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  • Mother Nature a ‘living being’ with legal entity: Madras HC

    Holding that it is the right time to confer juristic status to ‘Mother Nature’, Justice S. Srimathy of the Madurai Bench of Madras High Court invoked the ‘parens patriae jurisdiction’, and declared ‘Mother Nature’ as a ‘living being’ having the status of a legal entity.

    What is the news?

    • The Madras HC observed that ‘Mother Nature’ was accorded the rights akin to fundamental rights, legal rights, constitutional rights for its survival, safety, sustenance and resurgence in order to maintain its status and also to promote its health and well-being.

    Legal rights for nature: A backgrounder

    • The movement for legal personhood for the environment and animals began in the 1970s.
    • This concept was articulated by Christopher D. Stone in his thesis, Should Trees Have Standing.
    • In this compelling piece, the author makes an argument for the environment to have independent legal rights, much like what was granted by the judgment of the Uttarakhand High Court in 2017.
    • He highlights how the theory of rights has developed over the years and that many inanimate objects have both rights and legal duties. They can sue and be sued.

    What is the case for Madras HC’s personification of nature?

    • The Madras HC has made a personification of nature that focuses on the life-giving and nurturing aspects of nature by embodying it, in the form of the mother.
    • It observed that the court is hereby declaring ‘Mother Nature’ a ‘living being’ having the status of a legal person with all corresponding rights, duties and liabilities of a living person, in order to preserve and conserve it.
    • The State and Central governments are directed to protect ‘Mother Nature’ and take appropriate steps in this regard in all possible ways.

    A different course: Ecological Jurisprudence

    • The onset of climate change and the potential mass extinction of species is accompanied by the gradual closing window of opportunity to take meaningful action.
    • Activists around the world are calling for anthropocentric legal and governance systems to be replaced with ecocentric ones.
    • The last 15 years have seen a dramatic increase in the number of laws based on ecological jurisprudence.
    • Ecological jurisprudence is a philosophy that sees nature not as a set of objects to be exploited but as a community of subjects (humans and non-humans) who are connected through interdependent, reciprocal relationships.

    India’s typical case

    • In 2017, the Uttarakhand HC ruled (in two separate orders) that the Ganga, the Yamuna, their tributaries, and the glaciers and catchments feeding these rivers in Uttarakhand had rights as a “juristic/legal person/living entity”.
    • In 2018, the same HC ruled that the entire animal kingdom had rights similar to that of a living person (Narayan Dutt Bhatt vs Union of India).
    • In March 2020, the Punjab and Haryana High Court passed an order declaring the Sukhna Lake in Chandigarh city a living entity, with rights equivalent to that of a person.

    Beyond Rights

    • Law is a modern human construct. It not only talks in the language of rights and duties that only humans understand but also operationalizes them in a way that can further entrench human-centeredness.
    • In most cases where nature’s rights are recognized in law, they have done so by extending to it the concept of “personhood” in other words, akin to humans and, therefore, having human rights.
    • Hence, any such movement on recognizing the rights of the rest of nature must challenge the fundamental forms of injustices, including capitalism, stateism, anthropocentrism and patriarchy.

    Significance of such status

    • These rights-based laws granting legal personhood for nature aim to shift the legal status of the natural world from being human property to living entities in their own right and subjects of law.
    • This guarantees their right to exist, thrive, evolve and maintain their natural cycles.
    • These rights are not conferred by humans; it is a recognition that these rights have always existed.
    • It lays upon humans the duty to act as guardians for the more-than-human world.

    Issues of implementation

    • Assuming that these rights are recognised, nature or any of its entity cannot represent itself in a court of law.
    • Moreover there is the issue of custodianship.

    What would account for violations?

    • The Uttarakhand court order did not mention what amounted to violation of rights of rivers.
    • In order to be able to truly exercise the rights and implement appropriate redressal, there is a need for a comprehensive definition of the actions that amount to “violation of the rights”.
    • Say, the violation of the rights of rivers may be defined as “any obstruction or impediment that disables the entity from performing its essential ecological functions”.

    Restitution and compensation

    • The New Zealand law has an extensive section lending itself to restitutive, restorative and compensatory action.
    • It acknowledged the government’s decisions and actions for more than a century that resulted in the violation of the health of the Whanganui and the rights, culture and well-being of the indigenous people living along the river.
    • Several specific examples were given, including the dismantling of traditional structures for fishing and river use, a hydroelectric project and mining.
    • Such an acknowledgment is a necessary first step towards seeking appropriate restitutive and compensatory measures.

    Another question: Bioregional Governance

    • Recognizing river ecosystems or other entities of nature as having rights offers the possibility of managing and governing habitats based on the ecological realities of the region.
    • It brings out the bizarre fact that the human-drawn nation state, and political lines on maps in various parts of the world have created conflict situations or disrupted ancient cultural and ecological flows and relations.
    • We need to begin reimagining governance from a bioregional governance point of view.
    • This would also mean bridging the gap between the customary ways of decision making and the current legal frameworks.
    • There is a need for more imaginative lawyers, activists and judges to help move towards an eco-centric and diverse legal framework.

    Way forward

    • There is a need for a comprehensive system to implement and protect their rights.
    • The rights can be safeguarded using the principles of custodianship.
    • The Uttarakhand High Court order named several government functionaries and a couple of independent lawyers as “parents”.
    • An alternative solution is that custodianship or guardianship be given to a body of local communities associated with the river.
    • These communities have traditional or customary rights of the river such as fisherfolk, farmers along the riverbank, and people directly engaged in river-related services.

     

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  • What are the rules for resignation and reinstatement of an IAS officer?

    A decorated Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer and UPSC CSE topper from 2010, who resigned from the service in protest against the “unabated” killings in Kashmir in 2019, has been reinstated.

    What rules apply when an IAS officer chooses to resign?

    • A resignation is a formal intimation in writing by an officer of his/her intention or a proposal to leave the IAS, either immediately or at a specified date in the future.
    • Guidelines of the Department of Personnel, the cadre controlling department for the IAS, say that a resignation has to be clear and unconditional.
    • The resignation of an officer of any of the three All-India Services — IAS, the IPS and IFoS — is governed by Rules 5(1) and 5(1)(A) of the All India Services (Death-cum-Retirement Benefits) Rules, 1958.
    • There are similar rules for resignation of officers belonging to the other central services as well.
    • Resignation from service is entirely different from accepting the government’s Voluntary Retirement Scheme (VRS).

    To whom must the resignation of an IAS officer be submitted?

    • An officer serving in a cadre (state) must submit his/her resignation to the chief secretary of the state.
    • An officer who is on central deputation is required to submit his/her resignation to the secretary of the concerned Ministry or Department.
    • The Ministry/Department then forwards the officer’s resignation to the concerned state cadre, along with its comments or recommendations.

    What happens after the resignation is submitted?

    • The state checks to see if any dues are outstanding against the officer, as well as the vigilance status of the officer or whether any cases of corruption etc. are pending against him/her.
    • In case there is such a case, the resignation is normally rejected.
    • Before forwarding the resignation to the central government, the concerned state is supposed to send information on the issues of dues and vigilance status, along with its recommendation.
    • The resignation of the officer is considered by the competent authority, i.e., the central government, only after the recommendation of the concerned cadre has been received.
    • The competent authorities are: Minister of State at the DoPT in respect of the IAS, the MHA in respect of the IPS, and the MoEFCC in respect of the Forest Service.
    • Being the minister in charge of the DoPT, the Prime Minister himself takes decisions currently in respect of the IAS.

    Under what circumstances is a resignation accepted or rejected?

    • A circular issued by the DoPT on February 15, 1988 regarding resignation says that it is not in the interest of the government to retain an officer who is unwilling to serve.
    • The general rule, therefore, is that the resignation of an officer should be accepted — except in certain circumstances.
    • The references are made regarding the merit of the disciplinary case pending against the Government servant and whether it would be in the public interest to accept the resignation.
    • In some cases, resignations have been rejected because disciplinary cases were pending against officers.
    • In such cases, concurrence of the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) is obtained.
    • The government also checks whether the concerned officer had executed any time-bond to serve the government.

    Is an officer allowed to withdraw a resignation that has already been submitted?

    • Rule 5(1A)(i) of the amended DCRB Rules says the central government may permit an officer to withdraw his/her resignation “in the public interest”.
    • An amendment in the Rules in 2011 states the member is allowed to resume duty as a result of permission to withdraw the resignation is not more than 90 days”.
    • The request for withdrawal of resignation shall NOT be accepted where a member of the Service resigns to be associated with any active politics/ political parties.

    And under what circumstances is the withdrawal of an officer’s resignation accepted?

    • The 2011 guidelines say that if a resigned officer resignation sends an intimation in writing withdrawing it before its acceptance by the competent authority, the resignation will be deemed to have been automatically withdrawn.
    • The officer under discussion had resigned on January 9, 2019, but his resignation was not processed.

     

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  • What are Heatwaves?

    India is gripped in the wrath of a long spell of heatwaves that too in the early month of April.

    What is a Heatwave and when is it declared?

    • Heatwaves occur over India between March and June.
    • IMD declares a heatwave event when the maximum (day) temperature for a location in the plains crosses 40 degrees Celsius.
    • Over the hills, the threshold temperature is 30 degrees Celsius.

    How are they formed?

    • Heatwaves form when high pressure aloft (3,000–7,600 metres) strengthens and remains over a region for several days up to several weeks.
    • This is common in summer (in both Northern and Southern Hemispheres) as the jet stream ‘follows the sun’.
    • On the equator side of the jet stream, in the upper layers of the atmosphere, is the high pressure area.
    • Summertime weather patterns are generally slower to change than in winter. As a result, this upper level high pressure also moves slowly.
    • Under high pressure, the air subsides (sinks) toward the surface, warming and drying adiabatically, inhibiting convection and preventing the formation of clouds.
    • Reduction of clouds increases shortwave radiation reaching the surface.
    • A low pressure at the surface leads to surface wind from lower latitudes that brings warm air, enhancing the warming.
    • Alternatively, the surface winds could blow from the hot continental interior towards the coastal zone, leading to heat waves.

    Following criteria are used to declare heatwave:

    To declare heatwave, the below criteria should be met at least in 2 stations in a Meteorological subdivision for at least two consecutive days and it will be declared on the second day.

    1. a) Based on Departure from Normal
    • Heat Wave: Departure from normal is 4.5°C to 6.4°C
    • Severe Heat Wave: Departure from normal is >6.4°C
    1. b) Based on Actual Maximum Temperature (for plains only)
    • Heat Wave: When actual maximum temperature ≥ 45°C
    • Severe Heat Wave: When actual maximum temperature ≥47°C

    How long can a heatwave spell last?

    • A heatwave spell generally lasts for a minimum of four days. On some occasions, it can extend up to seven or ten days.
    • The longest recorded heatwave spell, in recent years, was between 18 and 31 May 2015.

    Impact of Heat Waves:

    Heat Strokes: The very high temperatures or humid conditions pose an elevated risk of heat stroke or heat exhaustion.

    Older people and people with chronic illness such as heart disease, respiratory disease, and diabetes are more susceptible to heatstroke, as the body’s ability to regulate heat deteriorates with age.

    Increased Healthcare Costs: Effects from extreme heat are also associated with increased hospitalisations and emergency room visits, increased deaths from cardio-respiratory and other diseases, mental health issues, adverse pregnancy and birth outcomes, etc.

    Lessens Workers’ Productivity: Extreme heat also lessens worker productivity, especially among the more than 1 billion workers who are exposed to high heat on a regular basis. These workers often report reduced work output due to heat stress.

    Risk of Wildfires: The heat domes act as fuel to wildfires, which destroys a lot of land area every year in countries like the US.

    Prevents Cloud Formation: The condition also prevents clouds from forming, allowing for more radiation from the sun to hit the ground.

    Effect on Vegetation: The trapping of heat can also damage crops, dry out vegetation and result in droughts.

    Increased Energy Demands: The sweltering heat wave also leads to rise in energy demand, especially electricity, leading to pushing up rates.

    Power Related Issues: Heat waves are often high mortality disasters.

    Avoiding heat-related disasters depends on the resilience of the electrical grid, which can fail if electricity demand due to air conditioning use exceeds supply.

    As a result, there is the double risk of infrastructure failure and health impacts.

    • Initiatives Taken:
      • Global:
        • Global forums dealing with climate change issues—such as the World Health Organization, World Economic Forum, First Global Forum on Heat and Health, and the Global Forum for Environment-OECD—also focus on heat waves by investing in research on health risks of extreme heat, climate and weather information, advice on surviving heat waves, partnerships and capacity building, and communications and outreach.
      • Indian:
        • The National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) has issued guidelines on dealing with heatwaves.
          • However, India does not recognise heatwaves as a disasterunder its Disaster Management Act (2005).

    Way Forward

    • Adopting A More Sensitive Approach: The impact of such excessive heat needs to be understood from the point of view of common people — daily labourers; farmers; traders; fishermen etc.
      • Beyond numbers and graphs that capture the impact of the climate crisis, the human experience of living in oppressive heat needs to be understood by policymakers and measures should be taken accordingly.
    • Cooling Shelters: The government should come out with a policy to deal with the suffering and disability caused by heat extremes in different parts of the country.
      • Water kiosks, staggered outdoor work hours, cool roofs for buildings and homes are certain things that should be put in place immediately.
      • A number of emergency cooling shelters can be opened so that people without domestic air conditioning units can escape the heat.
        • Portable air-conditioning units, along with fans and even ice are also useful.
    • Passive Cooling to Reduce Urban Heat Islands: Passive cooling technology, a widely-used strategy to create naturally ventilated buildings, can be a vital alternative to address the urban heat island for residential and commercial buildings.
      • The IPCC report cites ancient Indian building designs that have used this technology, which could be adapted to modern facilities in the context of global warming.
    • Action Plans Similar to Ahmedabad: As per the IPCC Report, Ahmedabad has shown the way to combat heat extremes by heat-proofing buildings.
      • After the heat action plan was implemented in 2013 in Ahmedabad, heat-related mortality reduced by 30% to 40% over the years. Similar plans like that of Ahmedabad can be implemented in vulnerable regions.
    • Replacing Dark Roofs: A big reason that cities are so much hotter than rural areas is that they are covered by dark roofs, roads and parking lots that absorb and retain heat.
      • One of the long term solutions can be replacing the dark surfaces with lighter and more reflective materials; it will result in a comparatively cooler environment.

     

     

  • Keen on lifting AFSPA from NE: PM

    The PM informed that AFSPA could be withdrawn partially from Assam, Manipur and Nagaland (from April 1) due to peaceful conditions since 2014.

    What is the news?

    • The AFSPA will now be applicable fully only in 31 districts and partially in 12 districts of four states in the Northeast Assam, Nagaland, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.
    • These four states together comprise 90 districts.
    • The AFSPA was completely withdrawn in Meghalaya in 2018, Tripura in 2015 and Mizoram in the 1980s.

    Immediate reasons for withdrawal

    • The Northeast has lived under the shadow of AFSPA for nearly 60 years, creating a feeling of alienation from the rest of the country.
    • The move is expected to help demilitarise the region; it will lift restrictions of movements through check points and frisking of residents.
    • Years of AFSPA regime has had psychological consequences, trauma and alienation of the people.

    AFSPA: A Backgrounder

    • The AFSPA, 1958 came into force in the context of insurgency in the North-eastern States decades ago.
    • It provides “special power” to the Armed Forces applies to the Army, the Air Force and the Central Paramilitary forces etc.
    • It has been long contested debate whether the “special powers” granted under AFSPA gives total immunity to the armed forces for any action taken by them.

    Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958

    • Armed Forces Special Powers Act, to put it simply, gives armed forces the power to maintain public order in “disturbed areas.”
    • AFSPA gives armed forces the authority use force or even open fire after giving due warning if they feel a person is in contravention of the law.
    • The Act further provides that if “reasonable suspicion exists”, the armed forces can also arrest a person without warrant; enter or search premises without a warrant; and ban the possession of firearms.

    What are the Special Powers?

    The ‘special powers’ which are spelt out under Section 4 provide that:

    (a) Power to use force, including opening fire, even to the extent of causing death if prohibitory orders banning assembly of five or more persons or carrying arms and weapons, etc are in force in the disturbed area;

    (b) Power to destroy structures used as hide-outs, training camps, or as a place from which attacks are or likely to be launched, etc;

    (c) Power to arrest without warrant and to use force for the purpose;

    (d) Power to enter and search premises without a warrant to make arrest or recovery of hostages, arms and ammunition and stolen property etc.

    What are the Disturbed Areas?

    • A disturbed area is one that is declared by notification under Section 3 of the AFSPA.
    • As per Section 3, it can be invoked in places where “the use of armed forces in aid of the civil power is necessary”.

    Who can declare/notify such areas?

    • The Central Government or the Governor of the State or administrator of the Union Territory can declare the whole or part of the State or Union Territory as a disturbed area.
    • A suitable notification would have to be made in the Official Gazette.

    Presently active ‘Disturbed Areas’

    • AFSPA is currently in force in Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, 3 districts of Arunachal Pradesh, and areas falling within the jurisdiction of 8 police stations in Arunachal Pradesh bordering Assam.
    • In Jammu and Kashmir, a separate law Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 has been in force.

    AFSPA: Is it a License to Kill?

    While the operation of the Section has been controversial in itself, it has attracted much criticism when actions have resulted in the death of civilians.

    • Power to kill: Section 4 of the Act granted officers the authority to “take any action” even to the extent to cause the death.
    • Protection against prosecution: This power is further bolstered by Section 6 which provides that legal can be instituted against the officer, except with the previous sanction of the Central Government.

    Supreme Court’s Observations over AFSPA

    • These extra-judicial killings became the attention of the Supreme Court in 2016.
    • It clarified that the bar under Section 6 would not grant “total immunity” to the officers against any probe into their alleged excesses.
    • The judgment noted that if any death was unjustified, there is no blanket immunity available to the perpetrator(s) of the offense.
    • The Court further noted that if an offense is committed even by Army personnel, there is no concept of absolute immunity from trial by the criminal court constituted under the CrPC.

    Constitutionality of AFSPA

    • Attempts have been made to examine the constitutionality of the Act on the grounds that it is contravention to the:
    1. Right to Life and Personal Liberty (Article 21) and
    2. Federal structure of the Constitution since law and order is a State subject

    Recommendations to repeal AFSPA

    (1) Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy Commission

    • The 2004 Committee headed by Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy, the content of which has never officially been revealed by the Government, recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • Additionally, it recommended that appropriate provisions be inserted in the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967 (UAPA) instead.
    • It also recommended that the UAPA be modified to clearly specify the powers of the armed forces and paramilitary forces and grievance cells should be set up in each district where the armed forces are deployed.

    (2) ARC II

    • The Administrative Reforms Commission in its 5th Report on ‘Public Order’ had also recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • It recommended adding a new chapter to be added to the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967.
    • However, the recommendation was considered first and then rejected.

    Other issues with AFSPA

    (1) Sexual Misconduct by Armed Forces

    • The issue of violation of human rights by actions of armed forces came under the consideration of the Committee on Amendments to Criminal Law (popularly known as Justice Verma Committee) set up in 2012.
    • It observed that- in conflict zones, legal protection for women was neglected.

    (2) Autocracy

    • The reality is that there is no evidence of any action being taken against any officer of the armed forces or paramilitary forces for their excesses.

    Caution given by the Supreme Court

    A July 2016 judgment authored by Justice Madan B. Lokur in Extra Judicial Execution Victim Families Association quoted the “Ten Commandments” issued by the Chief of the Army Staff for operations in disturbed areas:

    1. Definite circumstances: The “power to cause death is relatable to maintenance of public order in a disturbed area and is to be exercised under definite circumstances”.
    2. Declaration preconditions: These preconditions include a declaration by a high-level authority that an area is “disturbed”.
    3. Due warning: The officer concerned decides to use deadly force on the opinion that it is “necessary” to maintain public order. But he has to give “due warning” first.
    4. No arbitrary action: The persons against whom the action was taken by the armed forces should have been “acting in contravention of any law or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area”.
    5. Minimal use of force: The armed forces must use only the “minimal force required for effective action against the person/persons acting in contravention of the prohibitory order.”
    6. Empathy with perpetrators: The court said that: the people you are dealing with are your own countrymen. All your conduct must be dictated by this one significant consideration.
    7. People friendliness: The court underscored how the Commandments insist that “operations must be people-friendly, using minimum force and avoiding collateral damage – restrain must be the key”.
    8. Good intelligence: It added that “good intelligence is the key to success”.
    9. Compassion: It exhorted personnel to “be compassionate, help the people and win their hearts and minds. Employ all resources under your command to improve their living conditions”.
    10. Upholding Dharma (Duty): The judgment ended with the final Commandment to “uphold Dharma and take pride in your country and the Army”.

    Conclusion

    • Despite demands by civil society groups and human rights activities, none of the recommendations have not been implemented to date.

     

     

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  • [pib] MSME Sustainable (ZED) Certification Scheme

    The  Union Ministry for Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises has launched the MSME Sustainable (ZED) Certification Scheme.

    MSME Sustainable (ZED) Certification Scheme

    • This Scheme is an extensive drive to enable and facilitate MSMEs adopt Zero Defect Zero Effect (ZED) practices.
    • It aims motivate and incentivize them for ZED Certification while also encouraging them to become MSME Champions.
    • Through the ZED Certification, MSMEs can reduce wastages substantially, increase productivity, enhance environmental consciousness, save energy, optimally use natural resources, expand their markets, etc.

    Components of the scheme

    • Under the Scheme, MSMEs will get subsidy as per the following structure, on the cost of ZED certification:
    1. Micro Enterprises: 80%
    2. Small Enterprises: 60%
    3. Medium Enterprises: 50%
    • There will be an additional subsidy of 10% for the MSMEs owned by Women/SC/ST Entrepreneurs OR MSMEs in NER/Himalayan/LWE/Island territories/aspirational districts.
    • In addition to above, there will be an additional subsidy of 5% for MSMEs which are also a part of the SFURTI OR Micro & Small Enterprises – Cluster Development Programme (MSE-CDP) of the Ministry.
    • Further, a limited purpose joining reward of Rs. 10,000/- will be offered to each MSME once they take the ZED Pledge.

    Back2Basics: Zero Defect Zero Effect Scheme

    • Launched in 2016 by the Ministry of MSME, the ZED scheme is an integrated and comprehensive certification system.
    • The scheme accounts for productivity, quality, pollution mitigation, energy efficiency, financial status, human resource and technological depth including design and IPR in both products and processes.
    • Its mission is to develop and implement the ‘ZED’ culture in India based on the principles of Zero Defect & Zero Effect.
    • ZED principles include:
    1. Zero Defect: Zero non-conformance or non-compliance
    2. Zero Effect: Zero wastage, liquid discharge, solid waste; zero pollution

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  • Tribes in news: Hattis of Himachal Pradesh

    The Centre is set to consider the Himachal Pradesh government’s request for inclusion of the Hatti community in the list of Scheduled Tribes in the state.

    Who are the Hattis?

    • The Hattis are a close-knit community who got their name from their tradition of selling homegrown vegetables, crops, meat and wool etc. at small markets called ‘haat’ in towns.
    • The Hatti community, whose men generally don a distinctive white headgear during ceremonies, is cut off from Sirmaur by two rivers called Giri and Tons.
    • Tons divides it from the Jaunsar Bawar area of Uttarakhand.
    • The Hattis who live in the trans-Giri area and Jaunsar Bawar in Uttarakhand were once part of the royal estate of Sirmaur until Jaunsar Bawar’s separation in 1815.
    • Due to topographical disadvantages, the Hattis living in the Kamrau, Sangrah, and Shilliai areas lag behind in education and employment.

    Societal norms of Hattis

    • The Hattis are governed by a traditional council called Khumbli, which like the khaps of Haryana, decide community matters.
    • The Khumbli’s power has remained unchallenged despite the establishment of the panchayati raj system.
    • The two clans have similar traditions, and inter-marriages are commonplace.
    • There is a fairly rigid caste system among the Hattis — the Bhat and Khash are the upper castes, while the Badhois are below them.
    • Inter-caste marriages have traditionally remained a strict no-no.

    Who are Paharis?

    • The proposal called for the inclusion of the “Paddari tribe”, “Koli” and “Gadda Brahman” communities to be included on the ST list of J&K.
    • The suggestion for the inclusion had come from the commission set up for socially and educationally backward classes in the UT.
    • The J&K delimitation commission has reserved six of the nine Assembly segments in the Pir Panjal Valley for STs.

    Back2Basics: Scheduled Tribes

    The above Article also provides for listing of scheduled tribes State/Union Territory wise and not on an all India basis.

    • The term ‘Scheduled Tribes’ first appeared in the Constitution of India.
    • Article 366 (25) defined scheduled tribes as “such tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 to be Scheduled Tribes for the purposes of this constitution”.
    • Article 342 prescribes procedure to be followed in the matter of specification of scheduled tribes.

    How are STs notified?

    • As per the current procedure, each proposal for the scheduling of a new community as ST has to originate from the relevant State Government.
    • It is then sent to the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, which sends it to the Office of the Registrar General of India (RGI).
    • Once approved by the Office of the RGI, it is sent to the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST), and only after its approval is it sent to the Cabinet.

    Status of STs in India

    • The Census 2011 has revealed that there are said to be 705 ethnic groups notified as Scheduled Tribes (STs).
    • Over 10 crore Indians are notified as STs, of which 1.04 crore live in urban areas.
    • The STs constitute 8.6% of the population and 11.3% of the rural population.

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  • The post-pandemic world needs better public schools

    Context

    The pandemic has thrown a harsh light on the vulnerabilities and challenges faced by the world in education. There is an immense learning gap due to existing inequalities.

    Need for investment in learning systems

    • In India, we have to accept that unless we mobilise learning resources and institutions at the government level, the divides will continue to expand and learners will continue to fall between the cracks.
    • Systems have to be put into place to find a variety of methods to equip all learners — privileged, poor, middle-class and alternatively-abled.
    •  The challenge is about returning to school.
    • In wealthier nations, schools have always been the first to open and last to close and citizens have benefited from the public school system.
    • In India, across states, there is a sense of despair due to unemployment and lack of financial resources, which has snowballed due to the pandemic, resulting in greater inequality.
    • Sending children to school, as opposed to keeping them at home, is a huge financial investment, particularly in the private school system.
    • Parents have refrained from sending their children back to school due to a lack of funds.

    Viewing education through government school lens

    • The big shift that we as a nation have to make is viewing education through a government school lens.
    • This will only take place if states provide the opportunity for free, compulsory, neighbourhood education.
    • Radical reforms have to be implemented to restructure government schools and ensure quality.
    • The government, both at the Centre and in the states, should build good-quality primary, middle and high schools and provide facilities that the best private schools have to offer.
    • Online learning is not the way forward: We are subsumed by the myth that technology has expanded potential.
    • The concern is that online learning will create greater inequality, not only in the global South but even in the most well-resourced corners of the planet.
    • Online learning is not the way forward.
    • The UNESCO’s International Commission on the Futures of Education states in its report, “the core commitments that should always be remembered are public education and common good”.
    • It says, “This is not the time to step back and weaken these principles but rather to affirm and reinforce them.”
    • We must take the opportunity to protect and advance public education.
    • We cannot allow the government health system and government education to be opposed to one another. Their synergies must overlap

    Conclusion

    Public education is crucial to societies, communities and individual lives. It is the only thing that will enable us to live with dignity and purpose.

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  • State of (un)employment in India

    Data from the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) shows that India’s labour force participation rate (LFPR) has fallen to just 40% from an already low 47% in 2016.

    What is LFPR?

    • Before understanding LFPR, we need to define the labour force itself.
    • According to the CMIE, the labour force consists of persons who are of age 15 years or older, and belong to either of the following two categories:
    1. are employed
    2. are unemployed and are willing to work and are actively looking for a job
    • There is a crucial commonality between the two categories — they both have people “demanding” jobs.
    • This demand is what LFPR refers to. While those in category 1 succeed in getting a job, those in category 2 fail to do so.
    • Thus, the LFPR essentially is the percentage of the working-age (15 years or older) population that is asking for a job; it represents the “demand” for jobs in an economy.
    • It includes those who are employed and those who are unemployed.
    • The Unemployment Rate (UER), which is routinely quoted in the news, is nothing but the number of unemployed (category 2) as a proportion of the labour force.

    What is the significance of LFPR in India?

    • Typically, it is expected that the LFPR will remain largely stable.
    • As such, any analysis of unemployment in an economy can be done just by looking at the UER.
    • But, in India, the LFPR is not only lower than in the rest of the world but also falling. This, in turn, affects the UER because LFPR is the base (the denominator) on which UER is calculated.
    • The world over, LFPR is around 60%. In India, it has been sliding over the last 10 years and has shrunk from 47% in 2016 to just 40% as of December 2021.
    • This shrinkage implies that merely looking at UER will under-report the stress of unemployment in India.
    • Recent trend suggests that not only that more than half of India’s population in the working-age group is deciding to sit out of the job market, but also that this proportion of people is increasing.

    How is it under-reported?

    • Imagine that there are just 100 people in the working-age group but only 60 ask for jobs — that is, the LFPR is 60% — and of these 60 people, 6 did not get a job. This would imply a UER of 10%.
    • Now imagine a scenario when the LFPR has fallen to 40% and, as such, only 40 people are demanding work. And of these 40, only 2 people fail to get a job.
    • The UER would have fallen to 5% and it might appear that the economy is doing better on the jobs front but the truth is starkly different.
    • The truth is that beyond the 2 who are unemployed, a total of 20 people have stopped demanding work.
    • Typically, this happens when people in the working-age get disheartened from not finding work.

    So, what is the correct way to assess India’s unemployment stress?

    • When LFPR is falling as steadily and as sharply as it has done in India’s case, it is better to track another variable: the Employment Rate (ER).
    • The ER refers to the total number of employed people as a percentage of the working-age population.
    • By using the working-age population as the base and looking at the number of people with jobs, the ER captures the fall in LFPR to better represent the stress in the labour market.

    ER trends in India

    • If one looks at the ER data (Chart 1), it becomes clear that while India’s working-age population has been increasing each year, the percentage of people with jobs has been coming down sharply.
    • Looking at the absolute numbers makes the stress even more clear.
    • In December 2021, India had 107.9 crore people in the working age group and of these, only 40.4 crore had a job (an ER of 37.4%).
    • Compare this with December 2016 when India had 95.9 crore in the working-age group and 41.2 crore with jobs (ER 43%).
    • In five years, while the total working-age population has gone up by 12 crore, the number of people with jobs has gone down by 80 lakh.

    Why is India’s LFPR so low?

    • The main reason for India’s LFPR being low is the abysmally low level of female LFPR.
    • According to CMIE data, as of December 2021, while the male LFPR was 67.4%, the female LFPR was as low as 9.4%.
    • In other words, less than one in 10 working-age women in India are even demanding work.
    • Even if one sources data from the World Bank, India’s female labour force participation rate is around 25% when the global average is 47%.

    Why do so few women demand work?

    • One reason is essentially about the working conditions — such as law and order, efficient public transportation, violence against women, societal norms etc — being far from conducive for women to seek work.
    • The other has to do with correctly measuring women’s contribution to the economy.
    • There are methodological issues in formally capturing women’s contribution to the economy since a lot of women in India are exclusively involved within their own homes.
    • Lastly, it is also a question of adequate job opportunities for women.

    How do people who leave the labour force survive?

    • Households with more than one working member often witness this phenomenon.
    • The fall in the LFPR since 2016 has been accompanied by a fall in the proportion of households where more than one person is employed.
    • The fall in LFPR has largely been the result of the additional person employed in a typical household losing a job.

     

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  • SC Ruling on Sedition Law

    The Supreme Court has fixed May 5 for final hearing of the petitions challenging the constitutionality of the sedition law and made it clear that it will not brook any delay in the form of requests for adjournment.

    What is the Sedition Law?

    • Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code lays down the punishment for sedition. The IPC was enacted in 1860, under the British Raj.
    • The then British government in India feared that religious preachers on the Indian subcontinent would wage a war against the government.
    • Particularly after the successful suppression of the Wahabi/Waliullah Movement by the British, the need was felt for such law.
    • Throughout the Raj, this section was used to suppress activists in favor of national independence, including Tilak and Mahatma Gandhi, both of whom were found guilty and imprisoned.

    What is Sedition?

    • The Section 124A defines sedition as:

    An offence committed when “any person by words, either spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible representation, or otherwise, brings or attempts to bring into hatred or contempt, or excites or attempts to excite disaffection towards the government established by law in India”.

    • Disaffection includes disloyalty and all feelings of enmity.
    • However, comments without exciting or attempting to excite hatred, contempt or disaffection, will not constitute an offense.
    • Sedition is a non-bailable offense.
    • Punishment under Section 124A ranges from imprisonment up to three years to a life term with/without a fine.

    Sedition as a cognizable offense

    • Sedition was made a cognizable offense for the first time in history in India during the tenure of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1973, that is, arrest without a warrant was now permissible.
    • In 1962 the Supreme Court of India interpreted the section to apply only if there is, say, “incitement to violence” or “overthrowing a democratically elected government through violent means”.

    Is it constitutionally valid?

    • Violative of FRs: Two high courts had found it unconstitutional after Independence, as it violated the freedom of speech and expression.
    • Reasonable restrictions: The Constitution was amended to include ‘public order’ as one of the ‘reasonable restrictions’ on which free speech could be abridged by law.
    • Kedar Nath Case: Thereafter, the Supreme Court, in Kedar Nath Singh v. State of Bihar (1962) upheld its validity.
    • Limited use: At the same time, it limited its application to acts that involve “intention or tendency to create disorder” or incitement to violence.
    • Strong criticism doesn’t amount to sedition: Thus, even strongly worded remarks, as long as they do not excite disloyalty and enmity, or incite violence, are not an offence under this section.

    Why the controversy now?

    • Frequent use: In recent times, the resort to this section is seen as disturbingly frequent.
    • Curbing dissent: Activists, cartoonists and intellectuals have been arrested under this section, drawing criticism from liberals that it is being used to suppress dissent and silence critics.
    • Misuse for propaganda: Authorities and the police who invoke this section defend the measure as a necessary step to prevent public disorder and anti-national activities.
    • Irrelevance: Many of them have also been detained under the National Security Act and UAPA.

    What is being debated about it?

    • Demand for its scrapping: Liberals and rights activists have been demanding the scrapping of Section 124A.
    • Provision is outdated: It is argued that the provision is “overbroad”, i.e., it defines the offence in wide terms threatening the liberty of citizens.
    • Various calls for its reconsideration: The Law Commission has also called for a reconsideration of the section.
    • Tyranny of the law: It has pointed that Britain abolished it more than a decade ago and raised the question of whether a provision introduced by the British to put down the freedom struggle should continue to be law in India.
    • Doctrine of severability: Some argue that a presumption of constitutionality does not apply to pre-constitutional laws as those laws have been made by foreign legislature or bodies.

    Way forward

    • India is the largest democracy in the world and the right to free speech and expression is an essential ingredient of democracy.
    • The sedition law should not be abolished as some measures are needed to check communal violence & insurgency activities like Naxals.
    • The definition of sedition should be narrowed down, to include only the issues pertaining to the territorial integrity of India as well as the sovereignty of the country.
    • Section 124A should not be misused as a tool to curb free speech.

     

    Try answering this PYQ:

    Q.With reference to Rowlatt Satyagraha, which of the following statements is/are correct?

    1. The Rowlatt Act was based on the recommendations of the ‘Sedition Committee’.
    2. In Rowlatt Satyagraha, Gandhiji tried to utilize the Home Rule League.
    3. Demonstrations against the arrival of Simon Commission coincided with Rowlatt Satyagraha.

    Select the correct answer using the code given below:

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 1 and 2 only

    (c) 2 and 3 only

    (d) 1, 2 and 3

     

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    Also read

    [Burning Issue] Should sedition law be scrapped?

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  • ‘Mission Antyodaya’ can help transform rural India

    Context

    This article argues that given the right momentum, the ‘Mission Antyodaya’ project bears great promise to eradicate poverty in its multiple dimensions among rural households.

    Background of Mission Antyodaya

    • The ‘Mission Antyodaya’ project was launched by the Government of India in 2017-18.
    • The Ministry of Panchayati Raj and the Ministry of Rural Development act as the nodal agents to take the mission forward.
    • Key goals: The main objective of ‘Mission Antyodaya’ is to ensure optimum use of resources through the convergence of various schemes that address multiple deprivations of poverty, making gram panchayat the hub of a development plan.
    • Annual survey: This planning process is supported by an annual survey that helps to assess the various development gaps at the gram panchayat level, by collecting data regarding the 29 subjects assigned to panchayats by the Eleventh Schedule of the Constitution.
    • Also, data regarding health and nutrition, social security, good governance, water management and so on are also collected.
    • The idea of the Ministry of Panchayati Raj to identify the gaps in basic needs at the local level, and integrating resources of various schemes, self-help groups, voluntary organisations and so on to finance them needs coordination and capacity-building of a high order.
    • If pursued in a genuine manner, this can foster economic development and inter-jurisdictional equity.

    Infrastructural gaps as pointed out by the Mission Antyodaya Survey

    • The ‘Mission Antyodaya’ survey in 2019-20 for the first time collected data that shed light on the infrastructural gaps from 2.67 lakh gram panchayats, comprising 6.48 lakh villages with 1.03 billion population.
    • The maximum score values assigned will add up to 100 and are presented in class intervals of 10.
    • While no State in India falls in the top score bracket of 90 to 100, 1,484 gram panchayats fall in the bottom bracket.
    • Even in the score range of 80 to 90, 10 States and all Union Territories do not appear.
    • The total number of gram panchayats for all the 18 States that have reported adds up only to 260, constituting only 0.10% of the total 2,67,466 gram panchayats in the country.
    •  If we consider a score range of 70-80 as a respectable attainment level, Kerala tops but accounts for only 34.69% of gram panchayats of the State, the corresponding all-India average is as low as 1.09%.
    • The composite index data, a sort of surrogate for human development, are also not encouraging.
    • Although only 15 gram panchayats in the country fall in the bottom range below 10 scores, more than a fifth of gram panchayats in India are below the 40 range.
    • The gap report and the composite index show in unmistakable terms that building ‘economic development and social justice’ remains a distant goal even after 30 years of the decentralisation reforms and nearly 75 years into Independence.

    Way forward

    • Converge resources: Given the ‘saturation approach’ (100% targets on select items) of the Ministry of Panchayati Raj, the possibilities of realising universal primary health care, literacy, drinking water supply and the like are also immense.
    • But there is no serious effort to converge resources (the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, the National Rural Livelihood Mission, National Social Assistance Programme, Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, etc.) and save administrative expenses.
    • Deploy the data to India’s fiscal federalism: Another lapse is the failure to deploy the data to India’s fiscal federalism, particularly to improve the transfer system and horizontal equity in the delivery of public goods in India at the sub-State level.
    • The constitutional goal of planning and implementing economic development and social justice can be achieved only through strong policy interventions.

    Conclusion

    The policy history of India has been witness to the phenomenon of announcing big projects and failing to take them to their logical consequence. ‘Mission Antyodaya’ is a striking case in recent times.

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