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Distribution: weekly

  • Labour Ministry launches ‘Donate a Pension’ Scheme 

    The Union Labour and Employment Ministry has launched the “donate a pension” scheme.

    ‘Donate a Pension’ Scheme

    • This scheme allows any citizen to pay the premium amount on behalf of an unorganized worker under the Pradhan Mantri Shram Yogi Maan-Dhan
    • Maan-Dhan scheme is a government scheme meant for old age protection and social security of unorganized workers.

    Eligibility criteria and benefits

    • The scheme was launched in 2019, allows unorganized sector workers between 18 and 40 years who earn up to ₹15,000 a month to enroll by paying a premium amount between ₹55 and ₹200, depending on the age, that would be matched by the government.
    • On reaching the age of 60, the beneficiaries would get a ₹3,000 monthly pension.

    Features of the scheme

    • The scheme allows a citizen to “donate the premium contribution of their immediate support staff such as domestic workers, drivers, helpers, caregivers, nurses in their household or establishment.
    • The donor can pay the contribution for a minimum of one year, with the amount ranging from ₹660 to ₹2,400 a year depending on the age of the beneficiary, by paying through maandhan.in or visiting a Common Service Centre.

     

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  • Legacy of Savitribai and Jyotirao Phule

    Maharashtra Governor has recently received flak for his remarks on the social reformist couple Jyotirao and Savitribai Phule.

    Who were the Phules?

    • Mahatma Jyotirao and Savitribai Phule stand out as an extraordinary couple in the social and educational history of India.
    • They spearheaded path-breaking work towards female education and empowerment, and towards ending caste- and gender-based discrimination.
    • In 1840, at a time when child marriages were common, Savitri at the age of ten was married to Jyotirao, who was thirteen years old at the time.
    • The couple later in life strove to oppose child marriage and also organised widow remarriages.

    The Phules’ endeavors and legacy

    • Education: Jyotirao, the revolutionary that he was, observed the lack of opportunities for education for young girls and women.
    • Leaders of the masses: He started to educate his wife at home and trained her to become a teacher. Together, by 1848, the Phules started a school for girls, Shudras and Ati-Shudras in Poona.
    • Widow shelter: The historic work was started by Jyotirao when he was just 21 years old, ably supported by his 18-year-old wife. In 1853, Jyotirao-Savitribai opened a care centre for pregnant widows to have safe deliveries and to end the practice of infanticide owing to social norms.
    • Prevention of infanticide: The Balhatya Pratibandhak Griha (Home for the Prevention of Infanticide) started in their own house at 395, Ganj Peth, Pune.

    The Satyashodhak Samaj:

    • Literally meaning ‘The Truth-Seeker’s Society’ was established on September 24, 1873 by Jyotirao-Savitribai and other like-minded people.
    • The Samaj advocated for social changes that went against prevalent traditions, including economical weddings, inter-caste marriages, eradication of child marriages, and widow remarriage.
    • The Phules also had far-sighted goals — popularising female education, establishing an institutional structure of schools in India, and to have a society where women worked in tandem with men.

     

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  • [Burning Issue] Russian conflict and the impact on food, farming

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    Context

    Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has put global commodity markets in a tizzy. It is now threatening to push up farming costs and send food prices soaring. Food inflation in India may thus soon enter doubledigit territory. Let’s takes a look at the impact and other aspects of the issue.

    Household budget hit

    If the conflict in Ukraine worsens, India could end up exporting more wheat, thereby pushing retail prices higher.

    Back to basics: How is inflation measured?

    1. In India, inflation is primarily measured by two main indices — WPI and CPI, which measure wholesale and retail-level price changes, respectively.
    2. The CPI calculates the difference in the price of commodities and services such as food, medical care, education, electronics etc. which Indian consumers buy for use.
    3. On the other hand, the goods or services sold by businesses to smaller businesses for selling further is captured by the WPI.
    4. In India, both WPI and CPI are used to measure inflation.

    Current Trend of Inflation in India

    • The average headline Consumer Price Index-Combined (CPI-C) inflation in India moderated to 5.2 per cent in 2021-22 (April-December) from 6.6 per cent in the period of 2020-21.
    • The CPI inflation remained range bound as food prices eased considerably due to the supply management response by the Government.

    (1) Food Inflation

    • Food inflation remained benign this span.
    • While seasonality plays a significant role in the case of vegetables, random shocks like untimely rains also have an impact on their availability and prices.
    • Proactive measures were taken to contain the price rise in pulses and edible oils that reported high inflation reflecting the impact of imported inflation in these commodities.
    • Reduction in central excise and subsequent cuts in VAT by most States has also helped ease petrol and diesel prices.

    (2) Wholesale Inflation

    • Wholesale inflation based on Wholesale Price Index (WPI), after remaining very benign during the previous financial year on account of pandemic induced weakening of economic activity.
    • This was attributable to the pick-up in economic activity, sharp increase in international prices of crude oil and other imported inputs, and high freight costs.

    Issues: Divergence if figures

    • The consequent divergence between CPI-C and WPI inflation during the year remained a subject of debate.
    • This divergence can be explained by factors such as variations due to base effect, difference in scope and coverage of the two indices, their price collections, items covered and difference in commodity weights.
    • Further, WPI is more sensitive to cost-push inflation led by imported inputs.
    • With the gradual waning of base effect in WPI, the divergence in CPI-C inflation and WPI inflation is also expected to narrow down.

    Global Inflation

    • In 2021, inflation picked up globally as economic activity revived with opening-up of economies.
    • The surge in energy, food, non-food commodities, and input prices, supply constraints, disruption of global supply chains, and rising freight costs across the globe stoked global inflation during the year.
    • Crude oil prices also witnessed an upswing due to increased demand from recovering economies and supply cuts by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and its allies (OPEC+).

    A global comparison

    • Advanced Economies include 40 economies and Emerging Markets and Developing Economies (EMDEs) include 156 economies as per IMF classification.
    • In comparison to many EMDEs and advanced economies, consumer price inflation in India remained normal range bound in the recent months.
    • As against this, inflation in USA touched 7.0 per cent in December 2021, the highest since 1982, driven largely by second hand vehicles and energy.
    • While in the UK it hit a nearly 30 years high of 5.4 per cent in December 2021 mainly on account of rising food prices.

    What is the Conflict?

    • Contestation about post-Cold War central European territoriality and resurrecting a burnished Russian past is at the core of the Ukraine crisis.
    • Ukraine and Russia share hundreds of years of cultural, linguistic and familial links.
    • For many in Russia and in the ethnically Russian parts of Ukraine, the shared heritage of the countries is an emotional issue that has been exploited for electoral and military purposes.
    • As part of the Soviet Union, Ukraine was the second-most powerful Soviet republic after Russia, and was crucial strategically, economically and culturally.
    • The balance of power in the region, Ukraine being a crucial buffer between Russia and the West, Ukraine’s bid for NATO membership and Russian interests in the Black Sea accompanied by the protests in the Ukraine are the major causes of the ongoing conflict.

    How will the Russia-Ukraine conflict impact India?

    • The war in the Black Sea region, which is both a production and trade hub, has pushed prices of crude oil, wheat, corn, cooking oil, and fertilizers to new highs.
    • Recently, crude prices touched a high of $139 per barrel, the highest since 2008.
    • Global wheat prices have shot up 91% year-on-year (y-o-y), while corn prices rose by 33% y-o-y.
    • As India is acutely dependent on imports of edible oil and fertilizers, consumers may see prices of these soaring to painful levels.
    • Besides, an impending shortage of fertilizers in the country ahead of the Kharif planting season can lead to unrest in rural areas.

    Can government grain stocks shield consumers?

    • As on mid-February, the central stock of grains comprising rice and wheat was a staggering 54 million tonnes (mt), a surplus of more than 30 mt.
    • It is more than what is required for the country’s public distribution system (PDS).
    • With a record harvest of wheat set to hit the markets later this month, the government can liquidate its wheat stocks to keep prices in check.
    • However, if global prices rise further and the conflict in Ukraine worsens, India could end up exporting more wheat, thereby pushing retail prices higher.
    • Together with higher edible oil and fuel prices, food inflation could touch double-digit highs.

    How will the price rise affect the farming community?

    • Farmers can now expect prices at a premium to the minimum support prices (MSPs) announced by the government.
    • Wholesale wheat prices are now higher than the MSP, while mustard prices, at ₹7,000 per quintal, are already 40% higher than the MSP and may cross the ₹10,000 mark.
    • However, steep prices of inputs will add to the cost.

    What is the impact of high crude prices?

    • Historic data show a close correlation between a rise in crude oil and food prices.
    • Crude prices impact food prices more than even food production. Crude prices are hovering in the $120-130 per barrel range.
    • Even if this were to cool down to the $100-110 level, it would impact fertilizer prices and shipping costs significantly.
    • High crude prices also lead to diversion of food crops to produce biofuels, thus pushing up crop prices.
    • India has not raised fuel prices since November and a significant hike is expected soon.

    What measures can the government take?

    • Other than liquidating its public stock of grain, the government can restrict exports to keep cereal price inflation in check.
    • As for edible oil, import duties have already been reduced significantly.
    • Retail food inflation, which rose to a 13-month high of 5.4% in January, is likely to rise further.
    • To ensure that the hunger situation does not get worse, it can expand PDS and enrol many more households.
    • On the fertilizer front, the government may have to secure supplies from Canada, Israel, and China.

    The overall impact of the Conflict?

    • The Russia-Ukraine crisis will send cooking gas, petrol and other fuel bills soaring for Indian households and businesses. Higher oil prices add to freight/transportation costs.
    • Depending on how long global oil prices remain elevated, the tensions could raise questions on the RBI’s credibility in making inflation projections and upset the government’s budget calculations, particularly fiscal deficit.
    • The surge in crude oil prices will lead to an increase in India’s oil import bills, and gold imports could jump back up, keeping the rupee under pressure.
    • India’s imports of petroleum products from Russia are only a fraction of its total oil import bill and, thus, replaceable.
    • However, getting alternative sources for fertilisers and sunflower oil may not be as easy.
    • Exports to Russia account for less than 1% of India’s total exports, but exports of pharmaceuticals and tea could face some challenges, as will shipments to CIS countries. 
    • Freight rate hikes could make overall exports less competitive, too.

    Way Forward

    • It is important to reform the grain-management-cum-food-subsidy system to release precious resources for growth of agriculture.
    • This should be combined with taking giant strides to raise productivity and producing more nutritious food while protecting the environment.
    • The paradox of Indian policy making can be judged by looking at the Union budget for the 2022-23 which provides more than Rs 2 lakh crore for food subsidy while agri-research and development gets a paltry Rs 8,500 crore.
      • It is well-known that agri-R&D gives a much higher return in terms of promoting growth with competitiveness, and reduces poverty by making food cheaper and controlling food inflation.
      • Hence India should focus more on agri-research and development.
    • On the fiscal side, the Government, which has been conservative in its revenue assumptions in the Budget, has the room to pre-emptively cut domestic fuel taxes to nip inflationary expectations, stoke faltering consumption levels and sustain India’s fragile post-Covid-19 recovery through this global churn.
    • Buffer stock of pulses have been used to tackle price volatility of these commodities. Pulses from the buffer were used very effectively during the COVID-19 pandemic for supplying @ 1 kg per household per month free of cost to approx.

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  • Protocols for social media

    Context

    The lack of clear systems within social media companies that claim to connect the world is appalling. It is time that they should have learned from multiple instances, as recent as the Israeli use of force in Palestine.

    Role of social media platforms in the context of conflict

    • There was no unpredictability over conflicts in the information age spilling over to social media platforms.
    • In the context of conflict, social media platforms have multiple challenges that go unaddressed.
    • Threat of information warfare: Content moderation remains a core area of concern, where, essentially, information warfare can be operationalised and throttled.
    • Their sheer magnitude and narrative-building abilities place a degree of undeniable onus on them.
    • After years of facing and acknowledging these challenges, most social media giants are yet to create institutional capacity to deal with such situations.
    • Additionally, they also act as a conduit for further amplification of content on other platforms.
    • Major social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter also provide space for extremist views from fringe platforms, where the degree of direct relation to the user generating such content is blurred.

    Technology falls short

    • Misinformation and disinformation are thorny challenges to these platforms.
    • Algorithmic solutions are widely put to use to address them.
    • These include identification of content violative of their terms, reducing the visibility of content deemed inappropriate by the algorithm, and in the determination of instances reported to be violative of the terms by other users.
    • More often than not in critical cases, these algorithmic solutions have misfired, harming the already resource-scarce party.
    • The operational realities of these platforms require that the safety of users be prioritised to address pressing concerns, even at the cost of profits.

    Lessons for India

    • The lack of coherent norms on state behaviour in cyberspace as well as the intersection of business, cyberspace, and state activity is an opportunity for India.
    • Indian diplomats can initiate a new track of conversations here which can benefit the international community at large.
    • India should ensure that it initiates these conversations through well-informed diplomats.
    • Finally, it is necessary to reassess the domestic regulatory framework on social media platforms.
    • Transparency and accountability need to be foundational to the regulation of social media platforms in the information age.

    Conclusion

    It is in our national interest and that of a rule-based global polity that social media platforms be dealt with more attention across spheres than with a range of reactionary measures addressing immediate concerns alone.

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  • Filling the physical gaps in India’s digital push

    Context

    A lot has been written about the emphasis on “digital” in the 2022 Union Budget. But one aspect that hasn’t been talked about as much is the importance given in the budget to digital public infrastructure (DPI).

    Significance of digital public infrastructure (DPI) in India

    • A global trendsetter: India is seen as a global trendsetter in the DPI movement, having set up multiple large-scale DPIs like Aadhaar, UPI and sector-specific platforms like DIGIT for eGovernance and DIKSHA for education.
    • Improvement in public service delivery: These DPIs have helped push the frontier of public service delivery.
    • Four key announcements in Budget: This year’s budget adds to the growing discourse on DPIs by making four key announcements:
    • 1] In health, an open platform with digital registries, a unique health identity and a robust consent framework;
    • 2] In skilling, a Digital Ecosystem for Skilling and Livelihood (DESH-Stack) to help citizens upskill through online training;
    • 3] a Unified Logistics Interface Platform (ULIP) to streamline movement of goods across modes of transport; and for travel,
    • 4] In mobility, an “open source” mobility stack for facilitating seamless travel of passengers.
    • Analysis by the Centre for Digital Economy Policy Research (C-DEP) estimates that national digital ecosystems could add over 5 per cent to India’s GDP.

    Suggestions

    • But important design considerations must be set right if we are to truly unlock the value of these platforms.

    1] Differentiating between tech and non-tech layer

    • We need to differente between the “tech” and “non-tech” layers of our digital infrastructure.
    • While India seems to have made significant headway on the “tech” layers, the “non-tech” layers of community engagement and governance need a lot more work.
    • The combination of these three layers is what is critical to making tech work for everyone.
    • Together, they embody what we call the open digital ecosystems (ODE) approach.

    2] Get non-tech layers right

    • To unleash the true potential of India’s ODEs, we need to get the “non-tech” layers right, by prioritising principles around data protection, universal access and accountability.
    • In this regard, three specific non-tech levers are critical.
    • 1] Data protection: Protecting the data of all users and giving them agency over how their data gets used.
    • The passage of a robust Data Protection Bill is imperative.
    • But we also need to go beyond the mere requirement of “consent”.
    • 2] Address digital divide: It is important to address the digital divide.
    • Research by ORF, for instance, shows that Indian women are 15 per cent less likely to own a mobile phone and 33 per cent less likely to use mobile internet services than men.
    • So, we need a “phygital” approach that provides services through both online and offline options and strong grievance redressal mechanisms.
    • 3] Institutional mechanism: As we push the frontier on digitisation, India must also focus on developing anchor institutions and robust governance frameworks.
    • Just as Aadhaar is anchored by UIDAI under an Act of Parliament, and the Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission is anchored by the National Health Authority, every new ODE requires an accountable institutional anchor. 
    • These institutions are critical for setting standards, ensuring a level playing field and safeguarding consumer interest.

    Consider the question “India is seen as a global trendsetter in the DPI movement, having set up multiple large-scale Digital Public Infrastructures(DPI). List the various DPIs in various sectors in India. Suggest the changes needed in the non-tech layers of these DPIs.”

    Conclusion

    From Aadhaar and UPI to DBT and CoWin, India’s tech stacks are grabbing global attention. It is now critical to bring the gaze on to the non-tech layers of the stack, so that the potential of these platforms can be unlocked for every Indian.

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  • Why do Indians go abroad for medical studies?

    • According to estimates from Ukraine, reported in the media, around 18,000 Indian students are in Ukraine (before Operation Ganga).
    • Most of them are pursuing medicine.
    • This war has turned the spotlight on something that has been the trend for about three decades now.

    Preferred countries for medical degree

    • For about three decades now, Indian students have been heading out to Russia, China, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Philippines to pursue a medical degree.

    Hype of becoming a Doctor

    • Prestige: The desire to study medicine still holds a lot of value in the Indian community (the other is becoming an IAS officer).
    • Shortages of Doctor: In many rural areas, people still look at doctors as god’s incarnate.
    • Rarity of opportunity: The lack of equal opportunities exacerbated by the caste factor in the Indian context, has a great deal of impact on the prestige still associated with being a doctor.
    • Social upliftment ladder: For years, certain communities were denied the opportunities, and finally they do have a chance at achieving significant educational status.

    Why go abroad?

    • No language barrier: The medium of education for these students is English, a language they are comfortable with.
    • Affordability: The amount spent on living and the medical degree are far more affordable than paying for an MBBS seat in private medical colleges in India.
    • Aesthetics and foreign culture: People are willing to leave their home to study far away in much colder places and with completely alien cultures and food habits.
    • Practice and OPD exposure: It broadens students’ mind and thinking, expose them to a whole range of experiences, and their approach to issues and crises is likely to be far better.

    Doesn’t India have enough colleges?

    (a) More aspirants than seats

    • There are certainly far more MBBS aspirants than there are MBBS seats in India.
    • In NEET 2021, as per a National Testing Agency press release, 16.1 lakh students registered for the exam, 15.4 lakh students appeared for the test, and 8.7 lakh students qualified.
    • As per data from the National Medical Commission (NMC), in 2021-22, there were 596 medical colleges in the country with a total of 88,120 MBBS seats.
    • While the skew is in favour of Government colleges, it is not greatly so, with the number of private medical institutions nearly neck-to-neck with the state-run ones.

    (b) Fees structure

    • That means over 50% of the total seats are available at affordable fees in Government colleges.
    • Add the 50% seats in the private sector that the NMC has mandated must charge only the government college fees.
    • In fully private colleges, the full course fees range from several lakhs to crores.

    (c) Uneven distribution of colleges

    • These colleges are also not distributed evenly across the country, with States such as Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala having many more colleges.

    What about costs?

    • The cost factor on both sides of an MBBS degree is significant.
    • The costs of an MBBS degree in a Government college tot up to a few lakhs of rupees for the full course, but in a private medical college, it can go up to ₹1 crore for the five-year course.
    • In case it is a management seat, capitation fees can inflate the cost by several lakhs again.
    • Whereas, an MBBS course at any foreign medical university in the east and Eastern Europe costs far less (upto ₹30lakh-₹40 lakh).

    Way forward

    • While PM Modi emphasised that more private medical colleges must be set up in the country to aid more people to take up MBBS, medical education experts have called for pause on the aspect.
    • If the aim is to make medicine more accessible to students of the country, the path ahead is not in the private sector, but in the public sector, with the Central and State governments’ involvement.
    • Starting private medical colleges by reducing the strict standards set for establishing institutes may not actually be the solution to this problem, if we think this is a concern.

    Conclusion

    • Creating more medical colleges will be beneficial for the country, if access and availability can be ensured.
    • This will not be possible by resorting to private enterprise only.
    • The State and Central governments can start more medical colleges, as recommended by NITI Aayog, by utilising district headquarters hospitals, and expanding the infrastructure.
    • This way, students from the lower and middle socio-economic rung, who are otherwise not able to access medical seats, will also benefit.

     

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  • Highlights of the Democracy Report 2022

    A Sweden-based institute has said that India is no longer an ‘electoral democracy’, classifying the country as an ‘electoral autocracy’ instead.

    About the report

    • The study, titled ‘Democracy Report 2022: Autocratisation Changing Nature?’ states that more than twice as many countries are undergoing Autocratisation as are witnessing democratization.
    • The conceptual scheme takes into account not only the electoral dimension (free and fair elections) but also the liberal principle that democracy must protect “individual and minority rights”.
    • The V-Dem report classifies countries into four regime types based on their score in the Liberal Democratic Index (LDI):
    1. Liberal Democracy
    2. Electoral Democracy
    3. Electoral Autocracy and
    4. Closed Autocracy

    What is the report’s methodology?

    • Since key features of democracy, such as, judicial independence, are not directly measurable, and to rule out distortions due to subjective judgments, V-Dem uses aggregate expert judgments.
    • It gathers data from a pool of over 3,700 experts worldwide who provide judgments on different concepts and cases.
    • Leveraging the diverse opinions, the V-Dem’s measurement model algorithmically.

    The Liberal Democratic Index (LDI)

    • The LDI captures both liberal and electoral aspects of a democracy based on 71 indicators that make up the:
    1. Liberal Component Index (LCI): It measures aspects such as protection of individual liberties and legislative constraints on the executive.
    2. Electoral Democracy Index (EDI): It considers indicators that guarantee free and fair elections such as freedom of expression and freedom of association.
    • In addition, the LDI also uses:
    1. Egalitarian Component Index (to what extent different social groups are equal)
    2. Participatory Component Index (health of citizen groups, civil society organisations) and
    3. Deliberative Component Index (whether political decisions are taken through public reasoning focused on common good or through emotional appeals, solidarity attachments, coercion)

    Highlights of the report

    • The democratic gains of the post-Cold War period are eroding rapidly in the last few years.
    • Autocratisation is spreading rapidly, with a record of 33 countries autocratising.
    • The level of democracy enjoyed by the average global citizen in 2021 is down to 1989 levels.
    • While Sweden topped the LDI index, other Scandinavian countries such as Denmark and Norway, along with Costa Rica and New Zealand make up the top five in liberal democracy rankings.

    What does the report say about India?

    • India is one of the top ten ‘autocratisers’ in the world says the report.
    • The report classifies India as an autocracy (‘electoral autocracy’) rather than a democracy, ranking it 93rd on the liberal democracy index, out of 179 countries.
    • The report notes that India is part of a broader global trend of an anti-plural political party driving a country’s Autocratisation.
    • Ranked 93rd in the LDI, India figures in the “bottom 50%” of countries.
    • It has slipped further down in the Electoral Democracy Index, to 100, and even lower in the Deliberative Component Index, at 102.
    • In South Asia, India is ranked below Sri Lanka (88), Nepal (71), and Bhutan (65) and above Pakistan (117) in the LDI.

    Concerns raised by the report

    • (Communal) Polarisation: The report also points out that “toxic levels of polarisation contribute to electoral victories of anti-pluralist leaders and the empowerment of their autocratic agendas”.
    • Rise of political hate speeches: The report states that measures of polarisation of society, political polarisation, and political parties’ use of hate speech tend to systematically rise together to extreme levels.
    • Misinformation as a policy tool: The report identified “misinformation” as a key tool deployed by autocratising governments to sharpen polarisation and shape domestic and international opinion.
    • Repression of civil society and censorship of media: These were other favored tools of autocratising regimes.
    • Declining autonomy of Election bodies: The report also found that decisive autonomy for the electoral management body (EMB) deteriorated in 25 countries.

    Note: The west uses every nook and corner to bully India in all walks of life. This report is an evidence. It ranks India as more autocratic than Pakistan (where democracy is a namesake joke). Credibility of such reports are definitely questionable. But we as an aspirant have to take cognisance of such reports (but not very seriously).

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  • Tiger Density in India

    Preliminary findings of a study by the Wildlife Institute of India (WII) suggest that the density of tigers in the Sunderbans may have reached the carrying capacity of the mangrove forests, leading to frequent dispersals and a surge in human-wildlife conflict.

    Tiger Density of India

    • In the Terai and Shivalik hills habitat — think Corbett tiger reserve, for example — 10-16 tigers can survive in 100 sq km.
    • This slides to 7-11 tigers per 100 sq km in the reserves of north-central Western Ghats such as Bandipur, and to 6-10 tigers per 100 sq km in the dry deciduous forests, such as Kanha, of central India.
    • The correlation between prey availability and tiger density is fairly established.
    • There is even a simple linear regression explaining the relationship in the 2018 All-India Tiger report that put the carrying capacity in the Sunderbans “at around 4 tigers” per 100 sq km.
    • A joint Indo-Bangla study in 2015 pegged the tiger density at 2.85 per 100 sq km after surveying eight blocks spanning 2,913 sq km across the international borders in the Sunderbans.

    Conflict: cause or effect

    • The consequence, as classical theories go, is frequent dispersal of tigers leading to higher levels of human-wildlife conflict in the reserve peripheries.
    • Physical (space) and biological (forest productivity) factors have an obvious influence on a reserve’s carrying capacity of tigers.
    • What also plays a crucial role is how the dispersal of wildlife is tolerated by people — from the locals who live around them to policymakers who decide management strategies.
    • More so when different land uses overlap and a good number of people depend on forest resources for livelihood.

    Why tiger corridors are not a solution?

    • But though vital for genes to travel and avoid a population bottleneck, wildlife corridors may not be the one-stop solution for conflict.
    • First, not all dispersing tigers will chance upon corridors simply because many will find territories of other tigers between them and such openings.
    • Even the lucky few that may take those routes are likely to wander to the forest edges along the way.
    • Worse, the corridors may not lead to viable forests in reserves such as Sunderbans, bounded by the sea and villages.

    Way ahead

    • Artificially boosting the prey base in a reserve is often an intuitive solution but it can be counter-productive.
    • To harness the umbrella effect of tigers for biodiversity conservation, it is more beneficial to increase areas occupied by tigers.
    • For many, the prescription is to create safe connectivity among forests and allow tigers to disperse safely to new areas.

    Try this PYQ from CSP 2020:

    Q.Among the following Tiger Reserves, which one has the largest area under “Critical Tiger Habitat” ?

    (a) Corbett

    (b) Ranthambore

    (c) Nagarjunasagar- Srisailam

    (d) Sunderbans

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”3sm90ja3rc” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

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  • Ex Vayu Shakti 2022

    The Indian Air Force (IAF) has decided to postpone its firepower demonstration, Ex Vayu Shakti, scheduled in the Pokhran ranges in Rajasthan.

    Exercise Vayu Shakti

    • It is conducted once in three years which is participated by fighters, helicopters, force enablers and support systems.
    • The aim of the exercise is to detect and identify targets and neutralise them in day, dusk and night capability demonstrations.
    • The Indian Air Force showcases repower capability of indigenously developed aircrafts and its missile arsenal in this exercise.
    • Fighter aircraft including Jaguar, Rafale, Sukhoi-30, MIG-29, light combat aircraft Tejas, MIG-21 Bison, Hawk 32, M200 participates in the exercise.

    Also read

    Various Defence Exercises in News

     

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  • [Sansad TV] Perspective: Cost of Free Power

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    Context

    • Ongoing assembly elections in five states have seen a flurry of promises from political parties.
    • The prominent one amongst these is the promise of free or subsidised power for farmers and domestic consumers.

    Also read:

    [Sansad TV] Mudda Aapla: Culture of Freebies

    The Lure of Free Electricity

    • Free or subsidized power to farmers (sometimes accompanied to the farm loan waiver) is present in election manifestos of each political parties during elections.
    • According to a report:
      1. Free power to farmers accounts for 70% of total subsidies.
      2. Free power to the Scheduled Caste, backward caste and BPL families contribute 14%.
      3. Subsidized power to industrial consumers constitutes 16% of total subsidies. 

    Why free electricity is an issue?

    • Cost bared by the States: The entire cost of electricity that includes the cost of production, the purchase price of power, the cost of distribution and collection is bound by the state government.
    • Burden on exchequer: Due to free power in Delhi, the total state subsidy amounts to 11% of the total expenses.
    • States incapacity to pay back: The State governments have to reimburse the Discoms, but given the financial state of the governments, they either defer the payments or delay the payments.
    • DISCOM failure due to poor finances: As the Discoms suffer from financial shortage their ability to provide service is affected, especially in rural and far-flung areas.
    • Shortage and outages: This is a key reason for the limited electrification of the industrial and commercial sectors.

    Necessity check

    • Unaffordability: Providing subsidised low tariffs for small consumers is necessary, considering the rising costs of the electricity supply.
    • Relief in distress: Free or low-tariff power is at best a short-term relief, which should be provided to those who desperately need it.

    Long term impact

    Free power distorts demand, discourages efficient use and resource management.

    • Impact on power generation: This makes Discoms unable to pay the generators who are dependent on these finances for the procurement of coal.
    • Financial burden on end-customers: It leads to industrial and commercial consumers paying cross-subsidy in terms of higher power tariffs to compensate for the under-recoveries of Discoms.
    • Burden on Banks: Banks are also affected as power generators can’t pay the interest due to which the costs of borrowing also increases.
    • Tariff Issues: The high tariff also makes the states and the country uncompetitive against the other countries in the global market.
    • Ignorance to critical issues: The financial implications are immense, undermining a state’s ability to provide critical services such as health, education and basic infrastructure.

    Consequences of free power

    The free/subsidized power supply is provided for improving the financial condition of farmers. However, this has led to certain dysfunctions:

    • Overuse of Power and Wastage
    • Wastage of water through overt irrigation
    • Land degradation due to Water Logging
    • Such cultivation often leads to Crop Failure

    Giving free power imposes intergenerational costs in terms of exacerbating water scarcity and deterioration of air quality.

    Policy alternatives: PM-KUSUM

    • Pradhan Mantri Kisan Urja Suraksha evam Utthan Mahabhiyan (PM-KUSUM) is an Indian central government-sponsored scheme led by MNRE.
    • The PM-KUSUM scheme helps Indian farmers in installing solar pumps as well as solar power plants in India.
    • Under KUSUM yojana, you will have to bear only 10% of the total cost. The remaining 30% will be provided by the central government and 30% by the state government as solar pump subsidies.
    • In that way, you’ll receive a total 60% subsidy on your solar water pump. The remaining 30% will be financed.

    Way forward

    • DBT: Eschewing free power is not anti-poor. Electricity-poor households can be supported through direct benefit transfers or prepaid meters.
    • Cap on usage:  The subsidies should be given for a limited number of units and be given in increasing slabs to avoid overconsumption and wastage.
    • Subsidization: Currently, the subsidies are also extended to the large cultivators who grow cash crops, vineyards, sugarcane and make huge profits.
    • Concessional tariffs: Fixing concessional tariffs (not below 50% of the discom’s average cost of supply) for consumers with monthly consumption below 50 kWh and connected load up to 1 kW.   
    • Extensive eligibility: Rather than giving the subsidy to the discoms, the expert group proposed the subsidy be paid as a direct benefit transfer to eligible consumers.
    • Feeder separation: Separation of agricultural meters from non-agricultural meters should be implemented throughout the country.

    Conclusion

    • India needs greater electrification of its economy. It must create the conditions that encourage this.
    • The reckless and indiscriminate promise of free power prevents that transition.

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