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GS Paper: GS2-01.Indian Constitution-Historical underpinnings & evolution; Features, amendments, significant provisions, basic structure of Constitution

  • Promoting Hindi language rationally

    Hindi

    Context

    • Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s remarks on English in a recent campaign rally, the controversy over medical education in Hindi and the parliamentary report on promoting Hindi, will give new life to Hindi vs non-Hindi debate.

    The status of Hindi language in India

    • The 2011 linguistic census: Accounts for 121 mother tongues, including 22 languages listed in the 8th Schedule of the Constitution.
    • Widely spoken language: Hindi is the most widely spoken, with 52.8 crore individuals, or 43.6% of the population, declaring it as their mother tongue. The next highest is Bengali, mother tongue for 97 lakh (8%) less than one-fifth of Hindi’s count. In terms of the number of people who know Hindi, the count crosses more than half the country.
    • Hindi as second language: Nearly 13.9 crore (over 11%) reported Hindi as their second language, which makes it either the mother tongue or second language for nearly 55% of the population.

    Hindi

    What does constitution say about Hindi?

    • What is the Eighth Schedule?
    1. The Eighth Schedule contains a list of languages in the country. Initially, there were 14 languages in the schedule, but now there are 22 languages.
    2. There is no description of the sort of languages that are included or will be included in the Eighth Schedule.
    • Constitutional position of Eighth Schedule

    There are only two references to these languages in the text of the Constitution.

    (i) Article 344(1):

    1. It provides for the formation of a Commission by the President, which should have a chairman and members representing these scheduled languages.
    2. The purpose of the Commission is to make recommendations for the progressive use of Hindi for official purposes of the Union and for restricting the use of English.

    (ii) Article 351:

    1. It says it is the Union government’s duty to promote the spread of Hindi so that it becomes “a medium of expression for all elements of the composite culture of India”.
    2. It also aims to assimilate elements of forms and expressions from Hindustani and languages listed in the Eighth Schedule.

    Hindi

    What are challenges for promotion of Hindi Language?

    • Higher knowledge is not available in Hindi: The challenge of Hindi is that inhabiting the world of Hindi is seen as closing off access to the frontiers of knowledge, not just in science but in civic knowledge, like higher echelons of law.
    • Perceived as inferior language: It is also treated as a marker of parochialism and inferior status.
    • Hindi as language of Identity not as knowledge: The problem may be less acute with other languages like Tamil, Kannada or Bengali, but it exists. The anomaly of the India experiment is not diversity: It is the claim that the language of self, identity and culture be different from the language of knowledge, privilege and access. This is the experiment India is conducting on a large scale. Is it a sustainable one?
    • Cultural assertion through language: It is the untapped resentment of a Hindi culture that often is made conscious of its own second-class status in global hierarchies. Millions of vernacular speakers feel disenfranchised in the worlds of knowledge and prestige.
    • Poor translation mechanism: Our translation missions are so meagre that except for literature, they do not grow the language by translating knowledge into it. So, the division of the function of languages has also become a division of persons, between those whose fluency in English is greater than their fluency in a vernacular, and those who might know English but struggle with it.
    • English transition is not easy in mid high school: There was also a generation that was taught in a vernacular language very well. They found it easy to switch to English later. Now the education system does not prepare you for either trajectory, not at least on a mass scale, leaving the Hindi speaker relatively stranded.

    Hindi

    What should be the way forward?

    • Hindi should be used for knowledge sharing and communication: The discussion of the language issue ought to be pedagogical rather than political. It will be, for instance, important for doctors to have English to easily access a continually evolving world of research; just translating a few textbooks into vernaculars will not solve the challenge. But it is equally true that the ability to communicate fluently in vernacular languages will be a great asset.
    • Higher Education in Hindi should be made available: It is also possibly true that for those who did not get an English education, continuing vernacular education should be a medium of expanding their opportunities.
    • Government has to do its homework: Our education system will have to do the homework to make any language strategy work fully. The skepticism of teaching medicine or engineering in the vernaculars (and not just Hindi) is that our knowledge eco system is not prepared for it; the skepticism of English is that it has left so many people behind.

    Conclusion

    • The genius of India is that it has, historically, not locked itself into binaries over language choice. With creative pedagogies, we can reclaim that heritage. But raising the political pitch on language serves neither the cause of knowledge or national unity.

    Mains Question

    Q. Why government indulges in promotion of Hindi? Does it right in Indian context to promote only one language nationally?

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  • Split Verdict on Hijab Row

    hijab

    The Supreme Court has delivered a split verdict in the Karnataka hijab ban case with one of the two judges on the Bench upholding the March 15 order of the Karnataka HC validating the government’s ban, and the other set aside the HC ruling.

    What lies next?

    • With the divided bench, the matter has now been directed to be placed before Chief Justice of India (CJI).

    What is a Split Verdict?

    • A split verdict is passed when the Bench cannot decide one way or the other in a case, either by a unanimous decision or by a majority verdict.
    • Split verdicts can only happen when the Bench has an even number of judges.
    • This is why judges usually sit in Benches of odd numbers (three, five, seven, etc.) for important cases, even though two-judge Benches — known as Division Benches — are not uncommon.

    After the verdict

    • In case of a split verdict, the case is heard by a larger Bench.
    • The larger Bench to which a split verdict goes can be a three-judge Bench of the High Court, or an appeal can be preferred before the Supreme Court.
    • In the case of the hijab verdict, the CJI, who is the ‘master of the roster’, will constitute a new, larger Bench to hear the matter.

    Earlier cases with a split verdict

    • In May, a two-judge Bench of the Delhi HC delivered a split verdict in a batch of petitions challenging the exception provided to marital rape in the Indian Penal Code (IPC).
    • Justice Rajiv Shakdher held that the exception under Section 375 (which deals with rape) of the IPC is unconstitutional, while Justice C Hari Shankar held that the provision is valid.

    About the ‘split’ ruling

    • While Justice Hemant Gupta dismissed the appeals challenging the Karnataka High Court order, Justice Sudhanshu Dhulia allowed them.
    • In his judgment, Justice Dhulia referred to the Bijoe Emmanuel case, saying it “squarely covers the issue”.

    What is the Bijoe Emmanuel verdict?

    • The Bijoe Emmanuel case came before up a Bench comprising Justices O. Chinnappa Reddy and M M Dutt in 1986.
    • The court granted protection to three children of the Jehovah’s Witness sect who did not join in singing the national anthem at their school.
    • The court held that forcing the children to sing the national anthem violated their fundamental right to religion.
    • V J Emmanuel, the father of the children pleaded with the court that for the Jehovah’s Witnesses, only Jehovah should be worshipped.
    • Since the anthem is a prayer, the children would stand up in respect when it was playing. However, their faith did not allow them to sing it.
    • The Supreme Court had said that while the Kerala HC had examined whether or not the national anthem contained any word or thought, which could offend anyone’s religious susceptibilities, it had misdirected itself as that was not the question at all.

    Why the hijab case should be heard by a larger Bench?

    First and foremost, the matter should be heard by a larger Bench preferably 5 judges as-

    • It has to be decided whether the right to practice religion can intertwine with the right and autonomy of educational institutions to decide their uniform.
    • While private institutions have the autonomy to decide on the uniform, the court needs to study and decide whether such issues should be looked at in a uniform manner.
    • Considering the complexities of the matter which also involves several issues such as female dignity, freedom of expression, and the school’s right to decide on the uniform.
    • A Constitution Bench would also have the right to re-examine the Emmanuel verdict which was delivered by a two-judge Bench.

     

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  • Section 66A of IT Act

    66a

    The Supreme Court has ordered States and their police forces to stop prosecuting free speech on social media under Section 66A of the Information Technology Act which was declared unconstitutional by the court in a judgment seven years ago.

    What did Section 66A do?

    • Introduced in 2008, the amendment to the IT Act, 2000, gave the government power to arrest and imprison an individual for allegedly “offensive and menacing” online posts, and was passed without discussion in Parliament.
    • Section 66A empowered police to make arrests over what policemen, in terms of their subjective discretion, could construe as “offensive” or “menacing” or for the purposes of causing annoyance, inconvenience, etc.
    • It prescribed the punishment for sending messages through a computer or any other communication device like a mobile phone or a tablet, and a conviction could fetch a maximum of three years in jail.
    • In 2015, the apex court struck down the law in the landmark case Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, calling it “open-ended and unconstitutionally vague”, and thus expanded the contours of free speech to the Internet.

    Why was the law criticized?

    • The problem was with the vagueness about what is “offensive”.
    • The word having a very wide connotation was open to distinctive, varied interpretations.
    • It was seen as subjective, and what might have been innocuous for one person, could lead to a complaint from someone else and, consequently, an arrest arbitrarily.

    So, how did 66A come under the Supreme Court’s scrutiny?

    • The first petition came up in the court following the arrest of two girls in Maharashtra by Thane Police in November 2012 over a Facebook post.
    • The girls had made comments on the shutdown of Mumbai for the funeral of a political leader.
    • The arrests triggered outrage from all quarters over the manner in which the cyber law was used.
    • The petition was filed by Shreya Singhal, then a 21-year-old law student.

    What were the grounds for the challenge?

    • The objective behind the 2008 amendment was to prevent the misuse of information technology, particularly through social media.
    • The petitioners argued that Section 66A came with extremely wide parameters, which allowed whimsical interpretations by law enforcement agencies.
    • Most of the terms used in the section had not been specifically defined under the Act.
    • The law was a potential tool to gag legitimate free speech online and to curtail freedom of speech and expression guaranteed under the Constitution, going far beyond the ambit of “reasonable restrictions” on that freedom.

    What did the Supreme Court decide?

    • In March 2015, a bench of Justices J. Chelameswar and R.F. Nariman ruled in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India declared Section 66A unconstitutional for “being violative of Article 19(1)(a) and not saved under Article 19(2).”
    • Article 19(1)(a) gives people the right to speech and expression whereas 19(2) accords the state the power to impose “reasonable restrictions” on the exercise of this right.
    • The decision was considered a landmark judicial pushback against state encroachment on the freedom of speech and expression.
    • The bench also read down Section 79– now at the centre of the ongoing “intermediary liability” battle between the Centre and micro-blogging platform Twitter– defining key rules for the relationship between governments and commercial internet platforms.
    • Section 79 says that any intermediary shall not be held legally or otherwise liable for any third party information, data, or communication link made available or hosted on its platform.

     

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  • Parliamentary Committees, their leaders, and their role in law-making

    A recent revamp of the Standing Committees of Parliament could potentially worsen the relations between the government and opposition parties.

    Why in news?

    • Of the 22 committees announced, the erstwhile ruling party has the post of chairperson in only one, and the opposition party from West Bengal has none.
    • The ruling party has the chairmanship of the important committees on Home, Finance, IT, Defence and External Affairs.

    What are Committees of Parliament?

    • A Parliamentary Committee is a panel of MPs that is appointed or elected by the House or nominated by the Speaker, and which works under the direction of the Speaker.
    • It presents its report to the House or to the Speaker.
    • Parliamentary Committees have their origins in the British Parliament.
    • They draw their authority from Article 105, which deals with the privileges of MPs, and Article 118, which gives Parliament authority to make rules to regulate its procedure and conduct of business.

    What do they do?

    • Legislative business begins when a Bill is introduced in either House of Parliament.
    • But the process of lawmaking is often complex, and Parliament has limited time for detailed discussions.
    • Also, the political polarisation and shrinking middle ground has been leading to inconclusive debates in Parliament.
    • As a result of this, a great deal of legislative business ends up taking place in the Parliamentary Committees instead.
    • The aim is to increase Parliamentary scrutiny, and to give members more time and a wider role in examining important legislation.

    What are the various Committees of Parliament?

    • Broadly, Parliamentary Committees can be classified into Financial Committees, Departmentally Related Standing Committees, Other Parliamentary Standing Committees, and Ad hoc Committees.
    • The Financial Committees include the Estimates Committee, Public Accounts Committee, and the Committee on Public Undertakings.
    • These committees were constituted in 1950.
    • Seventeen Departmentally Related Standing Committees came into being in 1993, when Shivraj Patil was Speaker of Lok Sabha.
    • They aimed to examine budgetary proposals and crucial government policies.

    Composition of these committees

    • The number of Committees was subsequently increased to 24.
    • Each of these Committees has 31 members — 21 from Lok Sabha and 10 from Rajya Sabha.
    • Ad hoc Committees are appointed for a specific purpose.

    How are the Committees constituted?

    • There are 16 Departmentally Related Standing Committees for Lok Sabha and eight for Rajya Sabha; however, every Committee has members from both Houses.
    • Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha panels are headed by members of these respective Houses.
    • Among the important Lok Sabha panels are: Agriculture; Coal; Defence; External Affairs; Finance; Communications & Information Technology; Labour; Petroleum & Natural Gas; and Railways.
    • The important Rajya Sabha panels include Commerce; Education; Health & Family Welfare; Home Affairs; and Environment.
    • There are other Standing Committees for each House, such as the Business Advisory Committee and the Privileges Committee.
    • The Presiding Officer of each House nominates members to these panels. A Minister is not eligible for election or nomination to Financial Committees, and certain Departmentally Related Committees.

    Appointing of chairmen

    • The appointment of heads of the Committees is also done in a similar way. By convention, the main Opposition party gets the post of PAC chairman; it is currently with the Congress.
    • Chairmanship of some key committees has been allocated to opposition parties in the past. However, this pattern has changed in the latest rejig.
    • The heads of the panels schedule their meetings.
    • They play a clear role in preparing the agenda and the annual report, and can take decisions in the interest of the efficient management of the Committee.
    • The chairperson presides over the meetings and can decide who should be summoned before the panel.

    How do they work?

    • Bills that are referred to Committees often return to the House with significant value-addition.
    • The Committees look into the demands for grants of Ministries/departments, examine Bills pertaining to them, consider their annual reports, and look into their long-term plans and report to Parliament.

    What are Ad hoc Committees?

    • Ad hoc Committees cease to exist after they have completed the task assigned to them, and have submitted a report to the House.
    • The principal Ad hoc Committees are the Select and Joint Committees on Bills.
    • Committees like the Railway Convention Committee, Committee on Food Management and Security in Parliament House Complex, etc. also come under the category of Ad hoc Committees.

    What about Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC)?

    • Parliament can also constitute a JPC with a special purpose, with members from both Houses, for detailed scrutiny of a subject or Bill.
    • Also, either of the two Houses can set up a Select Committee with members from that House.
    • JPCs and Select Committees are usually chaired by ruling party MPs, and are disbanded after they have submitted their report.

    Why need all these committees?

    • The time to speak on a Bill is allocated according to the size of the party in the House.
    • MPs often do not get adequate time to put forward their views in Parliament, even if they are experts on the subject.
    • Committees are small groups with relatively less demands on their time; in these meetings, every MP gets a chance and the time to contribute to the discussion.
    • Parliament has only around 100 sittings a year; Committee meetings are independent of Parliament’s calendar.

    How do discussions/ debates here differ from those in Parliament?

    • The discussions are confidential and off-camera.
    • Political Party affiliations usually do not come in the way of MPs speaking their minds in ways they are unable to do in Parliament.
    • The Committees work closely with multiple Ministries, and facilitate inter-ministerial coordination.

    How important are the recommendations of the Committees?

    • Reports of Departmentally Related Standing Committees are recommendatory in nature.
    • However, suggestions by the Select Committees and JPCs — which have a majority of MPs and heads from the ruling party — are accepted more frequently.
    • They are not binding on the government, but they do carry significant weight.
    • In the past, governments have accepted suggestions given by the Committees and incorporated them into the Bills.

    Significance of Parliamentary committees

    • Many MPs concede that “real discussions” happen inside the Committees.
    • The former US President Woodrow Wilson had observed that “Congress in session is Congress on public exhibition, whilst Congress in its committee rooms is Congress at work”.

    Try this PYQ:

    Q.With reference to the Parliament of India which of the following Parliamentary Committees scrutinizes and reports to the House whether the powers to make regulations, rules, sub rules, bylaws, etc. conferred by the Constitution or delegated by the Parliament are being properly exercised by the Executive within the scope of such delegation?

     

    (a) Committee on Government Assurances

    (b) Committee on Subordinate Legislation

    (c) Rules Committee

    (d) Business Advisory Committee

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”siihj0de96″ question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

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  • In news: Criterion for SC status

    The Supreme Court has sought the most recent position of the Union government on a batch of petitions challenging the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order of 1950, which allows only members of Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist religions to be recognised as SCs.

    The Constitution Order of 1950

    • When enacted, the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order of 1950, initially provided for recognising only Hindus as SCs.
    • It was then aimed to address the social disability arising out of the practice of untouchability.
    • The Order was amended in 1956 to include Dalits who had converted to Sikhism and once more in 1990 to include Dalits who had converted to Buddhism.
    • Both amendments were aided by the reports of the Kaka Kalelkar Commission in 1955 and the High Powered Panel (HPP) on Minorities, SCs and STs in 1983 respectively.

    What about Christians?

    • The Union government in 2019 rejected the possibility of including Dalit Christians as members of SCs.
    • This decision was rooted on the exclusion on an Imperial Order of 1936 of the then colonial government, which had first classified a list of the Depressed Classes and specifically excluded “Indian Christians” from it.

    Why are Dalit Christians excluded?

    • SC status is meant for communities suffering from social disabilities arising out of the practice of untouchability that was prevalent in Hindu and Sikh communities.
    • SC status for everyone would significantly swell the population of SCs across the country thus trivializing the purpose itself.

    Why neo-Buddhists are included in SC quota?

    • The amendment to include Buddhist converts as SCs was passed in 1990.
    • Like Dalit Buddhists, Dalits who converted to Islam or Christianity belonged to different sets of caste groups and not just one.
    • As a result of this, they cannot be categorised as a “single ethnic group”, which is required by Clause (2) of Article 341 for inclusion.

    Major concerns of including other religions

    • Sanction of untouchability: The practice of “untouchability” was a feature of Hindu religion and its branches. This would imply that India was trying to “impose its caste system” upon Christians and Muslims.
    • Undue internationalization: Allowing the inclusion of Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians as SCs could result in being misunderstood internationally.
    • Reviving casteism: Christians and Muslims of Dalit origin had lost their caste identity by way of their conversion and that in their new religious community, the practice of untouchability is not prevalent.

    Is there a case for inclusion?

    • The petitions arguing for inclusion have cited several independent Commission reports that have documented the existence of caste and caste inequalities among Indian Christians and Indian Muslims.
    • Even after conversion, members who were originally from SCs continued to experience the same social disabilities.
    • This was substantiated in the First Backward Classes Commission’s report in 1953, the HPP report on SCs, STs, and Minorities in 1983, the Mandal Commission Report, etc.
    • However, these reports do not have enough empirical evidence to support their claims.

    Why is the issue debated?

    • Non-deserving beneficiaries: The proposition that caste identity is lost upon conversion, noting that even in Sikhism and Buddhism, casteism is not present and yet they have been included as SCs.
    • Continued discrimination: The above-mentioned reports argue that caste-based discrimination continues even after conversion, hence entitling these communities to SC status.

     

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  • All women have Right to Legal and Safe Abortion: Supreme Court

    The Supreme Court has held that all women, irrespective of their marital status, are entitled to safe and legal abortion till 24 weeks of pregnancy under the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act.

    A case for safe abortion

    • A Bench led by Justice D.Y. Chandrachud was hearing the appeal of a woman who wanted to abort her 24-week pregnancy after her relationship failed and her partner left her.
    • The lower court had taken an “unduly restrictive view” that her plea for a safe abortion was not covered under the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act.
    • This was since the pregnancy arose from a consensual relationship outside wedlock.

    What was the last amendment?

    • The court noted that an amendment to the Act in 2021 had substituted the term ‘husband’ with ‘partner’, a clear signal that the law covered unmarried women within its ambit.

    Reiterating the live-in recognition

    • Chastising the lower court, the Bench said live-in relationships had already been recognised by the Supreme Court.
    • There were a significant number of people in social mainstream who see no wrong in engaging in pre-marital sex.
    • The law could not be used to quench “notions of social morality” and unduly interfere in their personal autonomy and bodily integrity.

    About Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act

    • Abortion in India has been a legal right under various circumstances for the last 50 years since the introduction of the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act in 1971.
    • The Act was amended in 2003 to enable women’s access to safe and legal abortion services.
    • Abortion is covered 100% by the government’s public national health insurance funds, Ayushman Bharat and Employees’ State Insurance with the package rate for surgical abortion.

    The idea of terminating your pregnancy cannot originate by choice and is purely circumstantial. There are four situations under which a legal abortion is performed:

    1. If continuation of the pregnancy poses any risks to the life of the mother or mental health
    2. If the foetus has any severe abnormalities
    3. If pregnancy occurred as a result of failure of contraception (but this is only applicable to married women)
    4. If pregnancy is a result of sexual assault or rape

    The pregnancy can be terminated upto 24 weeks of gestational age after the opinion of two registered medical practitioners under these conditions —

    • If the woman is ​​either a survivor of sexual assault or rape or incest
    • If she is a minor
    • If her marital status has changed during the ongoing pregnancy (i.e. either widowhood or divorce)
    • If she has major physical disabilities or is mentally ill
    • On the grounds of foetal malformation incompatible with life or if the child is born, it would be seriously handicapped
    • If the woman is in humanitarian settings or disaster, or emergency situations as declared by the government

    These are the key changes that the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (Amendment) Act, 2021, has brought in:

    1. The gestation limit for abortions has been raised from the earlier ceiling of 20 weeks to 24 weeks, but only for special categories of pregnant women such as rape or incest survivors. But this termination would need the approval of two registered doctors.
    2. All pregnancies up to 20 weeks require one doctor’s approval. The earlier law, the MTP Act 1971, required one doctor’s approval for pregnancies upto 12 weeks and two doctors’ for pregnancies between 12 and 20 weeks.
    3. Women can now terminate unwanted pregnancies caused by contraceptive failure, regardless of their marital status. Earlier the law specified that only a “married woman and her husband” could do this.
    4. There is also no upper gestation limit for abortion in case of foetal disability if so decided by a medical board of specialist doctors, which state governments and union territories’ administrations would set up.

    Criticism of Abortion

    • Foetuses feel the pain: If the foetus is beyond 20 weeks of gestation, gynaecs assume that there will be pain caused to the foetus.
    • Abortions cause psychological damage: Young adult women who undergo abortion may be at increased risk for subsequent depression.
    • Abortions reduce the number of adoptable babies: Instead of having the option to abort, women should give their unwanted babies to people who cannot conceive. Single parenthood is also gaining popularity in the US.
    • Cases of selective abortion: Such cases based on physical and genetic abnormalities (eugenic termination) is overt discrimination.
    • Abortion as a form of contraception: It is immoral to kill an unborn child for convenience. Many women are using abortion as a contraceptive method.
    • Morality put to question: If women become pregnant, they should accept the responsibility that comes with producing a child. People need to take responsibility for their actions and accept the consequences.
    • Abortion promotes throwaway culture: The legalization of abortion sends a message that human life has little value and promotes the throwaway culture.

    Arguments in favour for Abortion Rights

    • Upholding individual conscience and decision-making:  The US Supreme Court has declared abortion to be a fundamental right guaranteed by the US Constitution.
    • Reproductive choice empowers women: The choice over when and whether to have children is central to a woman’s independence and ability to determine her future.
    • Foetal viability occurs post-birth:  Personhood begins after a foetus becomes “viable” (able to survive outside the womb) or after birth, not at conception. Abortion is the termination of a pregnancy, not a baby.
    • No proof of foetal pain: Most neuroscientists believe that the cortex is necessary for pain perception. The cortex does not become functional until at least the 26th week of a foetus’ development.
    • Preventing illegal abortions: Access to legal, professionally-performed abortions reduces maternal injury and death caused by unsafe, illegal abortions.
    • Mother’s health: Modern abortion procedures are safe and do not cause lasting health issues such as cancer and infertility.
    • Child’s health: Abortion gives pregnant women the option to choose not to bring fetuses with profound abnormalities to full term.
    • Prevents women’s exclusion: Women who are denied abortions are more likely to become unemployed, to be on public welfare, to be below the poverty line, and to become victims of domestic violence.
    • Reproductive choice protects women from financial disadvantage: Many women who choose abortion don’t have the financial resources to support a child.
    • Justified means of population control: Many defends abortion as a way to curb overpopulation. Malnutrition, starvation, poverty, lack of medical and educational services, pollution, underdevelopment, and conflict over resources are all consequences of overpopulation.

    Conclusion

    • Hence it is now established that the right to abortion is a legal right of all women.

     

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  • In news: Attorney-General (A-G) of India

    Attorney General of India (AGI)

    • The AGI is the Indian government’s chief legal advisor and is a primary lawyer in the Supreme Court of India.
    • They can be said to be the advocate from the government’s side.
    • They are appointed by the President of India on the advice of Union Cabinet under Article 76(1) of the Constitution and holds office during the pleasure of the President.
    • They must be a person qualified to be appointed as a Judge of the Supreme Court ( i.e. a judge of some high court for five years or an advocate of some high court for ten years or an eminent jurist, in the opinion of the President and must be a citizen of India.).

    Functions and duties

    • The AGI is necessary for advising the Government of India on legal matters referred to them.
    • They also perform other legal duties assigned to them by the President.
    • The AGI has the right of audience in all Courts in India as well as the right to participate in the proceedings of the Parliament, though not to vote.
    • The AGI appears on behalf of the Government of India in all cases (including suits, appeals and other proceedings) in the Supreme Court in which GoI is concerned.
    • They also represent the Government of India in any reference made by the President to the Supreme Court under Article 143 of the Constitution.
    • The AG is assisted by a Solicitor General and four Additional Solicitors General.

    Powers of AG

    • The AG can accept briefs but cannot appear against the Government.
    • They cannot defend an accused in criminal proceedings and accept the directorship of a company without the permission of the Government.
    • The AG is to be consulted only in legal matters of real importance and only after the Ministry of Law has been consulted.
    • All references to the AG are made by the Law Ministry.

    Term of Attorney General’s office

    • There is no fixed term for the Attorney General of India. The Constitution mentions no specified tenure of Attorney General. Similarly, the Constitution also does not mention the procedure and ground of his removal.

    Facts about his office:

    • He can be removed by the President at any time.
    • He can quit by submitting his resignation only to the President.
    • Since he is appointed by the President on the advice of the Council of Ministers, conventionally he is removed when the council is dissolved or replaced.

    Limitations to his powers

    The AG:

    • should not advise or hold a brief against the Government of India
    • should not defend accused persons in criminal cases without the permission of the government of India
    • should not accept appointment as a director in any company without the permission of the government

    Office of AG across the world

    • Unlike the Attorney General of the United States, the AGI does not have any executive authority.
    • Those functions are performed by the Law Minister of India.
    • Also, the AG is not a government servant and is not debarred from private legal practice.

     

     

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  • Supreme Court’s basic structure doctrine in a new context

    basic structureContext

    • The basic structure doctrine constitutes a high watermark in the assertion of the Supreme Court’s judicial power in the teeth of a determined majoritarian regime.

    What is basic structure of Constitution?

    • The basic structure doctrine is one of the fundamental judicial principles connected with the Indian Constitution. The doctrine of the basic structure holds that there is a basic structure to the Indian Constitution, and the Parliament of India cannot amend the basic features.

    What is the significance of the basic structure in the Constitution of India?

    • The doctrine of basic structure is nothing but a judicial innovation to ensure that the power of amendment is not misused by Parliament. The idea is that the basic features of the Constitution of India should not be altered to an extent that the identity of the Constitution is lost in the process.08-Dec-2021

    Background

    • Courts are empowered under our Constitution to invalidate not only executive orders, but also legislative enactments that violate any part of the Fundamental Rights guaranteed in Part III of the Constitution (Bill of Rights).
    • But as to whether they are also empowered to adjudicate on the validity of constitutional amendments passed with the requisite special majority and following the procedure prescribed in Article 368 the Constitution is silent.

    basic structureHistorical developments on evolution of basic structure doctrine

    • Constitution provided a mechanism for parliament to amend the constitution in the form of article 368 but the nature and scope of this amending power was questioned in Supreme Court on multiple occasions. Supreme Court gave a series of judgement which ultimately culminated in probably the most landmark judgement Basic structure doctrine judgement.
    • Shankari Prasad Case
    • Sajjan Singh Case
    • Golakh Nath Case
    • Kesvananda Bharati Case
    • Minerva Mills case
    • I.R. Koelhi

    Constitutional Provisions

    1. 1st amendment and 9th schedule
    2. 24th amendment
    3. 42nd amendment

     

    His holiness, Kesavananda bharati, challenged before the supreme court, the validity of 29th CAA which inserted some laws in 9th schedule and affected property of his Hindu Mutt.

    What else was at stake?

    1. Supreme Court (R. C. Cooper case) had struck down bank nationalization act of 1969 which had nationalized 14 major banks for illusory compensation though it conceded parliament’s right to nationalise banks in national interest.
    2. Supreme Court had struck down abolition of privy purses which was a betrayal of solemn promise to erstwhile kings by Sardar Patel.

    Supreme Court could do all this as it had held in 1967 in Golaknath case that fundamental rights could not be abridged.

    Before returning back to Kesavananda, Let’s take a look at the relevant provisions of the constitution and Supreme Court interpretation of the same.

    • Art 13(2) – Any LAW abridging fundamental rights mentioned in part 3 shall be null and void to the extent of contravention
    • Art 368 -Procedure to amend the constitution.
    • Art 19(f) – freedom to acquire hold on and dispose off property.
    • Art 31 – right to property

    Both the rights were subject to reasonable restriction in public interest and restriction were subject to judicial review.

    Soon after the coming into force of the constitution, states enacted land reform acts #Zamindars challenged them. #Patna high court declared Bihar act as unconstitutional for violating right to property #interim parliament passed 1st CAA.

    1. ART 31B created 9th schedule. Laws inserted under it by constitutional amendment were immune to judicial review.

    Other provisions not imp for this article but imp for exams –

    1. Reasonable restrictions against freedom of expression under art 19.
    2. To nullify judgment in State of Madras v. Champakam Dorairajan and giving effect to art 46 (promoting educational and economic interests of weaker sections) amplified article 15 (3)

    Zamindars didn’t like it, not one bit. And here comes the 1st salvo

    Shankari Prasad v Union of India

    Challenged 1st CAA. What was the court’s judgment?

    1. Difference b/w constituent power and ordinary legislative power i.e. amendment not law for the purpose of article 13
    2. art 13 and 368 in conflict # apply DOCTRINE OF HARMONIOUS CONSTRUCTION # ART 13 not applicable to art 368

    Govt 1-0 Zamindars

    Govt passed 17th amendment and inserted more laws under 9th schedule ‘

    Zamindars fired another salvo-

    Sajjan Singh vs state of rajasthan

    Supreme Court sang Shankari prasad song again

    Govt 2-0 jamindars

    But Justice Mudholkar was of the view that the every Constitution has certain features which are basic in nature and those features cannot be changed.

    2 minority judgements…. utter confusion. And you can see seeds of basic structure were sown here.

    Zamindars fired 3rd salvo

    Golaknath v. State of Punjab

    11 judge bench overturned earlier 2 verdicts by a slender majority of 6-5

    Really? What was the logic given here?

    1. Nothing to suggest constituent power to be separate from legislative power and even if distinct, amending power not same as constituent power which is given only to constituent assembly i.e. amendment is law and subject to article 13
    2. Fundamental rights so sacrosanct and transcendental that they cannot be abridged even if whole parliament unanimously decided to abridge them.

    But it validated all previous land reform acts as nullifying them would create utter confusion

    Govt angry – Zamindars angry

    New landlords happy.

    Loss – loss to defendants as well as petitioner.

    Madam Indira was in power and she did not like this. Not one bit.

    Along came 24th amendment to neutralize GOLAKNATH JUDGEMENT

    1. Art 13 inapplicable to art 368
    2. Art 368 provided powers as well as procedure to amend the constitution
    3. Parliament by way of addition, variation or repeal can amend any provision of constitution
    4. President shall give assent to CA bills ( VERY VERY IMP FOR PRELIMS )

    But madam Indira wouldn’t just stop here as Cooper judgment (Bank nationalization ) also had to be neutralized.

    Smarting from this setback, Madam Indira (the parliament, herself) passed 24th CAA to neutralise GOLAKNATH judgement. But there was also a small matter of reversing Copper judgment in bank nationalisation case so parliament passed 25th CAA.

    1. Art 19f delinked from 31, in effect parliament deciding compensation amount payable instead of courts.
    2. Art 31c  -inserted under which – art 39b and c, most socialist of DPSPs (equitable distribution and prevention of concentration of wealth respectively) precede over 7 freedoms (art 19 ), equality (14), property (31)
    3. Parliament’s power to determine if policy is to give effect to 39b and c not subject to judicial review.

    29th CAA had put Kerala land reform act under 9th schedule and his holiness challenged the provisions and all hell broke loose.

     

    Now the 4th salvo

    basic structureKesvanada Bharati Case

    A 13 judge bench is constituted and what does it do!

    1. Overturned Golaknath i.e. amendment not law, fundamental rights amendable, no implied limit under art 368 i.e. CAA 24 constitutional
    2. Art 25 invalid to the extent it takes away judicial review i.e. 39 b and c above 14, 19 and 31 but subject to judicial review

    Most imp decision of all by slimmest of all 7-6 majority stated Parliament can amend any provision of the Constitution but the basic structure should not be destroyed, damaged or abrogated.

    What’s the logic?

    1. Expression amendment did not encompass defacing the constitution such that it lost its identity.
    2. In the garb of amendment parliament can not rewrite the constitution.

    Court gave relief to govt but reserved for itself power to review all amendment not just those that violate fundamental rights.

    Aftermath

    Indira Gandhi didn’t like the judgement one  bit. She (via the president) superseded 3 judges to appoint justice A.N. Ray as CJI.

    Knives had been drawn and the battle was gonna be very bloody –

    • Navnirman movement of JP (Jayprakash) had gathered steam, Indira was on the back foot and along came the judgement of Allahabad High Court convicting Indira of corrupt electoral practices. Election was declared null and void and  6 years ban to contest election was imposed on her.
    • Supreme Court stayed it and allowed her to remain PM but not to draw salary or speak or vote in parliament.
    • Darkest chapter in democracy’ 21 month emergency was declared on 25th June 1975 without even consulting cabinet (44th amendment made it mandatory for the president to have written advice of cabinet to declare emergency)

    Indira Gandhi wasn’t to sit quiet.

    CAA 39th – election of president, VP, PM and speaker beyond judicial review

    Clownish Rajnarayan challenged the CAA 39.

    Indira Gandhi v/s Raj Narain Case

    For the 1st time Supreme Court applied basic structure doctrine and considered free and fair election and rule of law to be part of basic structure. #amending act invalidated.

    Note here that 4 of the 5 judges on the bench had given dissenting judgment in Bharati case but still applied the same doctrine for Supreme Court judgment becomes law until overruled by bigger bench (art 141).

    Then how did Indira continue to be prime minister and contest election again and not get banned for 6 years?

    Supreme court accepted retrospective amendment to electoral law i.e. electoral malpractice of Indira was no longer a corrupt practice.

    Find out for fun the charges against Mrs. Gandhi for which she was convicted and what a popular British magazine had to say about the judgement.

    Along came the mini constitution i.e 42nd amendment act TO ELIMINATE IMPEDIMENTS TO THE GROWTH OF THE CONSTITUTION –

    1. PART 4a fundamental duties
    2. Socialist,secular and integrity word to preamble
    3. New DPSPs were added

    And for the purpose of this article amendment to article 368 nullifying basic structure doctrine by adding amendments can’t be challenged in courts and parliament possessing unlimited power of amendment

    1. All DPSPs to take precedence over all fundamental rights not just 39b and 39c.

    And Minerva Textile mills of Karnataka fired the 5th and the last salvo

    Minerva Mills v Union of India

    SC unanimously struck down amendment to article 368 holding limited amending power and judicial review to be part of basic structure.

    Court held that constitution is founded on the bedrock of balance b/w FRs and DPSPs. Goals set out by DPSPs have to be achieved without abrogation of means provided by FRs.

    What’s the logic?

    If a donee was vested with limited power, it could not be exercised to control that very power power and convert into unlimited one.

    Or

    If a genie grants u 3 wishes, it is understood u can not, as one of the wish, ask for unlimited number of wishes!

    Janta govt comes to power and 44th CAA deletes art 31 (b) right to property and 19 (f) freedom to acquire, hold and dispose of property as they were not considered part of basic structure

    Right to property now a constitutional right under art 300A.

    9th schedule and judicial review

    I.R.Coelho vs state of TN

    Supreme Court held that acts placed under 9th schedule after basic structure subject would be subject to judicial review to the extent of those acts violating basic structure of constitution.

    Impact of basic structure doctrine.

    It certainly saved Indian democracy from degenerating into authoritarian regime during those testing times but it has also given immense untold unbridled power to Supreme Court and made it the most powerful court in the world.

    As we would later see in the NJAC Verdict (let’s call it 4th judges case), Supreme Court applied this doctrine, many would say for wrong reasons to strike down the act and kept for itself the power to appoint brother judges. In the original constitution only fetters on the power of parliament was art 13.

    Relevance –  It was delivered at the time of single party rule both at the centre and most of the states. In the era of coalition politics no govt is going to wield so much power to destroy the constitution and then there is ever present danger of tyranny of unelected.

    But only legitimate way to overturn the verdict would be a 15 judge bench so don’t hold your breath for that.

    Now is the time for some thought questions

    #1. Consider these 2 statements –

    1. Any LAW that is ordinary law violating provisions of constitution would be declared null and void to the extent of contravention.
    2. Any LAW violating art 13 would be declared null and void

    Both statements are true…..If amendments were not law, what was the purpose of art 13 (2) other laws would anyway be declared unconstitutional!

    #2. Is basic structure doctrine relevant in the present political scenario where no single party is unlikely to enjoy majority in both the houses?

    #3. What should be the limits to amending power of parliament? Do u think for very substantial amendments instead of courts, people by way of referendum should determine whether amendment should go through or not?

    #4. Whatever happens to original intent theory that constitutional courts have to interpret constitution in accordance with the implied intentions of founding fathers and there is enough evidence to suggest founding fathers thoughtfully kept FRs sacrosanct to prevent their abrogation or as we would see in a later article how supreme court by creative interpretation virtually changed procedure established by law in art 21 to due process of law while founding fathers deliberately kept expression as procedure established by law.

     

    Conclusion

    • By restraining the amending powers of legislative organ of State, it provided basic Rights to Citizens which no organ of State can overrule. Being dynamic in nature, it is more progressive and open to changes in time unlike the rigid nature of earlier judgements.

    Mains question

    Q. What do you understand by basic structure of constitution? Trace evolution of basic structure in India.

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  • Rules for Identifying Criminals now notified

    On September 19, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) notified the rules governing The Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022. The Act was passed in March by the Parliament.

    Why in news?

    Rules for Identifying Criminals now notified - Civilsdaily

    • Until rules are notified, an Act cannot be implemented or come into force.
    • The legislation would enable police and central investigating agencies to collect, store and analyse physical and biological samples including retina and iris scan of arrested persons.

    What is the Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022?

    Ans. It is about critical measurements of Criminals.

    • This act provides legal sanction to law enforcement agencies for taking measurements of convicts and other persons for the purposes of identification and investigation of criminal matters.
    • The Minister of Home Affairs has observed that with advancements in forensics, there was a need to recognise more kinds of “measurements” that can be used by law enforcement agencies for investigation.

    What is the use of identification details in criminal trials?

    • Measurements and photographs for identification have three main purposes:
    1. To establish the identity of the culprit against the person being arrested
    2. To identify suspected repetition of similar offences by the same person and third
    3. To establish a previous conviction

    What was the previous Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 about?

    • Even though the police has powers of arrest, mere arrest does not give Police the right to search a person.
    • The police requires legal sanction to search the person and collect evidence.
    • These legal sanctions are designed so as to maintain a balance between the rights of an individual and the interests of society in prosecution and prevention of offences.
    • The Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 became a necessity when the recording of newer forms of evidence such as fingerprints, footprints and measurements started becoming more accurate and reliable.

    What was the need to replace this Act?

    Ans. Changing nature of Crime

    • Over the years, the need to amend/update the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 has been voiced several times.
    • In 1980, the 87th Report of the Law Commission of India undertook a review of this legislation and recommended several amendments.
    • This was done in the backdrop of the State of UP vs. Ram Babu Misra case, where the Supreme Court had highlighted the need for amending this law.
    • The first set of recommendations laid out the need to amend the Act to expand the scope of measurements to include “palm impressions”, “specimen of signature or writing” and “specimen of voice”.
    • The second set of recommendations raised the need of allowing measurements to be taken for proceedings other than those under the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC).

    What are the main highlights and differences in both the legislations?

    • Both provide legal sanction: Like the 1920 Law, the new Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act, 2022 provides for legal sanction to law enforcement agencies for the collection of measurements.
    • Creating usable database of evidences: The purpose is to create a useable database of these measurements.
    • Notifying designated state agencies: At the State level, each State is required to notify an appropriate agency to collect and preserve this database of measurements.
    • NCRB at centre stage: At the national level, the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) is the designated agency to manage, process, share and disseminate the records collected at the State level.

    What are some of the concerns with the present legislation?

    • Striking a balance: The new legislation has raised some concerns related to the protection of fundamental rights.
    • Unresolved right to Privacy debate: The legislation comes in the backdrop of the right to privacy being recognised as a fundamental right.
    • Notion of physical privacy: A fundamental facet of the right to privacy is protection from the invasion of one’s physical privacy.
    • Justifying necessity: As per the Puttaswamy judgment, there is a need for the measure to be taken in pursuance of a legitimate aim of the state, be backed by the law and be “necessary and proportionate” to the aim being sought to be achieved.

    (1) Various tests behind

    • In this case, while the first two tests are satisfied, as:
    1. “prevention and investigation of crime” is a legitimate aim of the state
    2. “measurements” are being taken under a valid legislation,
    • Satisfaction of the third test of “necessity and proportionality” has been challenged on multiple counts.

    (2) A probable police state in making

    • Analysis and measurement of behavioural attributes have raised concerns that data processing may go beyond recording of core “measurements”.
    • That is some of these measurements could be processed for predictive policing.

    (3) Includes petty offences

    • The current law allows for “measurements” to be taken if a person has been convicted/arrested for any offence, including petty offences.
    • The necessity of taking measurements of such persons for investigation of offences is unclear, and such discretion is likely to result in abuse of the law at lower levels.
    • This would definitely overburden the systems used for collection and storage of these measurements.

    (4) Period of storage of data

    • Given that these records will be stored for 75 years from the time of collection, the law has been criticised as being disproportionate.

    (5) Surveillance state

    • Such collection can also result in mass surveillance, with the database under this law being combined with other databases such as those of the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network and Systems (CCTNS).

    (6) Promotes self-incrimination

    • Concerns are being raised that the present law violates the right against self-incrimination enshrined in Article 20(3) of the Constitution of India.
    • However, this argument is nebulous since the Supreme Court has already settled this point.
    • In the State of Bombay vs Kathi Kalu Oghad, the Supreme Court had conclusively held that “non-communicative” evidence i.e. evidence which does not convey information within the personal knowledge of the accused cannot be understood to be leading to self-incrimination.
    • Therefore, no challenge lies to the law on this ground.

    Way forward

    • Extensive pre-legislative consultation is must for any sensitive law as such.
    • Privacy and data protection-related concerns must be addressed in the Rules formulated under the legislation and through model Prison Manuals that States can refer to.

     

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  • The hijab case and the doctrine of essentiality

    doctrine of essentialityContext

    • A two-judge Bench of the Supreme Court of India is presently hearing arguments on the correctness of a Karnataka High Court judgment that upheld the ban on the use of the hijab by students in Karnataka which raises question on doctrine of essentiality.

     What is ‘doctrine of essentiality’?

    • A seven-judge Bench of the Supreme Court invented the doctrine of “essentiality” in the Shirur Mutt case in 1954. The court held that the term “religion” will cover all rituals and practices “integral” to a religion.

    Importance doctrine of essentiality

    • In the legal framework, the doctrine of essentiality is a doctrine that has evolved to protect the religious practices that are essential or integral and does not violate any fundamental right. India being a secular country has discrete religious beliefs and to deny any is to violate the freedom of religion.

    Why hijab is not an essential practice?

    • Wearing of hijab (head scarf) by Muslim women does not form a part of essential religious practices in Islamic faith and it is not protected under the right to freedom of religion guaranteed under Article 25 of the Constitution of India, the High Court of Karnataka declared on March 15 2022.

    doctrine of essentialityIs hijab essential part of Islam?

    • The Qur’an instructs Muslim women and men to dress modestly, and for some, the hijab is worn by Muslim girls and women to maintain modesty and privacy from unrelated males. According to the Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World, modesty concerns both men’s and women’s “gaze, gait, garments, and genitalia”.

    How do you identify essential religion practice?

    • The Court observed that in order to determine whether or not a particular practice is an essential part of religion, the test must be whether the absence of the practice itself

    Meaning of Article 26

    • Freedom to manage religious affairs Subject to public order, morality and health, every religious denomination or any section thereof shall have the right.

    doctrine of essentialityExamples of the essential religious practices test

    • While these issues are largely understood to be community-based, there are instances in which the court has applied the test to individual freedoms as well.
    • In a 2004 ruling, the Supreme Court held that the Ananda Marga sect had no fundamental right to perform the Tandava dance in public streets since it did not constitute an essential religious practice of the sect.
    • For example, in 2016, the Supreme Court upheld the discharge of an airman from the Indian Air Force for keeping a beard.
    • It distinguished the case of a Muslim airman from that of Sikhs who are allowed to keep a beard.
    • In 2015, the Supreme Court restored the Jain religious practice of Santhara/Sallekhana (a ritualistic fast unto death) by staying an order of the Rajasthan HC.

    doctrine of essentialityWhat is the Supreme Court’s judgement on Doctrine of Essentiality?

    • The doctrine of “essentiality” was invented by a seven-judge Bench of the Supreme Court in the ‘Shirur Mutt’ case in 1954.
    • It is a contentious doctrine evolved by the court to protect only such religious practices which were essential and integral to the religion.
    • The court held that the term “religion” will cover all rituals and practices “integral” to a religion, and took upon itself the responsibility of determining the essential and non-essential practices of a religion.
    • Referring to the Ayodhya case, the Constitution Bench had ruled in 1994 that A mosque is not an essential part of the practice of the religion of Islam and namaz (prayer) by Muslims can be offered anywhere, even in open.

    How has the doctrine been used in subsequent years?

    • The ‘essentiality doctrine’ of the Supreme Court has been criticised by several constitutional experts.
    • Scholars of constitutional law have argued that the essentiality/integrality doctrine has tended to lead the court into an area that is beyond its competence, and given judges the power to decide purely religious questions.
    • As a result, over the years, courts have been inconsistent on this question — in some cases they have relied on religious texts to determine essentiality.
    • In others it relied on the empirical behaviour of followers, and in yet others, based on whether the practice existed at the time the religion originated.

    Issues over the doctrine

    • In the beginning, the court engaged with the question of whether untouchability, manifested in restrictions on entry into temples, was an “essential part of the Hindu religion”.
    • After examining selected Hindu texts, it came to the conclusion that untouchability was not an essential Hindu practice.
    • The idea of providing constitutional protection only to those elements of religion which the court considers “essential” is problematic as it assumes that one element or practice of religion is independent of other elements or practices.
    • So, while the essentiality test privileges certain practices over others, it is, in fact, all practices taken together that constitute a religion.

    How does essentiality square up against religious freedom?

    • Freedom of religion was meant to guarantee freedom to practice one’s beliefs based on the concept of “inward association” of man with God.
    • The apex court in ‘Ratilal Panachand Gandhi vs The State of Bombay and Ors’ (March 18, 1954) acknowledged that “every person has a fundamental right to entertain such religious beliefs as may be approved by his judgment or conscience”.
    • The framers of the Constitution wanted to give this autonomy to each individual. Scholars have argued that the essentiality test impinges on this autonomy.
    • The apex court has itself emphasised autonomy and choice in its Privacy (2017), 377 (2018), and Adultery (2018) judgments.

    Its effect on society

    • Narrowing of safeguards to religious customs: It has allowed the Court to narrow the extent of safeguards available to religious customs by directly impinging on the autonomy of groups to decide for themselves what they deem valuable, violating, in the process, their right to ethical independence.
    • Negated legislation that might otherwise enhance the cause of social justice: It has also negated legislation that might otherwise enhance the cause of social justice by holding that such laws cannot under any circumstances encroach on matters integral to the practice of a religion. For example, in 1962, the Court struck down a Bombay law that prohibited excommunications made by the Dai of the Dawoodi Bohra community when it held that the power to excommunicate is an essential facet of faith and that any measure aimed at social welfare cannot reform a religion out of its existence.
    • A principle of anti-exclusion: Its application would require the Court to presume that a practice asserted by a religious group is, in fact, essential to the proponents of its faith. But regardless of such grounding, the Constitution will not offer protection to the practice if it excludes people on grounds of caste, gender, or other discriminatory criteria.

    Conclusion

    • For now, any Court hearing a matter touching upon a matter of faith has the unenviable task of acting not merely as an expert on law but also as an expert on religion.

    Mains question

    Q. Every person has a fundamental right to entertain such religious beliefs as may be approved by his judgment or conscience. Critically examine in context of doctrine of essentiality.

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