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  • In news: Bank for International Settlements (BIS)

    Why in the News?

    The Bank for International Settlements (BIS) has cautioned that record-high global share prices appear detached from concerns over rising government debt.

    About the Bank for International Settlements (BIS):

    • Establishment: Formed in 1930, making it the world’s oldest international financial institution.
    • Role: Known as the “central bank for central banks”, serving only central banks & international organisations, not private entities or governments.
    • Headquarters: Basel, Switzerland; offices in Hong Kong & Mexico City.
    • Membership: Owned by 63 central banks, covering ~95% of global GDP.
    • Purpose: Promotes international monetary and financial cooperation and ensures global monetary stability.
    • Functions:
      • Platform for policy coordination & information sharing among central banks.
      • Provides banking services: reserve management, gold/forex transactions, liquidity support.
      • Acts as trustee/agent in global financial operations.
      • Conducts research, training, and seminars on financial stability.
      • Hosts Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (BCBS), which frames Basel norms.

    India and the BIS:

    • Membership: Represented by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) as a full member.
    • Representation: RBI Governor participates in BIS Board of Governors meetings.
    • Participation:
      • Engages in BIS research & policy discussions.
      • RBI officials join working groups on supervision, stability, and fintech.
    • Basel Norms: India, via RBI, has adopted Basel standards on capital adequacy, liquidity & risk management.
    • Innovation Hub: Collaborates with BIS on digital payments, central bank digital currencies (CBDCs), and cross-border fintech solutions.
    [UPSC 2015] ‘Basel III Accord’ or simply ‘Basel III’ often seen in the news, seeks to

    Options: (a) develop national strategies for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity

    (b) improve banking sector’s ability to deal with financial and economic stress and improve risk management*

    (c) reduce the greenhouse gas emissions but places a heavier burden on developed countries

    (d) transfer technology from developed countries to poor countries to enable them to replace the use of chlorofluorocarbons in refrigeration with harmless chemicals

     

  • Supreme Court Guidelines on DNA Evidence in Criminal Cases

    Why in the News?

    The Supreme Court has issued guidelines in the Kattavellai @ Devakar v. State of Tamil Nadu Judgement to standardise DNA handling in criminal cases to prevent contamination and delays after evidence lapses in a major case.

    Key Highlights of the Supreme Court Guidelines:

    • Case Context: It involved rape, murder, and robbery. Court flagged delays in Forensic Science Laboratory (FSL) submission, lack of chain of custody, and risk of contamination.
    • Need: Lack of uniform procedures across states despite scattered rules. Since Police and Public Order are in the State List, Supreme Court intervened for national uniformity.
    • Guidelines Issued:
      • Collection and Documentation: Samples must be packaged properly, labelled with FIR details, and signed by medical officer, Investigating Officer, and witnesses.
      • Transportation: Investigating Officer (IO) must deliver samples to FSL within 48 hours. Reasons for any delay must be recorded.
      • Storage Pending Trial: Packages cannot be opened or resealed without trial court approval.
      • Chain of Custody Register: Maintained until conviction or acquittal. IO responsible for explaining lapses.

    Previous SC Observations on DNA Evidence:

    • Anil v. Maharashtra (2014): DNA reliable only if laboratory procedures are maintained.
    • Manoj v. Madhya Pradesh (2022): DNA rejected as recovery was from open area with contamination risk.
    • Rahul v. Delhi (2022): DNA held inadmissible after being kept in police custody for two months.
    • Pattu Rajan v. Tamil Nadu (2019): DNA value depends on corroborating evidence; absence not fatal.
    • Sharda v. Dharmpal (2003): DNA test orders valid; no violation of Article 21.
    • Das @ Anu v. Kerala (2022): DNA not self-incrimination under Article 20(3). Section 53A CrPC permits collection in rape cases.

    Back2Basics: DNA Profiling

    • Overview: DNA profiling, also called DNA fingerprinting, is a forensic technique to identify individuals by analysing unique DNA regions, mainly Short Tandem Repeats (STRs).
    • How it works: Human DNA is 99.9% identical; the 0.1% variability forms the basis of personal identification.
    • Sources: DNA can be extracted from blood, semen, saliva, hair, bone, skin, or even “touch DNA.”
    • Processes: The process includes isolation, purification, amplification, visualization, and statistical comparison of DNA markers.
    • Methods:  miniSTRs and mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) help in degraded or limited samples.
    • Legal Status: Treated as expert opinion under Indian Evidence Act Section 45 (now BSA 2023 Section 39). DNA is corroborative, not substantive evidence.
  • Cutting off online gaming with scissors of prohibition

    Introduction

    In a surprising move at the end of the Monsoon Session 2025, the Parliament passed the Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Act, 2025. The Act outlaws online real money games, citing societal harms such as addiction and financial ruin, while aiming to encourage e-sports. What makes this development significant is the abruptness of the ban, absence of stakeholder consultation, and the wiping out of a sunrise sector that had attracted heavy foreign investment and promised thousands of quality tech jobs.

    The Fallout of the Ban

    1. Job Losses: The industry was projected to employ 1.5 lakh people by 2025 in programming, design, analytics, and customer support. The ban curtails these opportunities in a job-scarce economy.
    2. Revenue Sacrifice: Online real money games were expected to generate ₹17,000 crore in GST revenues, benefiting both Centre and States. The ban erases this fiscal opportunity.
    3. Investor Confidence: Sudden policy reversals discourage foreign direct investment (FDI), raising doubts about India’s policy stability.
    4. Innovation Slowdown: Online gaming sits at the intersection of technology, payments, and digital content, key drivers of Digital India. The ban risks stifling entrepreneurship and innovation.

    Why Did the Government Ban Real Money Gaming?

    1. Societal Harm: The government argues online gaming has led to addiction, financial ruin, and behavioral issues comparable to drug dependence.
    2. Public Pressure: State-level cases of suicides and debt traps pushed policymakers to respond.
    3. Moral Positioning: The Centre framed the issue as a public health crisis requiring urgent intervention.

    Could Regulation Have Been a Better Alternative?

    1. Responsible Gaming Tools: Platforms had developed age-gating, self-exclusion, deposit/time limits, KYC/AML checks, and bot-detection to promote safer gaming.
    2. International Practices: Globally, ethical advertising and technological safeguards regulate the sector rather than outright bans.
    3. State Frameworks: States like Tamil Nadu were experimenting with balanced regulatory frameworks, creating scope for a middle path.

    Risks of the Ban

    1. Illegal Networks: Players may migrate to offshore and underground apps, which pay no taxes and are beyond Indian jurisdiction.
    2. Loss of Accountability: With regulated firms shut down, compulsive gamers are left vulnerable to fraud and unsafe practices.
    3. Federal Overreach: Betting and gambling fall under the State List; the Centre’s unilateral move undermines federalism.
    4. Constitutional Challenge: Article 19(1)(g) guarantees the Fundamental Right to practice any trade or business. The ban raises issues of proportionality and constitutional validity.

    The Middle Ground

    1. Licensing System: Grant licenses to vetted firms with strict compliance norms.
    2. Clear Distinction: Differentiate between games of skill (legitimate) and games of chance (gambling).
    3. Taxation Regime: Ensure predictable and fair taxation, boosting both revenue and compliance.
    4. Capacity Building: Strengthen regulatory institutions instead of relying on prohibition.

    Conclusion

    The Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Act, 2025, highlights the clash between state paternalism and economic freedom. While societal concerns around addiction are real, prohibition is a blunt instrument that risks pushing activity underground, sacrificing jobs, revenues, and investor trust. A regulatory middle path could have safeguarded both citizens and India’s economic interests.

    Value Addition

    Understanding the Online Gaming Sector

    1. E-sports: Organised competitive digital sports requiring strategy, coordination, decision-making; emerging as a legitimate sport.
    2. Online Social Games: Casual, skill-based games for recreation, learning, or social interaction; considered safe with minimal social risks.
    3. Online Money Games: Involve financial stakes (chance/skill/mixed); linked to addiction, financial losses, money laundering, and suicides.

    Game of Skill vs Game of Chance in India

    Game of Skill

    1. Outcome depends predominantly on knowledge, training, strategy, or judgment.
    2. Examples: Chess, Rummy, Fantasy sports (judicially recognised in some cases).
    3. Legal Status: Judicially upheld as legitimate business activity, not gambling. Protected under Article 19(1)(g) (right to trade/profession).

    Game of Chance

    1. Outcome depends mainly on luck or randomness, not player skill.
    2. Examples: Lotteries, Roulette, Dice-based betting.
    3. Legal Status: Considered gambling; regulated/prohibited by States (as per State List, Entry 34 of 7th Schedule).

    Regulation in India

    Judicial Precedents:

    1. R.M.D. Chamarbaugwala v. Union of India (1957) – distinguished games of skill from gambling.
    2. K.R. Lakshmanan v. State of Tamil Nadu (1996) – horse racing recognised as a game of skill.

    Federal Context: Betting & gambling are State subjects; hence regulation differs across states.

    Digital Loophole: Many online games operate in a grey zone → recent legislation like the Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Act, 2025 seeks to ban money games irrespective of skill/chance classification.

    Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Acy, 2025

    Why the Bill was Brought

    1. Addiction & Financial Ruin: 45 crore people affected; losses of over ₹20,000 crores due to online money games.
    2. Mental Health & Suicides: Financial distress linked to addiction resulted in suicides.
    3. Fraud & Money Laundering: Offshore platforms used for illegal financial flows.
    4. National Security Risks: Evidence of terror financing and illegal messaging.
    5. Closing Legal Loopholes: Existing gambling laws did not cover the digital domain.
    6. Balanced Approach: Distinguishes between exploitative money games and constructive e-sports/educational games.

    Key Provisions of the Bill

    1. Applicability: Applies to all of India, including offshore platforms targeting Indian users.
    2. Promotion of E-Sports: Recognised as legitimate sport; guidelines by Ministry of Youth Affairs & Sports; incentives, training, research centres.
    3. Promotion of Social & Educational Games: Registration of safe, age-appropriate games; focus on skill-building, culture, education.
    4. Ban on Online Money Games: Complete prohibition on games involving stakes (chance/skill/mixed); advertising and transactions banned.
    5. Online Gaming Authority: National regulator to register/categorise games, issue guidelines, handle grievances.
    6. Strict Penalties:
      1. Offering money games → up to 3 years jail + ₹1 crore fine.
      2. Advertising → up to 2 years jail + ₹50 lakh fine.
      3. Repeat offences → up to 5 years jail + ₹2 crore fine.
    7. Corporate Liability: Company officers accountable; independent directors exempt if due diligence is shown.
    8. Powers of Enforcement: Search, seizure, and arrests without warrant under BNSS, 2023.

    Complementary Measures Already in Place

    1. IT Act & Rules: Intermediaries must register; illegal platforms blocked (1,524 blocked between 2022–2025).
    2. Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023: Sections 111 & 112 criminalise unlawful betting/cyber fraud.
    3. IGST Act, 2017: Offshore suppliers must register; GST Intelligence empowered to block non-compliant platforms.
    4. Consumer Protection Act, 2019: CCPA cracks down on misleading ads and celebrity endorsements.
    5. Advisories: MoIB & Education Ministry issued guidelines on safe gaming practices.
    6. Cybercrime Portal & Helpline (1930): Citizens enabled to report fraud and financial scams.
    7. International Reference: WHO: Recognises gaming disorder in ICD classification – loss of control, neglect of daily activities, continuation despite harm.

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2020] Recent amendments to the Right to Information Act will have profound impact on the autonomy and independence of the Information Commission. Discuss.

    Linkage: Both the RTI Amendments (2020) and the Online Gaming Bill (2025) highlight rising executive control at the cost of autonomy and federal balance. In RTI, the independence of Information Commissions was weakened; in Gaming, sweeping central powers risk arbitrariness and undermine states’ jurisdiction. Both raise questions of transparency, proportionality, and constitutional freedoms, showing a trend of centralisation in governance.

  • Scarborough Shoal in South China Sea

    Why in the News?

    China’s State Council has approved the creation of a national nature reserve at Scarborough Shoal (Huangyan Dao in Chinese, Bajo de Masinloc/Panatag Shoal in the Philippines).

    About Scarborough Shoal:

    • Geography: A triangle-shaped chain of reefs and rocks in the South China Sea, about 200 km from Luzon (Philippines) and 800+ km from Hainan (China).
    • Status: Uninhabited but strategic, located near shipping lanes carrying $3 trillion in trade annually.
    • Significance: The lagoon shelters boats, and surrounding waters hold rich fish stocks vital for Zambales and Pangasinan communities.

    Disputes about it:

    • Sovereignty Claims: Both China and the Philippines claim ownership.
    • 2016 Arbitration Ruling: Permanent Court of Arbitration (The Hague) held China’s nine-dash line claim invalid, declaring Scarborough a traditional fishing ground under UNCLOS; China rejected the verdict.
    • Philippines’ Grounds: Lies within Manila’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), making China’s reserve “illegitimate and unlawful.”
    • International Response: The US, Japan, Australia, and Canada conduct naval patrols/drills supporting the Philippines and freedom of navigation.
    [UPSC 2022] Which one of the following statements best reflects the issue with Senkaku Islands, sometimes mentioned in the news ?

    Options: (a) It is generally believed that they are artificial islands made by a country around South China Sea.

    (b) China and Japan engage in maritime disputes over these islands in East China Sea.*

    (c) A permanent American military base has been set up there to help Taiwan to increase its defence capabilities.

    (d) Though International Court of Justice declared them as no man’s land, some South-East Asian countries claim them.

     

  • [13th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: RTI’s shift to a ‘right to deny information’

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2020] Recent amendments to the Right to Information Act will have profound impact on the autonomy and independence of the Information Commission. Discuss.

    Linkage: The RTI’s strength lay in ensuring both citizens’ access to information and the independence of Information Commissions as watchdogs of transparency. Amendments such as those under the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023–25, which expand the scope of “personal information” and override disclosure norms, severely limit this autonomy. This erosion risks converting RTI into a “Right to Deny Information,” thereby weakening institutional independence and citizen empowerment.

    Mentor’s Comment

    The Right to Information (RTI) Act, 2005 was once celebrated as a revolutionary step in India’s democratic journey, giving citizens a direct tool to hold the State accountable. But recent amendments through the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023 have been termed a “fundamental regression of democracy.” By transforming RTI into a potential “Right to Deny Information (RDI),” the amendments threaten transparency, accountability, and the fight against corruption. This article unpacks the gravity of these changes, their implications for governance, and why the muted public response is a cause for deep concern.

    Introduction

    The RTI Act (2005) rests on the principle that in a democracy, government-held information belongs to the people. It has empowered ordinary citizens to expose corruption, inefficiency, and arbitrariness in governance. Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act, originally a balanced safeguard to protect personal privacy, has now been drastically curtailed by the DPDP Act, reducing it to six words. This shift fundamentally alters the spirit of transparency, tilting the Act from being a “Right to Know” towards a “Right to Deny.”

    Why is this in the news?

    For the first time since its enactment, the RTI Act faces a drastic truncation of one of its most crucial provisions. Section 8(1)(j), which earlier struck a delicate balance between privacy and transparency, has now been reduced in length and scope, effectively allowing authorities to deny a vast range of information. The problem is massive, nearly 90% of RTI requests could now be rejected as “personal information.” Yet, unlike earlier RTI amendments that triggered massive public protests, the current change has seen notable public and media apathy, making this a silent but severe assault on India’s democratic ethos.

    How has the original Section 8(1)(j) changed?

    1. Balanced safeguard: Earlier, information could be denied only if it had no connection to public activity or was an unwarranted invasion of privacy, unless larger public interest was served.
    2. Acid test provision: Any information that could not be denied to Parliament or State legislatures could not be denied to citizens.
    3. Case-by-case privacy: Privacy, as acknowledged in Justice K.S. Puttaswamy vs Union of India, was contextual and evolving, requiring nuanced interpretation.
    4. New truncated version: Reduced to just six words, making it vague and easier for Public Information Officers (PIOs) to deny information.

    What is the ambiguity around ‘personal information’?

    1. Natural person view: “Person” means a normal human being.
    2. DPDP definition: Expansive—includes companies, firms, associations, Hindu undivided families, and even the State.
    3. Result: Almost all government-held information can be linked to some “person,” enabling blanket denials.
    4. Overriding clause: DPDP Act overrides all other laws, with penalties up to ₹250 crore for violations, making PIOs fearful and risk-averse.

    How does this impact transparency and anti-corruption efforts?

    1. Loss of citizen monitoring: Citizens as watchdogs against corruption lose power. Other mechanisms like vigilance bodies or Lokpal have been ineffective.
    2. Denial of essential documents: Even mundane details, like corrected marksheets or pension beneficiary lists, can be refused. Rajasthan’s earlier use of such data to weed out “ghost employees” will now be impossible.
    3. Scope for corruption: By labeling corruption-related details as “personal information,” the law makes it easier to hide wrongdoing.
    4. Larger public interest clause weakens: Though Section 8(2) allows disclosure in larger public interest, it is rarely applied (<1% of cases).

    Why is there limited public outrage?

    1. Guise of data protection: Amendments are packaged under “privacy,” which appears benign or even desirable.
    2. Ego-driven perception: People instinctively think their information should remain private, ignoring how transparency aids collective accountability.
    3. Muted media response: Compared to earlier protests (e.g., changes to Information Commissioner tenure and salaries), public discussion is minimal.

    What needs to be done?

    1. Media engagement: Widespread discussion in print, digital, and regional media.
    2. Political accountability: Citizens must push parties to commit reversal of amendments in manifestos.
    3. Public opinion building: Civil society must highlight the democratic regression caused.
    4. Recognising gravity: The assault on RTI must be treated as seriously as threats to any other fundamental right.

    Conclusion

    The RTI Act, 2005  is not just a legal framework but a democratic ethos, where citizens are owners, not petitioners, of government-held information. The DPDP Act’s amendment transforms this ethos into an ethos of denial, threatening both transparency and accountability. Unless citizens, media, and political actors mobilise to resist, India risks losing one of its most powerful democratic tools.

  • National Lok Adalat  

    Why in the News?

    On September 13, a countrywide National Lok Adalat was held with a special focus on clearing pending traffic e-challans for minor offences.

    What is National Lok Adalat?

    • Overview: Lok Adalats held 4 times a year, on a single day, across all courts from the Supreme Court to Taluk Courts.
    • Scope: Settles both pending cases and pre-litigation disputes suitable for compromise.
    • Organisation: Dates fixed in the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) calendar; sessions conducted nationwide.
    • Method: Focuses on amicable settlement rather than judicial imposition.
    • Common Cases: Matrimonial/family disputes, compoundable criminal cases, land acquisition, labour disputes, compensation claims, bank recoveries, and accident claims.
    • Exclusions: Non-compoundable or sensitive offences are outside its scope.

    About Lok Adalats:

    • Legal Status: Statutory body under the Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987; amended in 2002 for Permanent Lok Adalats (public utility services).
    • Composition: Includes a judicial officer (Chairman), a lawyer, and a social worker.
    • History: First Lok Adalat held in Gujarat, 1982, as a voluntary conciliatory forum.
    • Award/Decision: Final, binding, and equivalent to a civil court decree; no appeal permitted.
    • Jurisdiction: Can settle pending cases, matters within court jurisdiction (even pre-litigation), on mutual consent, referral, or court satisfaction.
    • Organisation: Conducted by NALSA and State/District/High Court/Taluk Legal Services Authorities. NALSA operational since 9 November 1995.
    • Powers: Enjoy powers of a civil court; proceedings treated as judicial proceedings.
    • Benefits: No court fee, speedy disposal, procedural flexibility, direct party–judge interaction, and finality of settlement.
    [UPSC 2009] With reference to Lok Adalats, consider the following statements:

    1. An award made by a Lok Adalat is deemed to be a degree of a civil court and no appeal lies against thereto before any court.

    2. Matrimonial/Family disputes are not covered under Lok Adalat.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    Options: (a) 1 only * (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2

     

  • [12th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Relief for Refugees (Foreign (Exemption) Order, 2025)

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2022] India is an age-old friend of Sri Lanka. Discuss India’s role in the recent crisis in Sri Lanka in the light of the preceding statement.

    Linkage: The issue of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees directly ties to India’s longstanding friendship with Sri Lanka. While India has consistently extended humanitarian aid during Sri Lanka’s crises, the 2025 Immigration Order reflects another dimension of this support by protecting refugees from forcible repatriation. It highlights how India balances compassion for vulnerable groups with its broader role as a stabilising partner in Sri Lanka’s recovery

    Mentor’s Comment

    The recent Immigration and Foreigners (Exemption) Order, 2025, marks a turning point in India’s refugee policy, particularly concerning Sri Lankan Tamil refugees. While it offers legal relief, many gaps remain in ensuring citizenship, dignity, and durable solutions. This article explores the issue through a UPSC lens, connecting it with governance, international relations, and humanitarian concerns.

    Introduction

    The Union Ministry of Home Affairs notified the Immigration and Foreigners (Exemption) Order, 2025, exempting specified groups from passport and visa requirements for entering, staying, and exiting India. For the first time, Sri Lankan Tamil refugees, who have lived in Tamil Nadu since the 1990s, find explicit mention, gaining protection from forcible repatriation. However, questions of legal status, citizenship, and long-term rehabilitation remain unresolved, making this both a humanitarian and policy challenge.

    Why in the News

    For over three decades, Sri Lankan Tamil refugees have lived in India without a clear roadmap for citizenship or repatriation. The 2025 Order gives them temporary relief but does not resolve their “illegal migrant” status. This is significant because, unlike the six religious minorities from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan who received relief under the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), the Sri Lankan Tamils had been left out earlier. The recognition in 2025 is thus both a success and a reminder of unaddressed policy gaps.

    What Does the New Immigration Order Provide?

    1. Exemption Granted: Nationals of Nepal and Bhutan, Tibetan refugees, six religious minorities from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lankan Tamils are exempted from strict passport and visa rules.
    2. Historical Reference: Refugees must have entered India before January 9, 2015, and registered themselves to avail of the benefit.
    3. Protection from Forcible Return: This safeguards Sri Lankan Tamils from involuntary repatriation after decades of uncertainty.

    Why Are Sri Lankan Tamil Refugees a Special Case?

    1. Civil War Displacement: Many fled to Tamil Nadu in the 1990s during Sri Lanka’s civil war.
    2. Post-war Welfare: Both Union and Tamil Nadu governments provided welfare after the civil war ended in 2009.
    3. Exclusion from CAA 2019: Unlike refugees from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, Sri Lankan Tamils were excluded from citizenship benefits.

    What Legal Hurdles Do Refugees Still Face?

    1. Illegal Migrant Tag: Despite the order, they remain classified as “illegal migrants” under Indian law.
    2. Citizenship Barriers: They cannot easily apply for citizenship under Section 5 (registration) or Section 6 (naturalisation) of the Citizenship Act, 1955.
    3. Long Term Visa (LTV) Gap: Exclusion from LTV eligibility blocks access to gainful employment and higher education.
    4. Missed Precedent: Tibetan refugees receive certificates of identity, which could serve as a model for Sri Lankan Tamils.

    What Are the Policy Options Ahead?

    1. Liberalisation of LTVs: Extending LTVs to Sri Lankan Tamil refugees would facilitate education and jobs.
    2. Voluntary Repatriation: India and Sri Lanka can collaborate on structured assistance for safe return.
    3. Local Integration: For those unwilling to return, gradual local integration with a humane approach can be considered.
    4. Model Replication: Certificates of identity, as given to Tibetan refugees, can help provide dignity and legal standing.

    Conclusion

    The 2025 Immigration Order is a step forward, but it leaves critical questions unresolved. Sri Lankan Tamil refugees deserve a humane, durable solution, whether through voluntary repatriation with assistance, or integration with rights and dignity. India, while balancing domestic concerns and foreign relations with Sri Lanka, must craft a policy that reflects compassion, legality, and long-term stability.

  • A Sense of Drift: Democracy at the Crossroads: Youth, Corruption and the New Global Malaise

    Introduction

    Democracy, once celebrated as the ultimate safeguard of freedom and governance, is witnessing profound crises across continents. Nepal’s weak institutions, France’s protest-prone presidentialism, and America’s violent polarisation reveal that democratic malaise is not confined to one geography. The recurring theme is stark: young people feel robbed of their future.

    Why is democracy back in crisis?

    1. Recurring crises: Democracies appear to follow cycles of expansion (40–50 years) followed by exhaustion.
    2. Current triggers: Corruption in Nepal, unsustainable economic models in France, and violent political divisions in the US.
    3. Historical echoes: Similar crises were witnessed in the 1920s–30s and the 1960s–70s, culminating in debates such as the Trilateral Commission’s 1975 report on “The Crisis of Democracy.”

    What role does youth disillusionment play?

    1. Stolen future: Across Nepal, France, and the US, young people feel alienated and betrayed.
    2. Lack of consensus: Youth anger does not translate into youth unity; it produces anxiety but not collective solutions.
    3. Gerontocracy problem: Democracies like India and the US are led largely by older generations, deepening generational divides.

    How does inequality and polarisation fuel the malaise?

    1. Different consensus: Unlike the 1970s when “excess participation” was blamed, today growing inequality is seen as the root of discontent.
    2. Dual polarisation: A clash of values coupled with diametrically opposed economic visions — Left demanding more state investment, Right fearing socialist excess.
    3. Jobless growth: Declining employment elasticity of capital threatens to erode trust even in well-designed policies.

    Why does corruption persist as a democratic fault line?

    1. Structural vs transactional corruption: Elites monopolising power versus ostentatious lifestyles of politicians.
    2. Anti-corruption paradox: Movements rarely eliminate corruption and often fuel authoritarian turns, seen in Nepal’s staggering levels of rent extraction.
    3. Authoritarian co-option: Anti-corruption rhetoric is used to justify illiberal governance.

    What is the role of war and misinformation?

    1. Historical corrosion: Vietnam and Iraq wars eroded democratic legitimacy in the US.
    2. Current crises: Gaza conflict risks corroding Western liberal legitimacy.
    3. Misinformation cycle: Radical democratisation of information through social media has dissolved authority and deepened adversarial suspicion.

    Can democracies reinvent themselves?

    1. Past reinventions: Post-1930s depression and 1970s crises were followed by new waves of democratisation.
    2. Paradox of protest: While protests mobilise energy, they often breed drift, violence, or nihilism.

    Way Forward for Democracies

    1. Institutional Reinvention: Strengthen checks and balances through judicial independence, parliamentary accountability, and free media — preventing democratic backsliding.
    2. Inclusive Growth: Address structural inequality and jobless growth by creating policies focused on employment elasticity and equitable redistribution.
    3. Youth Participation: Channel youth disillusionment into institutionalised participation (youth parliaments, policy fellowships, digital consultative platforms).
    4. Taming Polarisation: Build broad-based social coalitions that transcend Left–Right economic divides and cultural polarisation.
    5. Responsible Information Order: Regulate misinformation while protecting freedom of speech; strengthen media literacy to combat nihilism fuelled by social media.
    6. Corruption Reform: Focus on structural corruption (elite monopolisation of power) rather than episodic “anti-corruption crusades” that risk authoritarian capture.
    7. Global Learning: Draw lessons from past crises (1930s, 1970s) where institutional reinvention, new social contracts, and reform waves revitalised democracy.

    Value Addition

    Samuel P. Huntington’s Views and Theory on Democracy

    Political Order and Institutionalisation

    • Book: Political Order in Changing Societies (1968).
    • Core Argument: The stability of a political system depends more on the strength of its institutions than on the level of modernisation.
    • Key Point: Modernisation without strong institutions leads to instability (e.g., corruption, coups, unrest).
    • Quote: “The most important political distinction among countries is not their form of government but their degree of government.”

    The Third Wave of Democratisation

    • Book: The Third Wave: Democratisation in the Late Twentieth Century (1991).
    • Theory: Democracies emerge in “waves,” each followed by a possible “reverse wave.”
      • First Wave (1828–1926): Expansion in Western countries.
      • First Reverse Wave (1922–1942): Rise of fascism, military regimes.
      • Second Wave (1945–1962): Post-WWII, decolonisation.
      • Second Reverse Wave (1960–1975): Coups in Latin America, Africa, Asia.
      • Third Wave (1974 onwards): Started with Portugal’s Carnation Revolution, followed by democratisation in Latin America, Eastern Europe, parts of Asia and Africa.

    Key Factors for Third Wave:

    • Declining legitimacy of authoritarian regimes.
    • Economic growth and rising middle class.
    • Religious changes (e.g., Catholic Church’s role in Latin America).
    • Global democratic norms (influence of EU, US).
    • Snowballing effect” (success in one country inspired others).
    • Relevance: Many current democracies (including in Asia, Latin America, Eastern Europe) emerged in this wave

    Clash of Civilisations (1993)

    • Book: The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order.
    • Argument: Post-Cold War conflicts would be driven not by ideology or economics, but by cultural and civilisational differences.
    • Link to Democracy: Democracies rooted in Western civilisation may clash with non-Western civilisations (Islamic, Sinic/Chinese).

    Relevant Quotes on Democracy 

    On Cycles and Fragility

    • John Adams: “Democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself.”
    • Samuel Huntington: “Democracy is the only political system that is self-correcting.”

    On Reinvention

    • Winston Churchill: “Democracy is the worst form of government — except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.”
    • Amartya Sen: “No famine has ever taken place in the history of the world in a functioning democracy.”

    On Corruption and Morality

    • Mahatma Gandhi: “Corruption and hypocrisy ought not to be inevitable products of democracy, as they undoubtedly are today.”
    • Alexis de Tocqueville: “The health of a democratic society may be measured by the quality of functions performed by private citizens.”

    On Youth and Future

    • Jawaharlal Nehru: “The future belongs to those who can give to the next generation reasons for hope.”
    • Kofi Annan: “Young people should be at the forefront of global change and innovation.”

    How to Use in UPSC Answers

    • Quote John Adams or Huntington when talking about cycles of democracy.
    • Quote Gandhi or Amartya Sen when linking democracy with corruption or development outcomes.
    • Quote Churchill when emphasising democracy’s resilience despite flaws.

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2023] Constitutionally guaranteed judicial independence is a prerequisite of democracy. Comment.

    Linkage: The current crisis of democracy, as highlighted in Nepal, France, and the US, shows that without robust and independent institutions, democratic legitimacy erodes. Judicial independence acts as a bulwark against corruption, elite capture, and authoritarian drift. Thus, safeguarding constitutional autonomy of the judiciary is indispensable for reinvigorating democracy.

  • Looking at India-Pak ties through prism of Indus Waters Treaty

    Introduction

    For 65 years, the Indus Waters Treaty ensured the uninterrupted sharing of river waters between India and Pakistan despite wars and conflicts. Signed in 1960, with the World Bank as broker, it granted Pakistan control over nearly 80% of the Indus system waters while India retained rights over the eastern rivers. Yet, this arrangement, hailed by Nehru as a “gesture of peace,” was also criticized as appeasement. Today, the Treaty faces an existential challenge, as India, for the first time, suspends its obligations in response to cross-border terrorism. A fresh evaluation of the IWT reveals that Pakistan’s real concern is not water scarcity but the control of flows, a factor deeply tied to its obsession with Kashmir.

    Why in the News

    India, after decades of restraint, has finally exercised its strategic upper riparian advantage by suspending the Indus Waters Treaty following the April Pahalgam terror attack. This is a watershed moment: for the first time in 65 years, the Treaty, which survived four wars, terror attacks, and political turmoil, has been placed in abeyance. The move underscores a shift from India’s earlier magnanimity to a more assertive posture. It is significant because it challenges one of the few stable frameworks of India–Pakistan relations and introduces water as a core strategic lever, alongside terrorism and Kashmir.

    Why was the Indus Waters Treaty so Significant?

    1. Historic endurance: The Treaty survived four wars, repeated terror attacks, and decades of hostility.
    2. Unique distribution: Pakistan received 80% of Indus waters (western rivers) despite being the lower riparian.
    3. Nehru’s vision: Seen as a stabilizing act of peace, prioritizing development over disputes.
    4. Pakistan’s insecurity: Never fully celebrated, fearing India’s control as upper riparian.

    How Do India and Pakistan Perceive the Treaty Differently?

    1. India’s approach: Saw the Treaty as magnanimity; Nehru called it a “purchase of peace.”
    2. Criticism of India: S Jaishankar terms it appeasement, not peace.
    3. Pakistan’s strategy: Used Article IX dispute mechanism to obstruct Indian projects in J&K.
    4. Silent dissatisfaction: Despite receiving 80% waters, Pakistan avoided declaring victory to maintain a narrative of victimhood.

    What Drives Pakistan’s Deep Insecurity?

    1. Not water, but control: Pakistan’s fear lies in disruption of flows, not absolute shortage.
    2. Kashmir link: To control rivers, Pakistan desires physical control of J&K.
    3. Historic evidence: Gen Ayub Khan soon after the Treaty linked water insecurity with demand for Kashmir.
    4. Perverse use of IWT: Constant attempts to delay Indian projects in J&K despite India’s limited use of western rivers.

    Why Did the Treaty Survive for So Long?

    1. India’s responsibility: As the upper riparian, India ensured minimum flows and shared data.
    2. Asymmetry of burden: Pakistan had little responsibility upstream but leveraged dispute clauses downstream.
    3. Counterfactual concern: Survival of Treaty is doubtful if Pakistan had been upper riparian.
    4. Symbol of stability: Often cited globally as a model of cooperative water-sharing.

    What Could the Future Hold for the IWT?

    1. Pakistan’s likely strategy: Stonewall renegotiations, fearing worse outcomes.
    2. India’s new stance: Seeks bilateral renegotiation without World Bank involvement.
    3. Regional dimension: Pakistan may attempt to involve China (8% basin) and Afghanistan (6% basin).
    4. Strategic uncertainty: India may not disrupt flows but could introduce uncertainty, forcing Pakistan to rethink its terror policy.
    5. J&K projects: India likely to push through delayed hydro and irrigation projects without Pakistani consent.

    Conclusion

    The IWT, once a symbol of cooperation, now mirrors the fault lines of India–Pakistan relations. For decades, India upheld its obligations even at strategic cost. But by suspending the Treaty, India has signaled that goodwill cannot be one-sided, especially in the face of relentless terrorism. Water, development, security, and Kashmir are now deeply intertwined. The Indus basin, instead of being a bridge, risks becoming another battlefield in South Asia’s fraught geopolitics.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2015] Terrorist activities and mutual distrust have clouded India–Pakistan relations. To what extent the use of soft power like sports and cultural exchanges could help generate goodwill between the two countries? Discuss with suitable examples.

    Linkage: The Indus Waters Treaty itself was long considered a form of institutionalized soft power, surviving wars and terror. However, its suspension after the Pahalgam attack highlights how terrorism erodes even cooperative mechanisms. Just as cultural exchanges aim to build goodwill, water-sharing too depended on mutual trust — and both reveal how soft power collapses when hostility dominates.

  • [11th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: The Way Forward on Katchatheevu, Palk Strait disputes

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2013] In respect of India — Sri Lanka relations, discuss how domestic factors influence foreign policy.

    Linkage: The Katchatheevu and Palk Strait disputes show how domestic pressures from Tamil Nadu, fishing community demands, political rhetoric, and cultural ties with Sri Lankan Tamils, directly shape India’s diplomatic posture with Colombo. Balancing these domestic concerns with treaty obligations and ecological imperatives defines the contours of India’s foreign policy. This reflects how internal politics often intersect with external relations in South Asia.

    Mentor’s Comment

    The Katchatheevu and Palk Straits disputes highlight the fine balance India must strike between diplomacy, livelihood, and ecological sustainability. While political rhetoric often overshadows the nuanced reality, the recent revival of dialogue between India and Sri Lanka offers an opportunity to convert conflict into cooperation. This article unpacks the legal, ecological, and humanitarian dimensions of the issue and offers insights useful for UPSC Mains aspirants.

    Introduction

    India’s neighbourhood diplomacy has been historically guided by Panchsheel, the Non-Aligned Movement, SAARC, and now the Neighbourhood First Policy. Yet, challenges with Sri Lanka, notably the fisheries dispute in the Palk Straits and the sovereignty of Katchatheevu island, continue to test this vision. Prime Minister Modi’s April 2025 visit to Colombo revived discussions on these long-standing issues, calling for a “humane approach” that reconciles livelihoods and ecological imperatives. The stakes are high: peace in the Palk Straits is not just about maritime boundaries but about human security, sustainability, and regional goodwill.

    The Katchatheevu and Palk Strait Issue

    Katchatheevu Island Dispute

    • Katchatheevu island: A tiny, uninhabited islet (under 0.5 sq. miles) situated in the Palk Strait, legally ceded to Sri Lanka under the 1974 India-Sri Lanka Maritime Boundary Treaty.
      • Fishing rights vs sovereignty: While sovereignty is settled in Sri Lanka’s favour, Indian fishers, especially from Tamil Nadu, continue to demand access, leading to periodic clashes.
    • Palk Strait: A narrow stretch of sea separating Tamil Nadu from Sri Lanka’s Northern Province, rich in marine resources but ecologically fragile.
      • Conflict drivers: Indian bottom trawlers crossing the maritime boundary deplete fish stocks, harming both Indian artisanal fishers and Sri Lankan Tamil fishers.
      • Core issue: More than territory, it is a livelihood and ecological crisis, complicated by political rhetoric around Katchatheevu’s status.

    Livelihood and conservation at odds

    1. Shared history: Fishing communities of Tamil Nadu and Northern Sri Lanka have relied on the Palk Straits for centuries.
    2. Destructive practices: Indian mechanised bottom trawlers enter Sri Lankan waters, violating conservation norms.
    3. Legal framework: UNCLOS and FAO’s 1995 Code of Conduct prohibit destructive fishing; Sri Lanka banned bottom trawling in 2017.
    4. Ecological damage: Coral beds and shrimp habitats are destroyed; fish stocks are depleted.
    5. Internal conflict: Traditional Tamil Nadu artisanal fishers also lose out, creating intra-community livelihood clashes.

    Clearing the misconceptions around Katchatheevu

    1. Tiny territory: Katchatheevu is less than half a square mile, barren except for St. Anthony’s church.
    2. Treaty status: The 1974 India-Sri Lanka Maritime Boundary Treaty gave it to Sri Lanka; under international law, such treaties are binding.
    3. Legal precedents: Minquiers and Ecrehos (UK vs France, 1953) and Rann of Kutch (India-Pakistan, 1968) show administrative control outweighs historical claims.
    4. Clarification: Myths such as “Indira Gandhi gifting the island” are misleading; historical records supported Sri Lanka’s claim.
    5. Key point: Fishing rights are separate from sovereignty, and Katchatheevu is not the root of the dispute.

    Towards cooperative fisheries management

    1. Historic waters: Indian and Sri Lankan law recognise the Palk Straits as historic waters, giving stronger sovereign rights.
    2. UNCLOS Article 123: Mandates cooperation in semi-enclosed seas.
    3. Models for India-Sri Lanka:
      1. Baltic Sea Fisheries Convention (quota-sharing).
      2. Possible steps: Joint research station on Katchatheevu, regulated quotas, seasonal access, promotion of deep-sea fishing in India’s EEZ.

    Building empathy and fraternity

    1. Shared suffering: Sri Lankan Tamil fishers lost decades of livelihood during the civil war due to military restrictions.
    2. Goodwill memory: Tamil refugees were welcomed in Tamil Nadu during the conflict.
    3. Role of Tamil leaders: MPs and media in Sri Lanka can sensitise Tamil Nadu fishers to hardships across the strait.
    4. Narrative shift: Sri Lankan Tamils are not aggressors but fellow victims of history.

    India’s neighbourhood policy in action

    1. Diplomatic tradition: Panchsheel, NAM, SAARC, Neighbourhood First Policy.
    2. Way forward: Prioritise livelihood security, ecological sustainability, and treaty respect over populism.
    3. Multi-level engagement: Government-to-government, State/Provincial dialogue, community interaction.
    4. Larger vision: Transform Palk Straits from a zone of conflict to a symbol of cooperation.

    Conclusion

    The Katchatheevu issue is legally settled and should not distract from the real crisis, sustainable fisheries management in the Palk Straits. Balancing artisanal livelihoods, ecological imperatives, and regional goodwill requires cooperative frameworks and empathy. If pursued with prudence, India and Sri Lanka can convert disputes into opportunities, strengthening the Neighbourhood First Policy and ensuring that smaller conflicts do not overshadow South Asia’s collective future of peace and prosperity.