet itself to be hate speech.
    • Rather, it will often assume plausible deniability – as has been seen in the Hardwar case, where statements, worded with the right degree of ambiguity, are now being defended as calls to self-defence rather than calls to violence.
    • Any comprehensive understanding of hate speech is a matter of judgment, and must take into account its ambiguous and slippery nature.
    • Lack of social consensus against hate speech: No matter how precise and how definite we try to make our concept of hate speech, it will inevitably reflect individual judgment. 
    • If, therefore, social and legal norms against hate speech are to be implemented without descending into pure subjectivity, what is needed – first – is a social consensus about what kind of speech is beyond the pale.
    •  In Europe, for example, holocaust denial is an offence – and is enforced with a degree of success – precisely because there is a pre-existing social consensus about the moral abhorrence of the holocaust.

    Conclusion

    Achieving this social consensus is an immense task, and will require both consistent legal implementation over time, but also daily conversations that we, as a society need to have among ourselves.

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