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Subject: RPAxElectoral Reforms

  • About 36.6 lakh cases remain before 19 tribunals in the West Bengal Special Intensive Revision, with excluded voters facing denial of state welfare benefits

    Why in the News

    Around 36.6 lakh cases were still to clear the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in West Bengal at the last count in June, with 19 tribunals scrutinising applications for “logical discrepancies”. Those already marked excluded have received no reasons, no written orders and no statement of what exclusion means for their entitlements, so a roll revision has become a determination of status without the safeguards that a determination of status requires.

    What is the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls?

    1. About: It is a house to house re verification of the entire electoral roll, in which every existing elector must establish eligibility afresh rather than the roll being presumed correct.
    2. Legal basis: Section 21(3) of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 empowers the Election Commission of India to direct a special revision of the roll of any constituency at any time, for reasons to be recorded in writing.
    3. How it differs from a summary revision: A summary revision only adds, deletes or corrects entries on application, and leaves the existing roll intact as the base.
    4. Role of the base year roll: The roll from the last intensive revision is treated as conclusive proof of eligibility, and in West Bengal that base is the 2002 roll.
    5. Process flow: The elector files an enumeration form with the Booth Level Officer, then faces claims and objections, then a hearing before the Electoral Registration Officer, then adjudication, and finally an appeal to a tribunal.

    What is a Booth Level Officer?

    1. About: A Booth Level Officer (BLO) is a local government employee appointed by the Electoral Registration Officer as the field level link between the elector and the electoral registration machinery for a single polling booth.
    2. Function: The BLO distributes and collects enumeration forms, verifies residence, and forwards claims and objections upward, but holds no power to decide inclusion or deletion.

    What is the appellate stage in an electoral roll dispute?

    1. About: Sections 24 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 provide for an appeal against an order of the Electoral Registration Officer on inclusion, deletion or correction of a name, to a designated appellate authority.
    2. What it requires: An appellate order must record reasons, since the reasons are what an aggrieved elector needs to frame a further challenge before a High Court.

    What is the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019?

    1. About: It provides an accelerated path to Indian citizenship for Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi and Christian migrants from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who entered India on or before 31 December 2014.
    2. Why it appears here: The West Bengal government has stated that persons who have applied under this Act will be exempted from the withdrawal of state welfare benefits on deletion from the roll.

    What does the pendency before the tribunals show about the scale of the exercise?

    1. Volume of unresolved cases: Around 36.6 lakh cases were awaiting clearance at the last count, which was in June.
    2. The adjudicating machinery: 19 tribunals are scrutinising these applications, which is the final hurdle in the process.
    3. The test being applied: The tribunals are examining applications for “logical discrepancies”, a standard nowhere defined in the published process.
    4. The disposal figure is opaque: The Election Commission has said the tribunals disposed of 38,000 cases till June, with no clarity on how many of those were of persons deleted from the roll.
    5. Judicial pressure for disclosure: The Supreme Court has nudged the Election Commission to divulge the figures, with the next hearing listed for 25 August.
    6. The information gap: The Commission has stayed tightlipped on the details of an exercise without precedent in the State.

    Why do those already excluded not know what follows exclusion?

    1. Five possible outcomes, none confirmed: Those deleted have been left uncertain between detention, deportation, denial of government benefits, a long court case, or reapplication from the start.
    2. The State government’s position: The State government has publicly raised all of these as possibilities without settling on any.
    3. The Election Commission’s position: The Commission says reapplication, starting again as a “new voter”, is an option available to the excluded.
    4. The welfare decision: In its first Cabinet meeting the State government decided that persons deleted in the SIR will not be able to avail State welfare schemes.
    5. The stated exceptions: Exceptions were announced for those whose applications are pending before tribunals and for those who have applied under the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019.
    6. What repetition has done: Ministers have repeated the warning since, so the linkage between the roll and rations is now an operating expectation rather than a rule.

    What do the individual cases reveal about how the tribunals operate?

    1. Deletion without notice: A Bolpur family learnt in May that the tribunal had ruled against a 72 year old man and his 42 year old daughter, and they received no notice of the order.
    2. No reasons and no written orders: Counsel for an excluded elector in Hooghly states that the tribunals assign no reasons and issue no written order on the basis of which a court can be approached.
    3. The 2002 roll decides everything: One Bolpur elector’s name was excluded because he had worked in Kolkata and was therefore absent from the 2002 roll, which the Commission treats as conclusive proof.
    4. Documents did not settle the case: The same family produced secondary and higher secondary board certificates at the hearing, and the cases still went to the tribunal and ended in deletion.
    5. Errors in the notices themselves: A 31 year old woman in Arambagh was served a notice stating she had seven siblings when she has four, and all four cleared the revision while she was dropped.
    6. Families split across the roll: A 48 year old Hooghly construction worker’s mother, brother and wife are on the roll while he was dropped without ever being asked for documents.
    7. No acknowledgment of appeals: A 50 year old garland maker in a Kolkata slum filed her appeal offline and never received even an acknowledgment from the tribunal, while the Commission’s website shows her as excluded.
    8. Scale within a single booth: One Booth Level Officer reported that 105 of the 1,017 voters in his booth were deleted, adding that in his personal opinion they may be genuine voters and that no reason was shown.
    9. The field machinery cannot explain it: Booth Level Officers in the affected wards say only that the office and the tribunal judges will decide.

    Why does exclusion from the roll now reach beyond the vote?

    1. Rations are the immediate fear: Excluded electors report that they continue to receive rations and expect them to stop, having heard ministers say the deleted will lose access to schemes.
    2. Pensions are equally exposed: A widow receiving a State widow pension alongside rations reports the same fear, on an income of Rs 200 a day from selling flower garlands.
    3. Ordinary financial transactions are in doubt: Excluded electors are unsure whether they can complete formalities for bank accounts or an LPG connection without a name on the roll.
    4. The franchise has already been lost: A Bolpur father and daughter could not vote in the 2026 elections because of their SIR status, before any tribunal had finally ruled.
    5. Social standing is affected: Those deleted fear how neighbours will treat them once exclusion becomes known, since the label carries an implication of foreign origin.
    6. Citizenship is being inferred from a roll: An electoral roll records eligibility to vote, not nationality, yet deportation and detention are being discussed as consequences of deletion.

    Why is the judicial remedy not a real remedy for those excluded?

    1. The High Court can only send it back: On 4 August the Calcutta High Court directed the tribunal to consider and dispose of one appellant’s appeal afresh, preferably within three months, which restarts rather than resolves the case.
    2. Related cases move separately: In the same family, the daughter’s petition was still awaiting a hearing when the father’s was remanded.
    3. Delay compounds: A petition moved on 28 July by another excluded elector was still awaiting a hearing weeks later.
    4. Only individuals may appeal: Assistance organisations were told that the individual, not a representative body, must approach the High Court, which rules out a collective petition.
    5. Cost is prohibitive: Excluded electors state plainly that they do not have the money to go to court on daily wage incomes.
    6. Appeals disappear before they are heard: An assistance organisation working in Kolkata slums filed 54 offline appeals to tribunals on 10 April and received no acknowledgment receipt for 17 of them.
    7. Absence of reasons blocks the appeal itself: Without a reasoned order stating why a name was deleted, an appellant has nothing to challenge.

    Challenges to the Special Intensive Revision

    1. Reversal of the burden of proof: The exercise requires a long standing elector to prove eligibility rather than requiring the State to prove ineligibility. e.g. electors in Bolpur who voted in successive elections were required to produce board certificates to retain a name already on the roll.
    2. Documentary thresholds that exclude the poor: Linking eligibility to a 2002 roll entry disadvantages migrants, women married across districts and the landless. e.g. a Kolkata slum resident whose late husband migrated from Bihar could not link herself to the 2002 roll while her son linked himself to an uncle and cleared.
    3. Absence of reasoned orders in the appellate chain: Adjudication without written reasons defeats the right to appeal. e.g. an Arambagh elector’s counsel records that no reason was given for deletion and no written order was issued.
    4. Administrative errors carried into final orders: Verification data is entered without cross checking against the household record. e.g. a notice recorded seven siblings for an elector who has four, and the error was never corrected before deletion.
    5. Linkage of the roll to welfare entitlements: Making ration, pension and scheme access contingent on roll status converts an electoral process into a subsistence question. e.g. the State Cabinet decided that persons deleted in the revision would not be able to avail State welfare schemes.
    6. Conflation of electoral registration with citizenship: Deletion is being treated as evidence of foreign nationality without any determination under citizenship law. e.g. detention and deportation have been publicly discussed as consequences of deletion from the roll.
    7. Capacity of the field machinery: A single Booth Level Officer handles over a thousand electors alongside a regular government job and cannot explain the outcomes. e.g. one BLO recorded 105 deletions among 1,017 electors and said he did not know the reasons.
    8. Opacity of published data: Aggregate figures are released without the breakdown needed to audit the process. e.g. the Commission’s figure of 38,000 disposed cases does not disclose how many concerned deletions.

    Conclusion

    The revision has not ended with the publication of the roll. The tribunals decide exclusion without reasons and without written orders, so the excluded cannot frame an appeal, while the State government has linked deletion to the loss of welfare benefits and public discussion has extended it to detention and deportation. A correction of the electoral roll has therefore become a determination of legal status carried out without the procedural protections that such a determination requires. Until the Election Commission discloses the tribunal outcomes and the consequences of exclusion are fixed in law rather than in political statements, the 36.6 lakh pending cases remain a question of livelihood as much as of the franchise.

    Electoral Roll Management in India

    1. About: The electoral roll is the constituency wise register of persons qualified to vote, prepared and revised under the superintendence of the Election Commission of India.
    2. Scale: India’s electorate crossed 97 crore at the 2024 general election, spread across more than 10.5 lakh polling stations, which makes the roll the largest voter register in the world.
    3. Qualifying date: A person must have attained 18 years on the qualifying date, and since the Election Laws (Amendment) Act, 2021 there are four qualifying dates each year, on 1 January, 1 April, 1 July and 1 October.
    4. Field machinery: The chain runs from the Chief Electoral Officer of the State, to the District Election Officer, the Electoral Registration Officer, the Assistant Electoral Registration Officer and the Booth Level Officer, with Booth Level Agents appointed by political parties.
    5. Types of revision: Revision may be intensive, summary, or partly intensive and partly summary, and the Commission may additionally order a special revision at any time.
    6. Forms used: Form 6 for inclusion, Form 6A for overseas electors, Form 6B for voluntary Aadhaar linkage, Form 7 for objection to inclusion or for deletion, and Form 8 for correction, shifting or replacement.
    7. Publication cycle: A draft roll is published, claims and objections are invited for a fixed period, and the final roll is published after disposal.

    Constitutional Framework Governing Electoral Rolls

    1. Article 324: Vests the superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of electoral rolls in the Election Commission of India.
    2. Article 325: Provides for one general electoral roll for every constituency and bars exclusion on grounds of religion, race, caste or sex.
    3. Article 326: Establishes adult suffrage, entitling every citizen aged 18 or above to registration unless disqualified for non residence, unsoundness of mind, crime, or corrupt or illegal practice.
    4. Article 327: Empowers Parliament to make law on all matters relating to elections, including the preparation of electoral rolls.
    5. Article 328: Gives a State legislature power to legislate on State election matters not covered by parliamentary law.
    6. Article 329(b): Bars court interference in elections except through an election petition presented in the manner provided by law.
    7. Article 11: Vests exclusively in Parliament the power to regulate the acquisition and termination of citizenship, so citizenship cannot be determined by an electoral registration authority.

    Laws and Rules Governing Electoral Rolls

    1. Representation of the People Act, 1950: Governs the preparation and revision of electoral rolls and the qualifications for registration.
    2. Section 16: Disqualifies a person from registration if they are not a citizen of India, or are of unsound mind as declared by a competent court, or are disqualified under a law relating to corrupt practices.
    3. Section 19: Requires that a person be at least 18 years old on the qualifying date and be ordinarily resident in the constituency.
    4. Section 20: Defines ordinary residence, and clarifies that mere ownership of property does not create residence.
    5. Section 21: Provides for preparation and revision of rolls, with sub section 3 empowering a special revision for reasons recorded in writing.
    6. Sections 22 and 23: Provide for correction of entries and inclusion of names in a roll already published.
    7. Section 24: Provides an appeal against an order of the Electoral Registration Officer to the designated appellate authority.
    8. Section 31: Penalises a false declaration made in connection with the preparation of a roll.
    9. Registration of Electors Rules, 1960: Prescribe the forms, the manner of publication of the draft roll, the notice and hearing procedure for claims and objections, and the publication of the final roll.
    10. Representation of the People Act, 1951: Governs the conduct of elections, qualifications and disqualifications of candidates, corrupt practices and election petitions.
    11. Election Laws (Amendment) Act, 2021: Introduced voluntary Aadhaar linkage of electoral roll data and added three additional qualifying dates each year.
    12. Citizenship Act, 1955 and the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019: Govern the acquisition and determination of citizenship, which is a separate statutory process from electoral registration.
    13. Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023: Governs the appointment, service conditions and tenure of the Election Commissioners.

    Back2Basics: Election Commission of India

    1. Constitutional status: A permanent constitutional body established under Article 324, which came into existence on 25 January 1950.
    2. Composition: It functioned as a single member body until 1989, and has been a three member body comprising the Chief Election Commissioner and two Election Commissioners continuously since 1993.
    3. Appointment: Under the 2023 Act, the President appoints them on the recommendation of a committee comprising the Prime Minister, a Union Cabinet Minister and the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha.
    4. Tenure: Six years or until the age of 65, whichever is earlier.
    5. Removal: The Chief Election Commissioner can be removed only in the same manner and on the same grounds as a judge of the Supreme Court, and an Election Commissioner only on the recommendation of the Chief Election Commissioner.
    6. Mandate: It conducts elections to Parliament, the State legislatures and the offices of the President and Vice President, and prepares and revises the electoral rolls for them.
    7. Limits of its jurisdiction: Panchayat and municipal elections are conducted by State Election Commissions under Articles 243K and 243ZA, not by the Election Commission of India.
    8. Headquarters: New Delhi, with a Chief Electoral Officer in every State and Union Territory.

    Government and Election Commission Initiatives

    1. ECINET: A unified digital platform consolidating the Commission’s separate voter and election applications into a single interface for electors, candidates and officials.
    2. Systematic Voters’ Education and Electoral Participation (SVEEP), 2009: The Commission’s flagship voter education and registration outreach programme, targeted at young, urban and low turnout groups.
    3. Electoral Literacy Clubs: Institutional clubs in schools, colleges and communities to build electoral awareness among future and new electors, now expanded in a second version.
    4. National Voters’ Service Portal and Voter Helpline application: Provide online filing of Forms 6, 7 and 8, roll search and status tracking without a visit to the Electoral Registration Officer.
    5. cVIGIL application: Allows any citizen to report a Model Code of Conduct violation with a geotagged photograph or video, with a hundred minute response commitment.
    6. Form 6B Aadhaar linkage: Permits voluntary submission of the Aadhaar number under the Election Laws (Amendment) Act, 2021 to remove duplicate entries.
    7. Remote voting machine prototype: A multi constituency electronic voting machine demonstrated to political parties to enable domestic migrants to vote from their place of work.

    Key Facts about Elections and Electoral Rolls

    1. National Voters’ Day is observed on 25 January, marking the foundation of the Election Commission of India in 1950, and was first observed in 2011.
    2. India’s electorate has grown from about 17.3 crore at the first general election to about 97 crore in 2024.
    3. The voting age was lowered from 21 years to 18 years by the 61st Constitutional Amendment Act, 1988.
    4. The None of the Above option was introduced on electronic voting machines after the Supreme Court’s 2013 ruling in the People’s Union for Civil Liberties case.
    5. Section 62(5) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 bars a person confined in prison from voting, though the right to be registered on the roll continues.
    6. The last intensive revision in West Bengal was in 2002, which is why that roll serves as the base for the current exercise.
    7. An election petition challenging an election lies only before the High Court, under Article 329(b) read with the Representation of the People Act, 1951.

    Challenges in Electoral Roll Management

    1. Duplicate and multiple entries: Internal migration produces the same elector on two rolls. e.g. seasonal construction and agricultural migrants are commonly registered both in their home district and at their work destination.
    2. Deletion without notice or hearing: Names are removed without the elector being informed, defeating the statutory right to be heard. e.g. electors in West Bengal report learning of deletion only from the Commission’s website months after the order.
    3. Documentary burden on the poorest: Proof of ancestry and continuous residence is hardest for those who most need welfare entitlements. e.g. slum residents whose parents were never on an earlier intensive revision roll cannot establish the required link.
    4. Conflation of roll status with citizenship: An administrative deletion is treated in public discourse as a finding of foreign nationality. e.g. the 2019 Assam National Register of Citizens excluded about 19 lakh people whose status remained unresolved for years afterwards.
    5. Field level capacity constraints: A Booth Level Officer covers over a thousand electors while performing a full time government job. e.g. teachers and anganwadi workers deployed as Booth Level Officers carry the verification of an entire polling area alone.
    6. Aadhaar linkage and wrongful deletion risk: Automated matching against another database produces false deletions. e.g. the 2015 National Electoral Roll Purification programme in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh removed large numbers of names before Aadhaar seeding was halted.
    7. Weak appellate quality: Appellate authorities decide without recording reasons, which removes the basis for judicial review. e.g. tribunal orders in the current revision are reported to carry neither reasons nor a written order.
    8. Data opacity: Aggregate disposal figures are published without a breakdown by outcome. e.g. a figure of cases disposed conveys nothing about how many electors were deleted and on what ground.

    Way Forward

    1. Mandate reasoned written orders at every stage: Require every adjudicating and appellate authority to issue a speaking order stating the ground of deletion and to serve it on the elector.
    2. Guarantee acknowledgment and tracking: Issue a machine generated receipt for every claim, objection and appeal, with an online status tracker, so no appeal can disappear.
    3. Fix statutory timelines: Prescribe an outer limit for disposal of appeals, since indefinite pendency is itself a denial of the franchise.
    4. Delink the electoral roll from welfare entitlements: State expressly that ration, pension and scheme access do not depend on the roll, since entitlement statutes and the roll rest on different criteria.
    5. Provide free legal aid at the tribunal stage: Route District Legal Services Authority assistance to appellants automatically, since individual appeals are otherwise unaffordable.
    6. Publish disaggregated data: Release constituency wise and booth wise figures for deletions, grounds and appeal outcomes so that the exercise can be independently audited.
    7. Strengthen and supervise the field machinery: Cap the number of electors per Booth Level Officer, provide dedicated deputation rather than additional charge, and audit a random sample of verifications.
    8. Separate citizenship determination from electoral registration: Confirm that a question of nationality can only be decided under the Citizenship Act, 1955 by the competent authority, and never by an electoral registration order.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2017, GS2, 15 marks] To enhance the quality of democracy in India the Election Commission of India has proposed electoral reforms in 2016. What are the suggested reforms and how far are they significant to make democracy successful?”

  • SC asks for data on SIR appeal disposal in West Bengal

    Why in the News

    The Supreme Court asked the Election Commission of India to furnish data on the disposal rate of appeals filed by persons excluded from the West Bengal electoral roll during the Special Intensive Revision. The court declined to fix a timeline for the appellate tribunals but signalled it would restructure the disposal architecture if performance is found wanting, exposing the tension between the right to an effective remedy and the slow pace of appeal disposal linked to welfare access.

    What is the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls?

    1. Definition: The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) is an intensive, house to house verification of electoral rolls conducted by the Election Commission of India to add eligible voters and remove ineligible entries.
    2. Object: Its stated aim is that no eligible voter is excluded and no ineligible person is included in the draft electoral roll.
    3. Process: Booth Level Officers collect enumeration forms from households, after which the draft roll is published and objections are heard.
    4. Appeal route: Persons whose names are excluded may appeal before designated appellate tribunals set up following Supreme Court orders.

    What did the Supreme Court direct?

    1. Data on disposal: The court asked the Election Commission of India to furnish details on the quantum of appeals disposed by the appellate tribunals.
    2. No fixed timeline: It declined to bind the tribunals to a specific timeline for deciding appeals.
    3. Focus on quantum: The court clarified it is concerned with the volume and speed of disposal, not the outcome of individual appeals.
    4. Restructuring option: It indicated it may revisit and restructure the disposal architecture, including online access for the deciding officer, if performance appears wanting.
    5. Next hearing: The matter was listed for 25 August.

    Why does appeal disposal matter beyond the roll?

    1. Under one percent decided: The petitioner submitted that the tribunals had not decided even one percent of the appeals.
    2. Welfare linkage: Counsel argued that the State was denying ration and other benefits to those deleted from the rolls whose appeals were pending.
    3. Access barrier: People from distant areas found it difficult to physically reach the tribunals, prompting the court to examine logistical issues.
    4. Remedy must be effective: The court observed that merely filing an appeal may not satisfy a litigant if the due process does not yield an outcome.
    5. Separate cause of action: On the welfare denial, the court advised the petitioner to approach the Calcutta High Court as it involved a different cause of action.

    Where does the genuine tension lie?

    1. Judicial restraint versus effective remedy: The court will not fix a decision timeline for the tribunals, yet insists that an appeal must lead to a real outcome.
    2. Roll purity versus disenfranchisement: Intensive revision seeks accurate rolls, while slow appeal disposal risks keeping eligible voters excluded.
    3. Electoral right versus welfare access: Exclusion from the roll is linked to denial of ration and welfare, widening the stakes beyond voting.
    4. Creator’s duty: As the creator of the tribunals, the court accepts responsibility to ensure the due process it designed actually functions.

    About Electoral Roll Management in India

    1. Definition: The electoral roll is the list of eligible voters for a constituency, maintained and periodically revised by the Election Commission of India.
    2. Legal basis: Roll preparation and revision are governed by the Representation of the People Act, 1950, and the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960.
    3. Eligibility: A person may be enrolled only in the constituency where they are ordinarily resident and whose name appears on the roll may contest and vote.
    4. Revision types: Rolls are updated through summary revision and, where needed, intensive or special intensive revision.

    Statutory Framework Governing Electoral Rolls

    1. Article 324: Vests superintendence, direction, and control of elections and roll preparation in the Election Commission of India.
    2. Article 326: Provides for adult suffrage as the basis of elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies.
    3. Representation of the People Act, 1950: Governs allocation of seats and preparation of electoral rolls.
    4. Representation of the People Act, 1951: Governs the conduct of elections, qualifications, and disqualifications of candidates.
    5. Registration of Electors Rules, 1960: Prescribes the procedure for enrolment, revision, appeals, and correction of rolls.

    Back2Basics: Election Commission of India (ECI)

    1. Constitutional basis: Established under Article 324 as an independent constitutional body.
    2. Composition: A Chief Election Commissioner and such number of Election Commissioners as the President fixes.
    3. Jurisdiction: Conducts elections to Parliament, State legislatures, and the offices of President and Vice President, and maintains electoral rolls.
    4. Tenure and removal: The Chief Election Commissioner can be removed only through the process applicable to a Supreme Court judge.
    5. Function in focus: Preparation and revision of electoral rolls, including intensive revision exercises.

    “[2017] For election to the Lok Sabha, a nomination paper can be filed by

    (a) Anyone residing in India.

    (b) A resident of the constituency from which the election is to be contested.

    (c) Any citizen of India whose name appears in the electoral roll of a constituency.

    (d) any citizen of India.

  • Are regional parties losing relevance in India?

    Why in the News?

    The defeat of the Trinamool Congress in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections and a wave of defections across regional parties have raised questions about their future. Lokniti CSDS data shows regional parties have retained a consistent one third vote share across four Lok Sabha elections, exposing that their challenge is organisational renewal rather than declining voter support.

    How are national and regional parties classified?

    1. What it is: The Election Commission of India classifies parties as national, state (regional), or registered unrecognised, based on vote share and seats won in general and state elections.
    2. Why vote share matters: Vote share is the best indicator of a party’s underlying support base, because India’s first past the post system magnifies both victories and defeats in seat terms.

    What do the Lok Sabha vote share figures show, 2009 to 2024?

    1. National parties combined: 63.59 per cent in 2009, 60.04 per cent in 2014, 68.15 per cent in 2019, and 62.72 per cent in 2024.
    2. Regional parties combined: 31.22 per cent in 2009, 35.85 per cent in 2014, 28.1 per cent in 2019, and 33.53 per cent in 2024.
    3. National seats: National parties won 376 seats in 2009, 342 in 2014, 397 in 2019, and 346 in 2024.
    4. BJP trajectory: The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rose from 116 seats and 18.8 per cent in 2009 to 282 seats and 31 per cent in 2014, 303 seats and 37.3 per cent in 2019, and 240 seats and 36.56 per cent in 2024.
    5. Congress trajectory: The Congress fell from 206 seats and 28.55 per cent in 2009 to 44 seats and 19.31 per cent in 2014, then 52 seats and 19.46 per cent in 2019, and 99 seats and 21.19 per cent in 2024.
    6. Stable one third: Regional parties have consistently secured around one third of total votes, the only dip being 2019 at 28.1 per cent, held down by the Balakot air strike backdrop.

    What does the state wise picture show?

    1. Assembly preference: Voters display a much stronger preference for regional parties in Assembly elections than in Lok Sabha elections, underscoring the enduring pull of state level identities.
    2. Replacement within the regional camp: In Tamil Nadu, when the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam faced a setback, it was replaced by another regional party rather than by a national one.
    3. Persistent strength: Regional parties retain significant vote share across several states despite fluctuations in seats won.

    Why do defections not signal shrinking support?

    1. Trinamool: The Trinamool Congress witnessed several defections following its West Bengal defeat.
    2. Aam Aadmi Party: The Aam Aadmi Party saw many of its Rajya Sabha members defect.
    3. Nationalist Congress Party (Sharad Pawar): It saw defections in Maharashtra.
    4. Distinction: These point to organisational vulnerabilities, but defections by themselves do not indicate a shrinking electoral support base.

    What is the governance footprint of regional parties?

    1. Independent rule: Regional parties independently govern four states, the lowest number in nearly two and a half decades, down from nine states independently governed between 2015 and 2020.
    2. Dominant coalition partners: Regional parties are the dominant partners in four states, namely Andhra Pradesh, Meghalaya, Nagaland, and Puducherry.
    3. Junior partners: The BJP leads coalitions with regional allies in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Assam, Goa, Maharashtra, and Tripura, while the Congress is a junior partner in Jharkhand, Jammu and Kashmir, and Tamil Nadu.
    4. Fewer governments, stable votes: The decline in the number of governments headed by regional parties does not imply a corresponding decline in their electoral support.

    Setback versus survival, the real challenge

    1. Not declining votes: The challenge before regional parties is not declining voter support but organisational renewal.
    2. FPTP distortion: The first past the post system magnifies seat swings even when vote share stays broadly stable.
    3. Too early for an obituary: A consistent one third vote share shows it is premature to write the obituary of regional parties.

    One Nation One Election context

    1. The proposal: The proposed One Nation One Election framework would synchronise Lok Sabha and state Assembly elections.
    2. Concern for regional parties: Regional parties fear that simultaneous polls could let national issues and better resourced national parties overshadow state level concerns where regional parties are strongest.

    What are the challenges to regional parties?

    1. Organisational decay: Weak cadre structures and dependence on single leaders leave parties fragile.
    2. Defections and poaching: Loss of legislators erodes bargaining power even when vote share holds.
    3. Leadership succession: Founder centric parties struggle with generational transition.
    4. Resource asymmetry: National parties command far greater funding and media reach.
    5. Simultaneous elections risk: One Nation One Election could dilute the salience of state issues.
    6. Coalition dependence: Falling numbers of independent governments push parties into junior roles.

    Conclusion

    Regional parties continue to retain a substantial and consistent support base despite electoral setbacks and defections. The evidence shows their difficulty is organisational renewal, not shrinking voter preference, since vote share has stayed near one third across four Lok Sabha elections. Both national and regional parties hold stable places in India’s party system.

    India’s Party System (Foundational Context)

    1. About: India has a multi party system with recognised national parties, recognised state parties, and registered unrecognised parties.
    2. Rationale: Party recognition governs privileges such as reserved election symbols, free broadcast time, and star campaigner allowances.
    3. Classification basis: The Election Commission of India recognises parties based on thresholds of vote share and seats won in Lok Sabha and Assembly elections.

    Key Concerns Regarding the Party System

    1. Intra party democracy deficit: Many parties lack transparent internal elections and leadership accountability.
    2. Money and elections: Rising campaign expenditure entrenches resource rich parties.
    3. Defections: Frequent defections weaken mandate stability despite anti defection law.
    4. Personality centric organisation: Dependence on individual leaders undermines institutional continuity.

    Back2Basics: Representation of the People Act, 1951

    1. What it is: The Representation of the People Act, 1951 governs the conduct of elections to Parliament and state legislatures.
    2. Coverage: It covers qualifications and disqualifications of members, registration of parties, and corrupt practices and offences.
    3. Party recognition: Party recognition and symbol allotment operate under this Act and the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968.
    4. Regulator: It is administered by the Election Commission of India, a constitutional body under Article 324.

    Constitutional and Statutory Framework Governing Elections

    1. Article 324: Vests superintendence, direction, and control of elections in the Election Commission of India.
    2. Article 325: Provides a single general electoral roll and bars exclusion on grounds of religion, race, caste, or sex.
    3. Article 326: Provides for elections on the basis of adult suffrage.
    4. Representation of the People Act, 1950: Governs preparation of electoral rolls and allocation of seats.
    5. Representation of the People Act, 1951: Governs the actual conduct of elections and party registration.

    Way Forward

    1. Strengthen internal democracy: Institutionalise leadership succession and cadre building within regional parties.
    2. Reform party finance: Improve transparency to reduce resource asymmetry.
    3. Enforce anti defection: Tighten timelines and disqualification processes to deter defections.
    4. Protect federal representation: Design electoral reforms, including any simultaneous elections proposal, to safeguard state level voice.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2024] Examine the need for electoral reforms as suggested by various committees with particular reference to “one nation-one election” principle.

    Linkage: The PYQ directly relates to electoral reforms and the One Nation-One Election proposal. The article highlights how simultaneous elections could affect regional parties, state-level issues and India’s federal party system.

  • A fifth of Telangana voters face exclusion

    Why in the News

    In Telangana, 73.47 lakh enumeration forms, nearly 22% of the electorate, were marked “Uncollectable” during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. The large number raises concerns about balancing clean electoral rolls with the risk of excluding genuine voters.

    What is Special Intensive Revision (SIR)?

    • SIR: Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls.
    • Conducted by the Election Commission of India (ECI) through comprehensive, house-to-house enumeration.
    • Electors submit enumeration forms; non-returned forms may be marked “Uncollectable”.
    • Doubtful cases may receive notices from Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) for verification.

    Current Status in Telangana

    • Enumeration ended: August 10, 2026.
    • Uncollectable: 73,47,075 forms, nearly 22% of the electorate.
    • Draft rolls: Scheduled for August 17.
    • Claims and objections will follow publication of the draft rolls.

    Why is it Concerning?

    1. Disenfranchisement risk: Genuine voters may be deleted along with ineligible entries.
    2. Burden on voters: Migrants, poor households and hard-to-reach groups may struggle to submit forms.
    3. Short timeline: Limited time to reconcile uncollectable forms before draft publication.
    4. Legal concerns: The process has faced challenges regarding deletion procedures.

    Safeguards After Draft Roll

    • Claims and objections: Voters can seek restoration of wrongly deleted names.
    • ERO verification: Doubtful cases can be examined before finalisation.
    • Appeals: Aggrieved voters can approach higher electoral authorities and courts.

    Constitutional & Legal Framework

    • Article 324: Gives the Election Commission of India (ECI) superintendence, direction and control over elections and electoral rolls.
    • Article 325: Provides for one general electoral roll and prohibits exclusion on grounds of religion, race, caste or sex.
    • Article 326: Provides for adult suffrage.
    • Representation of the People Act, 1950 (RPA 1950): Governs preparation and revision of electoral rolls.
    • Registration of Electors Rules, 1960: Provides procedures for claims, objections and revision.

    Back2Basics: Election Commission of India

    • Type: Constitutional body under Article 324.
    • Established: 1950.
    • Composition: Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners.
    • Mandate: Conducts elections to Parliament, State legislatures, and the offices of President and Vice-President.
    • Role in rolls: Conducts summary and intensive revisions to maintain accurate electoral rolls.

    Challenges

    1. Wrongful deletion of genuine voters.
    2. Exclusion of migrants and seasonal workers.
    3. Duplicate, dead and ineligible entries.
    4. Compressed timelines for verification and objections.
    5. Documentation burden on vulnerable voters.
    6. Loss of public trust due to perceived lack of transparency.

    [2017] For election to the Lok Sabha, a nomination paper can be filed by

    (a) Anyone residing in India

    (b) A resident of the constituency from which the election is to be contested

    (c) Any citizen of India whose name appears in the electoral roll of a constituency

    (d) Any citizen of India

  • Centre defends CEC panel without CJI

    Why in the News?

    The Supreme Court is examining the constitutional validity of the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023, which gives the executive a majority in the CEC selection committee. The Court has reserved its decision on whether to refer the matter to a Constitution Bench.

    What is the CEC Selection Committee under the 2023 Act?

    The Act provides for a three-member selection committee comprising:

    • Prime Minister (Chairperson)
    • Union Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister
    • Leader of the Opposition (LoP) in the Lok Sabha

    What changed?

    • The Act replaced the Chief Justice of India (CJI) with a Cabinet Minister.
    • This gives the executive two out of three votes, with the Opposition holding one.

    What is the Anoop Baranwal Judgment (2023)?

    • Delivered by a five-judge Constitution Bench.
    • Held that until Parliament enacted a law, the CEC and Election Commissioners should be appointed by a committee comprising:
      • Prime Minister
      • Leader of the Opposition
      • Chief Justice of India
    • The Court stressed that the Election Commission must be independent, neutral, and free from executive control.

    Centre’s Arguments

    • Parliament is competent to decide the appointment process.
    • The Prime Minister’s office carries constitutional trust.
    • Courts should not presume bad faith by constitutional authorities.
    • Replacing the CJI with a Cabinet Minister is within Parliament’s legislative powers.

    Supreme Court’s Concerns

    • The committee lacks a neutral member.
    • A 2:1 executive majority may affect the perception of independence.
    • Appointments should not only be fair but also appear to be fair.

    [2017] Consider the following statements regarding the Election Commission of India:
    1.The ECI is currently a five-member body consisting of the Chief Election Commissioner and four Election Commissioners.
    2.The Union Ministry of Home Affairs is the final authority that decides the election schedule for general elections.
    3.The ECI is the designated authority to resolve disputes relating to splits or mergers of recognized political parties.
    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    [A] 1 and 2 only

    [B] 3 only

    [C] 2 and 3 only

    [D] 1, 2 and 3

  • [7th July 2026] The Hindu OpED: In India, voting cannot remain merely a statutory right 

    [UPSC 2024] Examine the need for electoral reforms as suggested by various committees with particular reference to ‘one nation-one election’ principle.
    Linkage: The PYQ examines reforms required to strengthen India’s electoral democracy and democratic participation.The article argues that constitutional recognition of the right to vote is a foundational electoral reform that would strengthen free and fair elections and deepen democratic legitimacy

    Mentor’s Comment

    A Congress leader has revived the demand to recognise voting as a fundamental right, reopening a settled constitutional debate. The demand exposes a growing inconsistency between the Supreme Court’s insistence that voting remains a mere statutory right and its own decisions constitutionalising nearly every facet surrounding the vote.

    Why has the Supreme Court traditionally treated the right to vote as a statutory right rather than a fundamental right?

    1. Foundational ruling: N.P. Ponnuswami vs Returning Officer (1952) held that the right to vote is not a common law right. Parliament created this right through statute.
    2. Reaffirmation: Jyoti Basu vs Debi Ghosal (1982) held the right to elect is “purely a statutory right.” Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy denied it the status of a fundamental right.
    3. Constitution Bench position: Kuldip Nayar vs Union of India (2006) held that democracy forms part of the basic structure (basic structure doctrine: the principle that certain core features of the Constitution cannot be altered even by a constitutional amendment). It held that the individual right to vote flows from the Representation of the People Acts, not from the Constitution.
    4. Textual basis: Part III of the Constitution does not list the right to vote among the fundamental rights.
    5. Parliamentary latitude: This textual silence gives Parliament wide discretion. Parliament prescribes qualifications, disqualifications, and procedures for elections.

    How has judicial interpretation constitutionalised individual facets of voting, and what anomaly does this create?

    1. Right to know: Union of India vs Association for Democratic Reforms (2002) held that voters have a right to know the criminal antecedents, educational qualifications, and financial assets of candidates. The Court grounded this right in Article 19(1)(a).
    2. Freedom to choose: People’s Union of Civil Liberties vs Union of India (2003) held that the freedom to make an informed choice is a fundamental right under Article 19(1)(a). The Court retained the position that the right to vote itself is statutory.
    3. Right to reject: The 2013 NOTA judgment held that a voter’s decision to reject all candidates is political expression protected by Article 19(1)(a). The Court extended ballot secrecy to voters who choose not to vote for any candidate.
    4. Emerging judicial view: Justice Ajay Rastogi’s separate opinion in Anoop Baranwal vs Union of India (2023) favoured recognising voting as a fundamental right. This view did not command a majority on the Constitution Bench.
    5. Resulting anomaly: The Court has made the right to know, the freedom to choose, and the right to reject all candidates fundamental. The act of voting itself remains a mere statutory entitlement.
    6. Logical inconsistency: The Constitution protects the right to reject every candidate. Denying protection to the right to choose one is incongruous.

    Does recognising a Fundamental Right to vote require removing Parliament’s power to regulate elections?

    1. Limited scope of the claim: Constitutional recognition is not required for every procedural detail of voting. It is required only for the core right to participate in the democratic process.
    2. Regulatory power retained: Parliament continues to prescribe qualifications, disqualifications, and age requirements for elections. Electoral rolls and residency conditions also remain within Parliament’s domain.
    3. Corrupt practices regulation: Disqualification for corrupt practices remains a statutory matter. This regulation is necessary for orderly elections.
    4. Entitlement distinguished from mechanics: The mechanics of voting may remain statutory. The citizen’s underlying entitlement to be a voter need not.

    Why does the basic structure doctrine make the statutory classification of voting untenable?

    1. Democracy as basic structure: Kesavananda Bharati vs State of Kerala (1973) held that democracy forms part of the Constitution’s basic structure.
    2. Free elections as essential feature: Indira Nehru Gandhi vs Raj Narain (1975) held that free and fair elections are an essential feature of democracy.
    3. Source of legitimacy: Elections derive legitimacy from citizen participation through the ballot. The vote is the instrument through which popular sovereignty is exercised.
    4. Constitutional source of entitlement: Article 326 mandates elections on the basis of universal adult suffrage. Every citizen above 18 is constitutionally entitled to be registered as an elector, subject only to narrowly defined disqualifications.
    5. Statute merely operationalises: The Representation of the People Acts operationalise the command in Article 326. They do not create the underlying entitlement.
    6. Exclusion as constitutional harm: Exclusion from the electoral roll strikes at a constitutional guarantee. This holds except where exclusion follows constitutionally permissible limitations.

    Conclusion

    The Supreme Court has extended constitutional protection to the right to know, the freedom to choose, and the right to reject candidates, while continuing to classify the act of voting itself as merely statutory. This position is inconsistent with the Court’s own recognition that democracy and free and fair elections form part of the basic structure. The Court must revisit the Ponnuswami-Jyoti Basu-Kuldip Nayar line of doctrine. The citizen’s entitlement to be a registered elector flows from Article 326 of the Constitution, leaving only the mechanics of voting to statutory regulation.

  • Criminal Cases Among Rajya Sabha MPs (ADR Report)

    Why in News?

    A report by the Association for Democratic Reforms and National Election Watch found that 31% of sitting Rajya Sabha MPs have declared criminal cases, while 16% have declared serious criminal cases in their election affidavits.

    Key Findings

    • Analysis covered 226 of 233 Rajya Sabha MPs.
      • 4 seats (West Bengal) were vacant.
      • 3 MPs were excluded as affidavits were unavailable.
    • 69 MPs (31%) declared criminal cases.
    • 36 MPs (16%) declared serious criminal cases.
    • Serious offences include:
      • 1 MP with a murder case.
      • 4 MPs with attempt to murder cases.
      • 4 MPs with crimes against women.

    Party-wise Criminal Cases

    • BJP: 28 of 107 MPs (26%), Congress: 12 of 29 MPs (41%), AITC: 2 of 9 MPs (22%), DMK: 2 of 8 MPs (25%), SP: 2 of 4 MPs (50%), TDP: 3 of 4 MPs (75%), BRS: 3 of 3 MPs (100%), CPI(M): 3 of 3 MPs (100%), RJD: 2 of 3 MPs (67%), AIADMK: 1 of 4 MPs (25%), NCP: 1 of 4 MPs (25%), and AAP: 1 of 3 MPs (33%)

    Wealth Profile

    • 31 MPs (14%) declared assets exceeding ₹100 crore.
    • Major parties: BJP: 7 MPs, Congress: 6 MPs, YSRCP: 2 MPs, TDP: 2 MPs, BRS: 2 MPs, and NCP: 2 MPs

    About ADR

    • The Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) is a non-governmental, non-partisan organization established in 1999.
    • It works to promote:
      • Electoral transparency.
      • Political and electoral reforms.
      • Informed voting through analysis of candidates’ affidavits.
    • ADR uses disclosures mandated by the Supreme Court and the Election Commission of India.

    Constitutional and Legal Background

    • Article 80: Composition of the Rajya Sabha.
    • Representation of the People Act, 1951
      • Section 8: Disqualification upon conviction for specified offences.
    • Mere pendency of criminal cases does not disqualify a candidate unless a conviction attracts disqualification under law.
    • Candidates must disclose criminal antecedents in nomination affidavits following Supreme Court judgments.

    [2020] Consider the following statements:

    1. According to the Constitution of India, a person who is eligible to vote can be made a minister in a State for six months even if he/she is not a member of the Legislature of that State. 

    2. According to the Representation of People Act, 1951, a person convicted of a criminal offence and sentenced to imprisonment for five years is permanently disqualified from contesting an election even after his release from prison. 

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    a . 1 only

    b . 2 only

    c. Both 1 and 2

    d . Neither 1 nor 2

  • In the light of recent controversy regarding the use of Electronic Voting Machines (EVM), what are the challenges before the Election Commission of India to ensure the trustworthiness of elections in India?

    In Abhiram Singh vs UoI, SC has held that elections are the biggest secular and democratic event. EVMs were introduced to improve transparency and efficiency of the electoral process.

    Challenges before the Election Commission of India (ECI)

    Technical and Operational Challenges

    Allegations of EVM tampering and demand for Postal Ballot system.

    EVMs are produced by PSU’s BEL and ECIL– concerns about source code security and potential government misuse.

    Large-scale deployment increases risk of technical failure, power supply issues, and storage vulnerability.

    Institutional and Procedural Challenges

    Political polarisation has led to accusations of bias against ECI decisions (timing of elections, model code enforcement).

    Lack of transparency- Limited access for political parties and civil society to audit or inspect EVM functioning.

    Opposition parties demand 100% VVPAT verification or return to ballot papers, which the ECI has resisted citing impracticality.

    Legal and Regulatory Challenges

    Use of EVMs is governed by Conduct of Elections Rules, 1961, not by a specific EVM legislation.

    Judicial scrutiny and legal disputes- Repeated petitions challenge credibility of EVMs and VVPAT counting procedures.

    Despite SC directives (2024) to improve VVPAT counting transparency and preserve paper trail records – compliance remains partial.

    Public Perception and Political Trust Deficit

    Decline in citizen confidence- Lack of understanding of EVM functioning leads to misinformation and conspiracy theories.

    Political blame culture- Losing parties often question EVM integrity, politicising the institution’s credibility.

    Social media misinformation- Viral false claims about EVM manipulation erode voter trust. Eg- “Black Box” Allegations (2024)

    ECI’s Stand

    EVMs are standalone, non-networked machines; cannot be hacked remotely.

    Rigorous mock polling, sealing, randomisation, and observer monitoring prevent manipulation.

    Technical Expert Committee (TEC) from IITs and DRDO regularly reviews EVM integrity.

    Way Forward

    Conduct independent third-party audits (IITs, NIC) of EVM software and random samples.

    VVPAT Verification – Increase sample size or audit entire constituency in disputed cases.

    Launch voter education campaigns explaining EVM and VVPAT mechanisms

    Enact a dedicated “Electronic Voting Regulation Act” ensuring independent oversight

    Free and fair elections are the cornerstone of democracy (Art. 324). Enhancing the transparency in use of EVM’s is thus essential.