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Subject: Governance

Important aspects of Society

  • Raising marriage age won’t lead to women’s empowerment

    Context

    The announcement of a cabinet decision to raise the age at marriage for women from 18 to 21 years marks the fruition of a plan that was first revealed almost two years ago when a Task Force was set up for the purpose.

    Why the age of marriage of women matters

    • Age of marriage has bearing on maternal mortality rates, fertility levels, nutrition of mother and child, sex ratios, and, on a different register, education and employment opportunities for women.
    • It is also argued that other factors — such as poverty and health services — were far more effective as levers for improving women’s and children’s health and nutritional status.

    Issues with the decision

    [1] Role of poverty neglected

    •  If women who marry at higher ages seem to have better health and nutrition indicators, this is not caused by their marrying later than others — it is because women from better-off groups tend to marry at higher ages.
    • Conversely, the health indicators of poorer women do not change just because they marry at a higher age.
    • An illustration of this truth is found in the National Family Health Survey (IV) data, which show that levels of anaemia — which is the highest cause of maternal mortality in India and one of our worst statistics — show no change even at ages of marriage up to 25 years, once we control for other factors.
    • World Bank study finds no impact on women: Population control was at the heart of the 1978 amendment to the Sarda Act of 1929.
    • Moreover, reducing fertility rates globally by banning marriage before the age of 18 years is very much on the agenda of international agencies to this very day.
    • A major multi-country study undertaken by the World Bank in 2017 estimated that “savings” of no less than $5 trillion would accrue if marriage before the age of 18 was eliminated.
    • But such savings would be mostly due to reductions in fertility and consequent reductions in public health investments due to fewer births.
    • The same study saw no significant gains from raised age of marriage for women’s decision making, for lowering the levels of violence they face, or helping them find employment.
    • Restriction on the right of an adult woman: Globally, the age of 18 is widely regarded as the age of adulthood.
    • It is also viewed as an upper limit in terms of the physical and reproductive maturity of women, as well as the age of majority by child rights conventions to which India is a signatory.
    • Thus, the proposed move will restrict the rights of already adult women, an issue for legal experts to debate.
    • Law is meant to set minimum age not the right age: Equally important is the crucial slippage in the arguments made on behalf of the government from the minimum age at marriage to the right age at marriage.
    • The minimum age is obviously a floor, not a standard or desirable norm.
    • Laws are meant to set minimum levels, a threshold for triggering legal or penal action, because of the harm that may be done.

    Way forward: Address issues that drive empowerment

    • Going by the NFHS 4 data (2015-16), more than half — 56 per cent — of women in the age group 20-24 years marry before the age of 21 years.
    • The problem is that the real reasons that drive empowerment are not being addressed, at least not adequately.
    • Educational attainments have improved enormously in recent years.
    • But the shocking fact (evident in all major data sets) is that decline in early marriages has been accompanied by a fall in women’s employment rates, that persisted even during the 1990s boom.
    • Paradoxical outcomes: The proportion of women not in paid work increases at higher ages of marriage!
    • Complex paradoxes like these are the hallmark of our society.
    • They cannot be addressed by a legal fix, particularly one that will be very hard to implement.

    Consider the question “How the age of marriage of women is connected with the issue of women empowerment? What are the concerns with increasing it to 21 years? Suggest the way forward.“

    Conclusion

    Instead of criminalising our youth, the government must take concrete steps to really empower women. If they are truly in charge of their own lives — through affordable education, meaningful and decent employment opportunities — they will be able to make better decisions about whether, when and whom to marry.

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  • Disability in india

    Context

    The Draft Accessibility Standards/Guidelines recently released by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) for built infrastructure under its purview (police stations, prisons and disaster mitigation centres) and services associated with them assume significance.

    What are the provisions under the Standards?

    • Models for police stations: The Standards set out models for building new police stations as well as improving upon existing police stations and prisons that are modern, gender sensitive and accessible.
    • The Standards speak to the need to make the websites and institutional social networks of police stations accessible, ensuring that persons with disabilities accused of committing any crimes are treated appropriately, having disabled-friendly entrances to police stations and disabled-friendly toilets.
    • Inclusive police force: the Standards state that the police staff on civil duty could be persons with disabilities.
    • Equal protection during natural disasters: Acknowledging that persons with disabilities must receive equal protection as others in such situations, the Standards provide direction on disability inclusion in disaster mitigation, preparedness, response and recovery efforts.
    • They also stress on disability inclusive training for persons involved in disaster relief activities, data aggregation, use of information and communication technology (ICT) and enforcing accessible infrastructure models for schools, hospitals and shelters following the principle of universal design.
    • Accessibility norm: The Standards introduce accessibility norms for services associated with police stations and prisons.
    • These norms promote the use of ICTs to facilitate communication, development of police websites, app-based services for filing complaints, making enquiries, etc., as well as encouraging the use of sign language, communication systems such as Braille, images for persons with psycho-social disabilities, and other augmentative and alternative modes of communication.

    Shortcomings of the Standards/norms

    • Accessibility of signage not ensured: The Standards call for the deployment of directional signage regarding accessibility features in the MHA’s physical infrastructure as well as to indicate the location of accessible toilets.
    • However, they do not require that such signage itself be accessible to the visually challenged, such as through auditory means.
    • Certain accommodations merely recommendatory: The Standards characterise several reasonable accommodations that are necessary for the disabled as being merely recommendatory.
    • These include having trained police personnel in every police station to assist persons with disabilities and placing beepers at all entrances to enable the visually challenged/blind to locate themselves.
    • Lack of detail on human assistance: In the case of Patan Jamal Vali, the Court suggested connecting special educators and interpreters with police stations to operationalise the reasonable accommodations embodied in the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013.
    • While the standards do require developing a mechanism to provide human assistance to the disabled such as sign language interpreters, they are short on specifics on this count.
    • Lack of representation: Interestingly, the Standards state that the police staff on civil duty could be persons with disabilities.
    • This is inconsistent with the Office Memorandum issued by the Department of Empowerment for Persons with Disabilities on August 18, 2021, according to which the Centre has exempted posts in the Indian Police Service; the Delhi, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Lakshdweep, Daman and Diu and Dadra and Nagar Haveli Police Service; as well as the Indian Railway Protection Force Service from the mandated 4% reservation for persons with disabilities in government jobs.

    Conclusion

    In sum, the Standards, when enacted into law, will mark a huge step forward in making our law enforcement apparatus more disabled-friendly. Bolstering the Standards further, by incorporating the suggestions flowing from well- thought-out public comments, will take us closer to the aim of ensuring that India’s disabled citizens truly have the police they deserve.

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  • Risks of mandatory Iron Fortification

    Many things have been said about the necessity for mandatory iron fortification of foods in India.

    Iron fortification

    • Iron fortification of food is a methodology utilized worldwide to address iron deficiency.
    • A critical problem in some food fortification programs is the lack of bioavailability of iron compounds.

    Why need iron fortification?

    Ans. Prevalence of Anaemia

    • Iron deficiency anaemia is due to insufficient iron.
    • National Family Health Survey (NFHS)-5 provides insights into anaemia prevalence in the country, indicating that 57.2% of women ages 15 to 49 are anaemic, up from 49.7% in NFHS-4.
    • Without enough iron, the body can’t produce enough of a substance in red blood cells that enables them to carry oxygen (hemoglobin).
    • Severe anemia during pregnancy increases your risk of premature birth, having a low birth weight baby and postpartum depression.
    • Some studies also show an increased risk of infant death immediately before or after birth.

    Concerns over iron fortification

    Ans. Fear of diabetes and heart ailments

    • Iron increases the risk for many non-communicable diseases like diabetes, hypertension and even high blood cholesterol.
    • A US based survey shows that high ferritin level had a four-fold higher risk of having diabetes.
    • The Comprehensive National Nutrition Survey of Indian adolescents to resulted in such scary outcomes.
    • There was a clear and significant risk for each of these conditions as serum ferritin increased.

    India’s vulnerability

    Ans. India is world capital of diabetes and hypertension

    • No less than 50% of Indian children, aged 5-19 years, already had a biomarker of either high blood sugar or high blood lipids, even when thin or stunted.
    • Thus, the risk of chronic disease is already very high in our children.
    • Thus mandatory cereal fortification has severe hazards for India.

    Why mandatory fortification is not a feasible option?

    • Occurrence of deficiencies: We do not even know if anaemia is as rampant to warrant such mandatory measures.
    • Manipulating food choices: When mandatory fortification is enforced in parts of the population that do not need this, it removes their choice of foods, or autonomy.
    • Morbidities due to excess: It could even be unethical if the risk of other morbidities is increased.
    • No successful example: Rice fortification has not been shown to work in a combined analysis.

    Conclusion

    • Food fortification is not a magic bullet.
    • It should be viewed as a complementary strategy for the prevention and control of micronutrient deficiencies.
    • As dietary patterns and deficiency states change, monitoring and periodic evaluation will be essential in helping to make necessary changes.

     

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  • How India’s data protection Bill compares with EU regulation

    The Personal Data Protection Bill is in some aspects very similar with some differences to global standards such as European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation. Here is how:

    Must read:

    Draft Personal Data Protection Bill, 2021

    Major similarities

    [1] Consent

    • EU: Users must have informed consent about the way their data is processed so that they can opt in or out.
    • India: Processing of data should be done in a fair and transparent manner, while also ensuring privacy

    [2] Breach

    • EU: Supervisory authority must be notified of a breach within 72 hours of the leak so that users can take steps to protect information
    • India: Data Protection Authority must be informed within 72 hours; DPA will decide whether users need to be informed and steps to be taken

    [3] Transition period

    • EU: Two-year transition period for provisions of GDPR to be put in place
    • India: 24 months overall; 9 months for registration of data fiduciaries, 6 months for DPA to start

    [4] Data fiduciary

    • EU: Data fiduciary is any natural or legal person, public authority, agency or body that determines purpose and means of data processing
    • India: Similar suggestions; additionally, NGOs which also process data to be included as fiduciaries

    Differences:

    [1] Anonymous information

    • EU: Principles of data protection do not apply to anonymous information since it is impossible to tell one from another
    • India: Non-personal data must come under the ambit of data protection law such as non-personal data

    [2] Punishment

    • EU: No jail terms. Fines up to 20 million euros, or in the case of an undertaking, up to 4 % of their total global turnover of the preceding fiscal year
    • India: Jail term of up to 3 years, fine of Rs 2 lakh or both if de-identified data is re-identified by any person.

     

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  • How lack of public data on pandemic could harm us

    Context

    Questions are being asked about India’s preparedness as the cases with the Omicron variant of the Coronavirus has been on the rise in the country.

    Where does India stand?

    [1] The Positives

    • Addressing oxygen shortage: The extreme shortages of oxygen that we saw barely six months ago will hopefully not be a feature of a third wave.
    • Vaccinated population: We have now vaccinated more than 50% of the adult population with both doses of vaccine, and approximately 85% have received one or two doses.
    • Ramping up testing to deal with a spike should not require an increase in capacity.
    • More vaccine doses: We have more vaccine doses than in May 2021 and the potential for oral antiviral therapy in the near future.

    [2] The negatives

    • Lack of data: An urgent and important one is the lack of publicly available data on the pandemic from Government sources, particularly in regard to testing, but also in terms of being able to correlate disease severity with age, prior medical conditions, locations and other variables.
    • Data from the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), India’s premier medical research agency, remains inaccessible.
    • The National Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) has not responded.
    • The CoWIN data contains valuable information but it is of little value for future planning and prediction unless it can be tied to testing data and clinical information at the level of individuals.
    • ICMR data not correlated to CoWIN platform data: The Indian Council of Medical Research holds data on every COVID-19 test conducted in India.
    • However, these data are not correlated to the vaccine data in the CoWIN platform.
    • Data with States is inaccessible: Data on hospitalisations, etc. are apparently available at the State level, but seem inaccessible.

    What we can know from the data about pandemic

    • Infer the probability of reinfection: If we knew that a person had tested positive on successive tests separated by, say four months or more, with a negative test in-between, that would suggest a reinfection.
    • We could then infer the probability of such a reinfection.
    • Probability of vaccine breakthrough infection: With information about testing and vaccination status, we could compute the probability of a vaccine breakthrough event.
    • To know the efficacy of single vaccine dose: By checking to see whether the positive test happened after the first but before the second dose of vaccine, or after the second dose, the relative efficacy of such single vaccine doses at preventing disease could be derived.
    • Effect of the vaccine on disease severity: By examining symptoms reported after a vaccine breakthrough event, we could understand the extent to which vaccines reduce disease severity.
    • Impact of new variant: Add to this a layer of sequence information, and we could study the impact of new variants.

    Role of the volunteer organisation

    • The most trustworthy and granular data on cases in India have resulted from the remarkable and public-spirited work of a volunteer organisation, Covid19India.org.
    • Their work has now been taken over by several other voluntary groups, all operating on the same broad principles of data accessibility: covid19bharat.org, incovid19.org and covid19tracker.in.

    Way forward

    • Commitment towards data accessibility: We need to stress on data availability because this is the one area where a swift realignment is possible.
    • The more widely data are shared, the greater the likelihood of integration of the rapidly shifting scientific frontier with clinical practice.
    • Learning from the experience of South Africa: With the advantages of a relatively high-quality surveillance system among low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) countries, bolstered by a commitment towards transparency and data accessibility, South Africa’s rapid sharing allowed the world to prepare swiftly for the appearance of the highly mutated Omicron variant.
    • It is clear that pre-emptive decisions on vaccination and other measures could be made faster and better if more integrated data were available.

    Consider the question “Why availability and accessibility of data is important in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic? What are the challenges facing health data accessibility in India?”

    Conclusion

    Now, more than ever before is the time for us to urgently reassess our attitude towards data for public health purposes and the role of national health agencies in sharing data, generated with public funds, with scientists in India and across the world.

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  • Amendment to the NDPS Act

    The Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (Amendment) Bill, 2021 was passed by Lok Sabha.

    Must read:

    [Burning Issue] Substance Abuse in India

    About NDPS Act

    • The Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, commonly referred to as the NDPS Act was promulgated in 1985.
    • It prohibits a person from the production/manufacturing/cultivation, possession, sale, purchasing, transport, storage, and/or consumption of any narcotic drug or psychotropic substance

    What is the 2021 amendment?

    • The 2021 Bill amends the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, 1985 and seeks to rectify a drafting “anomaly” created by a 2014 amendment to the parent legislation.
    • It contains a legislative declaration about what one section refers to.
    • It says Section 2 clause viii(a) corresponds to clause viii(b) in Section 27, since 2014 when the provision was first brought in.
    • Section 27A of the NDPS Act, 1985, prescribes the punishment for financing illicit traffic and harbouring offenders.

    Earlier amendment in 2014

    • In 2014, a substantial amendment was made to the NDPS Act to allow for better medical access to narcotic drugs.
    • It defined “essential drugs”; under Section 9 and allowed the manufacture, possession, transport, import inter-State, export inter-State, sale, purchase, consumption and use of essential narcotic drugs.
    • But before the 2014 amendment, a Section 2(viii)a already existed and contained a catalogue of offences for which the punishment is prescribed in Section 27A.

    What is Section 21A?

    • Section 27A reads: Whoever indulges in financing, directly or indirectly or harbours any person engaged in any of the aforementioned activities, shall be punishable with rigorous imprisonment.
    • The term shall not be less than ten years and may extend to twenty years.
    • The accused shall also be liable to fine which shall not be less than one lakh rupees but which may extend to two lakh rupees.

    What was the drafting “anomaly”?

    • While defining “essential drugs” in 2014, the legislation re-numbered Section 2.
    • The catalogue of offences, originally listed under Section 2(viii)a, was now under Section 2(viii)b.
    • In the amendment, Section 2(viii)a defined essential narcotic drugs.
    • However, the drafters missed amending the enabling provision in Section 27A to change Section 2(viii)a to Section 2(viii)b.

    What was the result of the drafting error?

    • Section 27A punished offences mentioned under Section 2(viiia) sub-clauses i-v.
    • However, Section 2 (viiia) sub-clauses i-v, which were supposed to be the catalogue of offences, does not exist after the 2014 amendment. It is now Section 2(viiib).
    • This error in the text meant since 2014, Section 27A was inoperable.

    When was the error noticed?

    • In June this year, the Tripura High Court, while hearing a reference made by the district court, flagged the drafting error, urging the Centre to bring in an amendment and rectify it.
    • In 2016, an accused had sought bail before a special judge in West Tripura in Agartala, citing this omission in drafting.

    Why can’t it be applied retrospectively?

    • Article 20(1) of the Constitution says that no person shall be convicted of any offence except for violation of the law in force at the time of the commission.
    • The person shall not be subjected to a penalty greater than that which might have been inflicted under the law in force at the time of the commission of the offence.
    • This protection means that a person cannot be prosecuted for an offence that was not a “crime” under the law when it was committed.

    Does the latest amendment make it retrospective?

    • In September, the government brought in an ordinance to rectify the drafting error, which Lok Sabha. “It shall be deemed to have come into force on the 1st day of May 2014,” the Bill reads.
    • Retrospective application is permitted in clarificatory amendments.
    • This 2021 amendment is not a substantive one, that is why the retrospective is allowed.

     

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  • [pib] Lokpal-Online: Platform for management of complaints

    The (first) Chairperson, Lokpal of India, Justice Pinaki Chandra Ghose has inaugurated’ a digital Platform for Management of Complaints called ‘Lokpal-Online’.

    Lokpal-Online

    • Lokpal-Online is an end-to-end digital solution for the management of complaints against public servants filed under the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013.
    • It is a web-based facility, which will quicken the disposal of complaints in an accountable, transparent and efficient manner with benefits to all stakeholders.
    • It facilitates handling of complaints during the complete lifecycle of the Complaint, right from its filing to the final disposal.
    • It aims to bring more transparency and efficiency to the complaint handling mechanism.

    Notable features of Online-Lokpal

    • Convenience to complainants for filing complaints online from anywhere anytime
    • Information to the complainant about action on the complaint at every stage through e-mails and SMS
    • Facility to the complainant to ascertain the status of complaint at anytime
    • Identity of the complaint is kept confidential
    • The CVC, CBI and other inquiry agencies can upload their reports directly on the ‘Lokpal-Online’ platform.
    • Reminders to inquiry agencies through e-mails and SMS
    • Generation of analytical reports as per requirement

    Back2Basics: Lokpal

    • The Lokpal, the apex body to inquire and investigate graft complaints against public functionaries, came into being with the appointment of its chairperson and members in March 2019.
    • In March 2019, former SC judge Justice Pinaki Chandra Ghose was selected as the first head of the Lokpal.

    Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013

    • The Lokpal Act 2013 is anti-corruption legislation that seeks to provide for the establishment of the institution of Lokpal.
    • It seeks to inquire into allegations of corruption against certain important public functionaries including the PM, cabinet ministers, MPs, Group A officials of the Central Government, etc.
    • The Bill was introduced in the parliament following massive public protests led by anti-corruption crusader Anna Hazare and his associates.
    • The Bill is one of the most widely discussed and debated Bills in India in recent times.

    Its history

    • The term Lokpal was coined in 1963 by Laxmi Mall Singhvi, a member of parliament during a parliamentary debate about grievance mechanisms.
    • The Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) headed by Morarji Desai submitted an interim report on “Problems of Redressal of Citizen’s Grievances” in 1966.
    • In this report, ARC recommended the creation of two special authorities designated as ‘Lokpal’ and ‘Lokayukta’ for a redress of citizens’ grievances.
    • Maharashtra was the first state to introduce Lokayukta through The Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act in 1971.

     

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  • AFSPA and the challenges ahead

    Context

    The death of civilians in Nagaland in a security operation has revived the debate about AFSPA.

    Demand for repeal of AFSPA

    • Some years ago, all the northeastern states had come together to demand the annulment of this Act.
    • That remained in the realm of yet another “demand”.
    • In 1997, after Nagaland’s most enduring insurgent outfit, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN), led by Isak Swu and T H Muivah, first decided to talk peace with the Indian government, the Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) had approached the Supreme Court for revocation of the Act.
    • Enabling legislation: The apex court had then upheld its constitutionality and said it was an enabling legislation that confers minimum powers on the army to operate in situations of widespread internal disorder.

    Way forward

    • Talk to the other groups: Many are wondering if the peace talks between the NSCN (IM) and the government of India now lie in tatters.
    • The media has focussed exclusively on the NSCN (IM) and ignored the other Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs), who have been brought on board because they are Nagaland-based and speak exclusively for Nagaland.
    • The NNPGs and the Gaon Bura Association of Nagaland doubt NSCN(IM)’s ability to bring lasting peace in Nagaland.
    • Since 2015, the Nagaland Gaon Bura Association, the apex body of Nagas which includes all the 16 recognised tribes and the NNPGs barring the NSCN (IM), have sent several memorandums to the government.
    • These representatives of the Naga people do not demand a separate flag or constitution because they understand these are tenuous demands.
    • These groups have also never raised the sovereignty issue.
    • The working committee of the seven NNPGs, roped in to join the peace talks, are also opposed to the idea of changing interlocutors as and when the NSCN (IM) decides.
    • Reconsider use of AFSPA: There is a need to reconsider the use of the army and AFSPA when killings have reduced considerably.
    • The apex body has specifically mentioned that they want to be delivered from the gun culture.
    • Check the misuse of FMR: Countering insurgency in the Northeast is fraught also because of the Free Movement Regime (FMR) between India and Myanmar.

    Conclusion

    The government need to reconsider the use of AFSPA and also focus on other measures to ensure peace and stability in these regions.

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  • Tobacco Consumption in India

    Tobacco use is known to be a major risk factor for several non-communicable diseases in India.

    Tobacco abuse in India

    • In India, 28.6% of adults above 15 years and 8.5% of students aged 13-15 years use tobacco in some form or the other.
    • This makes the country the second-largest consumer of tobacco in the world.

    Concern: No action against Tobacco

    • India bears an annual economic burden of over ₹1, 77,340 crores on account of tobacco use.
    • There has been no major increase in taxation of tobacco products to discourage the consumption of tobacco in the past four years since the introduction of GST.
    • Only in 2020-21, the Union Budget had the effect of increasing the average price of cigarettes by about 5%.
    • Yet, the excise duty on tobacco in India continues to remain extremely low.

    A worrying trend

    • No increase in tax: The absence of an increase in tax means more profits for the tobacco industry and more tax revenue foregone for the government.
    • Revenue losses: This revenue could have easily been utilized during the COVID-19 pandemic.
    • Losses due to GST: There has been a 3% real decline in GST revenues from tobacco products in each of the past two financial years.

    Present governance of Tobacco

    • GST slab: Tobacco at present is a highly taxed commodity. It is kept in the 28% GST slab (other than for tobacco leaves which is taxed at 5%).
    • Heavy cess: Tobacco and its various forms are also subject to a heavy burden of cess, given that the commodity is seen as a sin good.
    • Statutory warning: The government also uses pictures of cancer patients on the packages of cigarettes to discourage its use.

    Federal issues

    • Excise taxes on many tobacco products used to be regularly raised in the annual Union Budgets before the GST.
    • Similarly, several State governments used to regularly raise value-added tax (VAT) on tobacco products.
    • During the five years before the introduction of the GST, most State governments had moved from having a low VAT regime on tobacco products to having a high VAT regime.

    Implication of such policies

    • Increased consumption: The lack of tax increases in post-GST years might mean that some current smokers smoke more now and some non-smokers have started smoking.
    • Reverse trend in decline: This could potentially lead to a reversal of the declining trend in prevalence.
    • Affordability: Tobacco products are more affordable post-GST as shown in recent literature from India.
    • Missing up national target: This might jeopardise India’s commitment to achieving 30% tobacco use prevalence reduction by 2025 as envisaged in the National Health Policy of 2017.

    Way forward

    • Several countries in the world have high excise taxes along with GST or sales tax and they are continuously being revised.
    • We must adhere to the WHO recommendation for a uniform tax burden of at least 75% for each tobacco product.
    • The Union government should take a considerate view of public health and significantly increase excise taxes — either basic excise duty or NCCD — on all tobacco products.
    • Taxation should achieve a significant reduction in the affordability of tobacco products to reduce tobacco use prevalence and facilitate India’s march towards sustainable development goals.

     

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  • Global Health Security Index, 2021

    Countries across all income levels remain dangerously unprepared to meet future epidemic and pandemic threats, according to the new 2021 Global Health Security (GHS) Index.

    About GHS Index

    • The GHS Index is the first comprehensive assessment and benchmarking of health security and related capabilities across the 195 countries that make up the States Parties to the International Health Regulations.
    • It is a project of the Johns Hopkins Centre for Health Security, the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) and the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) and was first launched in October 2019.
    • It assesses countries across 6 categories, 37 indicators, and 171 questions using publicly available information.
    • It benchmarks health security in the context of other factors critical to fighting outbreaks, such as political and security risks, the broader strength of the health system, and country adherence to global norms.

    Parameters assessed

    The report is based on a questionnaire of 140 questions, organized across 6 categories, 34 indicators, and 85 sub-indicators. The six categories are:

    1. Prevention: Prevention of the emergence or release of pathogens
    2. Detection and Reporting: Early detection and reporting for epidemics of potential international concern
    3. Rapid Response: Rapid response to and mitigation of the spread of an epidemic
    4. Health System: Sufficient and robust health system to treat the sick and protect health workers
    5. Compliance with International Norms: Commitments to improving national capacity, financing plans to address gaps, and adhering to global norms
    6. Risk Environment: Overall risk environment and country vulnerability to biological threats

    Global performance

    • In 2021, no country scored in the top tier of rankings and no country scored above 75.9, the report showed.
    • The world’s overall performance on the GHS Index score slipped to 38.9 (out of 100) in 2021, from a score of 40.2 in the GHS Index, 2019.
    • This, even as infectious diseases are expected to have the greatest impact on the global economy in the next decade.
    • Some 101 countries high-, middle- and low-income countries, including India, have slipped in performance since 2019.

    Indian scenario

    • India, with a score of 42.8 (out of 100) too, has slipped by 0.8 points since 2019.
    • Three neighboring countries — Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Maldives — have improved their score by 1-1.2 points.

    Conclusion

    • Health emergencies demand a robust public health infrastructure with effective governance.
    • The trust in government, which has been a key factor associated with success in countries’ responses to COVID-19, is low and decreasing, the index noted.

     

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