The periodic table is an arrangement of all the elements known to man in accordance with their increasing atomic number and recurring chemical properties.
They are assorted in a tabular arrangement wherein a row is a period and a column is a group.
The idea of the Periodic Table was incepted by Henry Rutherford.
Q.3) Motion of Thanks is a motion in Indian Parliament which follows the address of the President of India to the joint sitting of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha at the:
Commencement of first session of a new Lok Sabha
First session of each year
Select the correct code:
a) Only 1
b) Only 2
c) Both 1 and 2
d) Neither 1 nor 2
Inspired by: Explained: The President’s address to both Houses of Parliament
Sheikh Hasina’s party, which leads the Grand Alliance, has romped back to power for an unprecedented fourth term in office.
The general election has given the Grand Alliance, or, more specifically, the Awami League, a huge majority in the Jatiyo Sangshad, the country’s Parliament, to a point where no effective Opposition is in sight.
Background
Bilateral relations between Bangladesh and India have witnessed unprecedented heights over the last few years.
For India, Bangladesh is important for numerous reasons.
Connectivity
Perhaps on top of the list is connectivity between India’s mainland and the crucial northeast, which is part of India’s “Look East” Policy.
The only connection between India’s mainland and the northeast was the Chicken’s Neck – a narrow strip of land that has always been a huge security concern. Snap the chicken’s neck and a huge part of the country is cut off.
India and Bangladesh have signed several pacts, so India can actually send goods and passengers over land across Bangladesh, connecting Bengal to Tripura.
Chittagong port, too, is now open to Indian vessels and will ease supply of goods, meaning India is much more connected to the northeast than before.
Akhaura-Agartala rail project will provide a major boost to development and economy of eastern Bangladesh and north eastern India. The rail project will go a long way promoting the Indian Prime Minister’s “Act East policy”.
Security
The other part of ensuring the security of the northeast is by ensuring that Bangladesh does not become a shelter for its insurgents.
It had played a sterling role, flushing out northeastern terrorists from Bangladesh and even handing over the once-dreaded ULFA terrorist Anup Chetia to India.
The other big security concern for India is that Bangladesh should not turn into the frontline of Islamic terror in the southeast — something that looked possible in the early 2000s when the Jamaat-ulMujahideen Bangladesh, or the JMB, ruled the roost and its leaders like Bangla Bhai terrorised not just Bangladesh but India too. Bangladesh turned into a launchpad for Islamic terror activities in India.
It was Sheikh Hasina who proactively cracked down on groups like the JMB that had a free-run in the previous regime of Begum Khaleda Zia of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party.
India’s relationship with Bangladesh is also linked to its relationship with China. India does not want Bangladesh to become a pearl in China’s “String of Pearls” strategy to hem in India by using its neighbours.
Industry
Given Bangladesh’s GDP and economic growth, the Indian industry is taking a serious interest in investing in the country. Sheikh Hasina has helmed an economic upswing in the country which the industry hopes will continue.
India has ensured duty-free access of Bangladeshi goods to Indian market, an increase of Bangladesh ready-made garments exports to India last year by 115 per cent (from $ 130 million to $ 280 million), and an increase in Indian investment, including in process, from $ 3 billion to $ 10 billion.
A number of welfare measures and schemes have been introduced to commemorate the spirit of Liberation War of 1971 and honour the invaluable contribution of Muktijoddhas towards building a better future for Bangladesh.
Some notable initiatives like-
five-year multiple entry visa for all Muktijoddhas, free of cost treatment of all Muktijoddha patients in Indian Armed Forces hospitals and Nutan Muktijoddha Sanatan scholarship scheme.
A delegation of Muktijoddhas is invited to invited to participate in Victory Day celebrations in Kolkata every year.
Issues in the Bilateral Relations
Border Issues
Illegal immigration has always been a primary problem for India since the partition of Bengal. In view of this, recently, the Supreme Court asked the Centre complete the fencing of the India-Bangladesh border soon to check illegal immigration from Bangladesh into Assam.
Cattle smuggling is also an issue, which is considered to be one of the losses for India of losing its indigenous variety and trade. Cattle haats along the India-Bangladesh border are becoming a source of cattle for smuggling
Terrorist Infiltration has been a matter of concern of late. Recently a report sent by the Bangladesh Government to India’s Ministry of Home Affairs noted that approximately 2,000 operatives of the Harkat ul Jihad al Islami – Bangladesh (HUJI-B) and Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) had entered India through the porous India-Bangladesh border.
Dumping of Fake Indian Currency Notes, recently several duplicate notes have been found along the border, which cripple the Indian Economy severely.
River Water Sharing – Teesta
India and Bangladesh, as good neighbours, have moved forward on other sectors like power, investment and security but the Teesta waters issue remains a big problem due to continuous protest by the Mamata Banerjee led West Bengal government. Bangladesh is unhappy about the lack of resolution on all the common rivers.
While India did put the river Teesta on the bilateral discussion table, the federal political dynamics has prevented the Centre from resolving the issue of water-sharing overruling Bengal’s position. Mamata Banerjee is of the view that with Bangladesh having its largest irrigation project, the Teesta Barrage, running, they do not deserve more water.
The treaty is particularly important for the Hasina government (which has often been accused by critics as leaning towards India) to show that there has been genuine progress in bilateral relations.
The Teesta waters issue apart, the Bangladesh side is also very keen about a Ganga Barrage and talks in this regard are expected during the summit.
Trade and Connectivity
Trade has been growing steadily between the two countries. At about 17% in the last 5 years.
A bus service and a train service between Kolkata and Khulna will also be launched as a rail link from Radhikapur in north Bengal.
Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) has been signed on the development of Ashuganj-Zakiganj stretch of Kushiyara river and Sirajganj-Daikhawa stretch of the Jamuna river to improve connectivity between the two countries and this will help reduce logistics cost of cargo movement to northeast India and also reduce congestion through the Siliguri’s Chicken’s Neck corridor.
Connectivity is issue of mutual interest these initiatives on passenger and goods trains which will be of benefit to both Bangladesh and northeast India.
Dhaka also has the central role in shaping the future of sub-regional cooperation with Bhutan, Burma, India and Nepal. It is also a land bridge to East Asia and the fulcrum of a future Bay of Bengal community.
However, the most important issue in contemporary Asian geopolitics is transit and connectivity. In 2016 when Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Bangladesh, the smaller country agreed to join the One Belt, One Road Project (OBOR).
China is already investing in a number of infrastructure projects in the country including the deep sea port at Chittagong. It is likely that these projects will now be subsumed under the OBOR project.
Energy Cooperation
Energy cooperation between the two sides has also shown a lot of positivity with Indian state Tripura supplying a total of 160 MW of power to Bangladesh in addition to the 500 MW the country is receiving from West Bengal since 2013.
Bangladesh has sought extra 100 MW electricity from India to solve its power crisis, and will be likely on the negotiating table in this state visit by Sheikh Hasina.
Defence Cooperation
There are talks that a defence treaty is to be signed between India and Bangladesh, it will be a long-term defence deal that will allow for increased defence cooperation, information sharing, joint exercises, training and so on. However, India needs to figure out where it can meet Bangladesh’s security concerns, considering Bangladesh’s largest defence partner is China.
Expanding security cooperation with India could only enhance Dhaka’s global leverage. For India, a strong partnership with Bangladesh will help boost the prospects of peace and prosperity in the eastern subcontinent.
Defence deal between us in the basis of sovereign equality and geopolitical realities will take us a long way ahead.
Analysis of election-
The election holds significance not only for Bangladesh but is being watched keenly by all regional and extra regional powers. India is no exception in this regard. Any political development in Bangladesh directly impinges on its largest neighbour.
The significance of this election
First, for the first time in a decade, all the political parties took part in the election (the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or the BNP, boycotted the 2014 election). In other words, this time voting was based on an inclusive election.
Second, this was the first time a general election was held under a political government since the fall of the Hussain Muhammad Ershad military regime in 1990.
The earlier stipulation of elections being supervised by a caretaker administration.
It stuck to the justified position that a government elected for five years cannot morally and logically hand over power to an unelected administration for three months before a new elected government comes into office.
What are the challenges for Hasina?
Even as she consolidated her grip on the country, Hasina has been accused of human rights violations, cracking down on the media and muzzling dissent, and the eventual disappearance of dissenters.
Even as she faces the task of bringing a country wracked by violence back on its feet, the Awami League has faced allegations of targeting activists and stifling democratic voices.
Recent reports trickling in about the killings of a couple of liberals indicate that the extremist forces may have bounced back and resorted to a renewed killing spree targeting liberals and minority communities.
Draconian laws that heavily censor and control online content and blogs have been passed and used against targets, the most recent being photographer Shahidul Alam for his criticism of the government.
Does Hasina face any opposition?
For now, she stands unopposed. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party is rudderless with its chief and former prime minister Khaleda Zia in prison on graft charges.
How does her win impact India?
Hasina’s victory is a positive development for India, which has been a stable ally during her term. The return of a trustworthy ally in economic cooperation and in the fight against terrorism bodes well for New Delhi.
Bangladesh is key to India’s plans to connect with South-East Asia, as well as developing the landlocked Northeast. India’s plans to forge a viable alternative to the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation rests on Bangladesh, given its location bridging South Asia and South-East Asia.
What will be the impact on terrorism?
Hasina has assured that no anti-India activity would be allowed on Bangladeshi soil. Since being elected to office for the first time in 2008, she has been determined to fight terrorism.
While the two countries share a 4,000km border, it has been peppered by ethnic conflicts, sporadic infiltration and smuggling of fake currency.
Under her rule, insurgency dipped in the Northeast, with kingpins of militant groups such as the United Liberation Front of Assam general secretary Anup Chetia being handed over to India.
There is need to seriously re-examine Bangladesh policy in the light of a number of recent developments. Some of India’s policy options include:
Shared cultural affinity could be a liability if there is no holistic Indian policy towards Dhaka. The border states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura share geography and cultural linkages with Bangladesh and they also have greater economic and trade interactions with it.
The understanding and experience of these states could provide valuable inputs to New Delhi to enhance bilateral co-operation. At the same time, bilateral relations should not be governed exclusively by the needs of and pressures from these border states, and especially that of West Bengal.
Security issues would need tangible action and not declaration of intention. An elected government in Bangladesh, by its very nature, would be less accommodative than the caretaker government of technocrats. India therefore should be willing to scale down its expectations once an elected government takes over in Bangladesh.
Leaders from Bangladesh should not be allowed to use Indian territory for political campaigns. In recent years, New Delhi has allowed visiting Awami leaders to criticise the BNP government and its leaders. This has generated unnecessary controversies and ill-will in Bangladesh and generated an impression that India was indulging in partisan politics.
Unilateral trade concessions offered by India would have to be implemented and strengthened. It is in India’s interest to facilitate trade and economic engagement with Bangladesh. Even if the outcomes are limited, they offer a strong economic constituency in that country and could strengthen bilateral ties. This is so even if Bangladesh is unable to reciprocate Indian economic concessions.
The strengthening of private entrepreneurship. Long-term economic co-operation alone could provide substance to bilateral relations and might enable both countries to overcome their political differences. Economic interactions would have to be promoted primarily through private and non-governmental enterprises because perceived official patronage proved to be problematic for large projects (for example, Tata investments).
India should continue the current policy of remaining neutral and uninvolved. Without appearing to be overtly pro-Indian, key Western players such as the US, UK and EU have worked closely with New Delhi while dealing with Bangladesh. Such a posture serves India well and New Delhi should continue to maintain a correct distance vis-à-vis various constituencies within Bangladesh.
The Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Review Committee Report has recommended a debt to GDP ratio of 60% for the general (combined) government by 2023, comprising 40% for the Central Government and 20% for the State Government.
The Central Government has domestic liabilities of 21% of GDP as compared to that of 49% of GDP of the State Government.
As per the Constitution of India, it is mandatory for a State to take the Central Government’s consent for raising any loan if the former owes any outstanding liabilities to the letter.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (CSP 2018)
a) 1 only
b) 2 and 3 only
c) 1 and 3 only
d) 1, 2 and 3
Inspired by: Centre’s debt-to-GDP falls, States’ rises
Q.2) Recently the indigenous produced bio-fuel has been finally cleared for use by the Armed Forces aircrafts. With reference to this, consider the following statements:
The approval for the use of bio-jet fuel as fuel is granted by the DRDO in India.
This bio-jet fuel has been produced from seeds of Jatropha plant.
The fuel presently, is ready to use by all sorts of aircrafts in the armed forces.
Which of the given statements is/are not correct?
a) Only 1
b) 1 and 2
c) 1 and 3
d) All of the above
Inspired by: [pib] Bio-Jet fuel for Military Aircrafts
One of the most important topics specially from the Prelims perspective. Each and every minute detail and concept becomes very important for the exam. We have tried our bit to make it as interesting as possible.
The power of Veto refers to the power of the executive to override any act of the legislature. This is a very special privilege. Veto power can of the following types –
Absolute Veto – Withholding of assent to the Bill passed by the legislature.
Qualified Veto – Which can be overridden by the legislature with a higher majority.
Suspensive Veto – Which can be overridden by the legislature with an ordinary majority.
Pocket Veto – Taking no action on the Bill passed by the legislature.
Article 111 in India’s Constitution governs the Veto powers of the President. It states that “When a Bill has been passed by the Houses of Parliament, it shall be presented to the President, and the President shall declare
either that he assents to the Bill, or
that he withholds assent therefrom
The subsequent provision moderates this discretion: The President may return the Bill “as soon as possible” to the Houses with a message to reconsider it.
However, if the Houses enact the Bill with or without amendments and present it to the President for assent, “the President shall not withhold assent therefrom”
The following observations can be made –
President may return the Bill to the Houses seeking reconsideration. This is some sense is a public statement that the President disagrees with the preferences of the two Houses.
Article 111 sets no definite timeline. The President can withhold assent. In case he decides to return the Bill, the provision nudges him or her to do so “as soon as possible”
It is clearly stated that if a Bill is returned to the President for the 2nd time, the President “shall not withhold assent therefrom”.
For a Bill to become an Act, the President must affirmatively assent. That naturally raises the possibility of “death” and not just delay by Presidential inaction. Unlike the US President, the Indian President can sit on a Bill indefinitely.
From the above discussion, it can be concluded that the President has Suspensive Veto, Pocket Veto and Absolute Veto(not discretionary). He/she does not have Qualified Veto.
The table below highlights the Veto power available vizaviz the types of Bills.
Suspensive
Pocket
Absolute
Ordinary Bill(OB)
Yes
Yes
Available regardless of the Bill but *not* a discretionary power. Usually exercized in the following cases
a) Private Members’ Bills
b) Government Bills when the Cabinet resigns (after the passage of the Bills but before the assent by the President) and the new Cabinet advises the President not to give his assent to such Bills
Money Bill
(Art 110)
No
Yes
Financial
Bills
Yes
Yes
Constitutional Amendment Bill
No
No
It should be noted here that the President has no veto power in respect of a Constitutional Amendment Bill. The 24th Constitutional Amendment Act of 1971 made it obligatory for the President to give his assent to a Constitutional Amendment Bill.
Controversies
Sharp disagreements erupted specially on the issue of whether the President could veto legislation passed by the Parliament.
1950 – Rajendra Prasad, India’s first President, wrote to Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister, questioning elements of the Bihar Zamindari Abolition Bill. He believed the compensation was inadequate for those whose lands effectively stood nationalized. Nehru’s Cabinet reconsidered the Bill and found the provisions to be fair. Nehru threatened to resign and that’s when Rajendra Prasad gave in.
1951 – When Nehru sought to reform Hindu family law by legislation, Rajendra Prasad expressed his reservations. Prime Minister wrote to the President arguing that the latter had no “authority to go against the will of Parliament”. Nehru read Article 111 as a “routine” provision; the President was to rubber-stamp his assent on Bills without applying his mind. And he lined up a battery of lawyers to make the same point on his behalf
1987 – Indian Post Office (Amendment) Bill 1986 which among other things gave the executive extensive powers to intercept personal communication. The provisions of the Bill, he felt, violated the right to privacy. He sat on it. On two occasions, he informally suggested certain changes to it. When nothing came of those efforts, he simply sat on the matter indefinitely. The President killed the Bill by sheer inaction
2006 – This was the first time a Bill was vetoed(suspensive veto) and formally returned. Office of Profit Bill, 2006 was passed by the Parliament. It enacted a self-serving piece of legislation that protected members from disqualification with retrospective effect. President A. P. J. Kalam, returned the Bill. However, the Bill was sent back to President again and was finally approved.
Summarizing
Suspensive Veto – Officially used once by President APJ Abdul Kalam in the case of the Office of Profit Bill.
Pocket Veto – Used once by President Zail Singh in the case of the Indian Post Office (Amendment) Bill in 1986.
Absolute Veto
Used twice –
In 1954, President Dr.Rajendra Prasad in the case of PEPSU Appropriation Bill. The PEPSU appropriation Bill was passed by the Parliament during the President’s rule in the state of PEPSU(Patiala and East Punjab States Union).
In 1991, President R. Venkataraman in the case of Salary, Amendments, and Pension of Members of Parliament (Amendment) Bill. This Bill was passed on the last day before the Lok Sabha was dissolved and introduced without seeking prior recommendation from the President of India.
Veto over State Legislation
The President can direct the Governor to reserve certain Bills. Also, the Governor can reserve any Bill for the consideration of the President.
In 2 scenarios, the Governor has to reserve the Bill for the consideration of the President
A200 – If the Bill derogates the High Court and endangers its position
A31A, A31C – Law made by State Legislature wrt estates and property acquisition requires assent of the President.
Article 201 of the Constitution talks about the role of the President in State Bills. It clearly states that the President has 3 choices.
he assents to the Bill
he withholds assets (provided that the Bill is not a Money Bill)
may direct the Governor to return the Bill to the House. If returned, the legislature has to consider it within 6 months. No obligation on the President if the Bill reaches him for the second time.
If the Governor reserved a Bill for consideration by the President then President can use any of the above veto power. But in case of a suspensive Veto, if the State legislature is again passed Bill with a simple majority then President is not bound to give assent to Bill. This is different from his powers wrt to a Union Bill where he is bound to give assent.