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GS Paper: GS2

  • Minority Status in India is State-dependent: Supreme Court

    The minority status of religious and linguistic communities is “State-dependent”, said the Supreme Court.

    What did the Supreme Court say?

    • Every person in India can be a minority in one State or the other.
    • One can be a minority outside his/her State.
    • Similarly, a Kannada-speaking person may be in minority in States other than Karnataka.

    What was the petition about?

    • The court was hearing a petition complaining that followers of Judaism, Bahaism and Hinduism are the real minorities in Ladakh, Mizoram, Lakshadweep, Kashmir, Punjab and the North-East States.
    • However, they cannot establish and administer educational institutions of their choice because of the non-identification of ‘minority’ at the State level.
    • Religious communities such as Hindus here are socially, economically, politically non-dominant and numerically inferior in several States.

    Various states on Minorities

    • The Centre gave the example of how Maharashtra notified ‘Jews’ as a minority community within the State.
    • Again, Karnataka notified Urdu, Telugu, Tamil, Malayalam, Marathi, Tulu, Lambadi, Hindi, Konkani and Gujarati as minority languages within the State.

    Who are the Minorities?

    • Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists, Jain and Zoroastrians (Parsis) have been notified as minority communities under Section 2 (c) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992.
    • As per the Census 2011, the percentage of minorities in the country is about 19.3% of the total population of the country.
    • The population of Muslims are 14.2%; Christians 2.3%; Sikhs 1.7%, Buddhists 0.7%, Jain 0.4% and Parsis 0.006%.
    • Minority Concentration Districts (MCD), Minority Concentration Blocks and Minority Concentration Towns, have been identified on the basis of both population data and backwardness parameters of Census 2001 of these areas.

    Defining Minorities

    • The Constitution recognizes Religious minorities in India and Linguistic minorities in India through Article 29 and Article 30.
    • But Minority is not defined in the Constitution.
    • Currently, the Linguistic minorities in India are identified on a state-wise basis thus determined by the state government whereas Religious minorities in India are determined by the Central Government.
    • The Parliament has the legislative powers and the Centre has the executive competence to notify a community as a minority under Section 2(c) of the National Commission for Minorities Act of 1992.

    Article 29: It provides that any section of the citizens residing in any part of India having a distinct language, script, or culture of its own, shall have the rights of minorities in India to conserve the same. Article 29 is applied to both minorities (religious minorities in India and Linguistic minorities in India) and also the majority. It also includes – rights of minorities in India to agitate for the protection of language.

    Article 30: All minorities shall have the rights of minorities in India to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. Article 30 recognizes only Religious minorities in India and Linguistic minorities in India (not the majority). It includes the rights of minorities in India to impart education to their children in their own language.

    Article 350-B: Originally, the Constitution of India did not make any provision with respect to the Special Officer for Linguistic minorities in India. However, the 7th Constitutional Amendment Act, 1956 inserted Article 350-B in the Constitution. It provides for a Special Officer for Linguistic Minorities appointed by the President of India. It would be the duty of the Special Officer to investigate all matters relating to the safeguards provided for linguistic minorities under the Constitution.

    Try this PYQ:

    Which one of the following categories of Fundamental Rights incorporates protection against untouchability as a form of discrimination?

    (a) Right against Exploitation

    (b) Right to Freedom

    (c) Right to Constitutional Remedies

    (d) Right to Equality

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”l83g3tx53v” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

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  • Municipal finances

    Context

    Recently, the Indian Institute for Human Settlements (IIHS) analysed data from 80 urban local bodies (ULBs) across 24 States between 2012-13 and 2016-17 to understand ULB finance and spending, and found some key trends.

    Health of municipal finances

    • The 74th Constitution Amendment Act was passed in 1992 mandating the setting up and devolution of powers to urban local bodies (ULBs) as the lowest unit of governance in cities and towns.
    • Constitutional provisions were made for ULBs’ fiscal empowerment.
    • Challenges in fiscal empowerment: Three decades since, growing fiscal deficits, constraints in tax base expansion, and weakening of institutional mechanisms that enable resource mobilisation remain challenges.
    • Revenue losses after implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and the pandemic have exacerbated the situation.

    Analysing the trends in municipal finances

    Recently, the Indian Institute for Human Settlements (IIHS) analysed data from 80 ULBs across 24 States between 2012-13 and 2016-17 to understand ULB finance and spending, and found some key trends.

    1] Own sources of revenue less than half of total revenue

    •  Key sources of revenue: The ULBs’ key revenue sources are taxes, fees, fines and charges, and transfers from Central and State governments, which are known as inter-governmental transfers (IGTs).
    • Important indicator of financial health: The share of own revenue (including revenue from taxes on property and advertisements, and non-tax revenue from user charges and fees from building permissions and trade licencing) to total revenue is an important indicator of ULBs’ fiscal health and autonomy.
    • The study found that the ULBs’s own revenue was 47% of their total revenue.
    • Of this, tax revenue was the largest component: around 29% of the total.
    • Property tax, the single largest contributor to ULBs’ own revenue, accounted for only about 0.15% of the GDP.
    • Figures for developing countries: The corresponding figures for developing and developed countries were significantly higher (about 0.6% and 1%, respectively) indicating that this is not being harnessed to potential in India.

    2] High dependence on IGTs

    • Most ULBs were highly dependent on external grants — between 2012-13 and 2016-17, IGTs accounted for about 40% of the ULBs’ total revenue.
    •  Transfers from the Central government are as stipulated by the Central Finance Commissions and through grants towards specific reforms, while State government transfers are as grants-in-aid and devolution of State’s collection of local taxes.

    3] Tax revenue is largest revenue for larger cities, while smaller cities are more dependent on grants

    • here are considerable differences in the composition of revenue sources across cities of different sizes.
    • Class I-A cities (population of over 50 lakh) primarily depend on their own tax revenue, while Class I-B cities and Class I-C cities (population of 10 lakh-50 lakh and 1 lakh-10 lakh, respectively) rely more on IGTs.
    • Own revenue mobilisation in Class I-A cities increased substantially.
    • It was primarily driven by increases in non-tax revenue

    4] Increasing operations and maintenance (O&M) expenses

    • Operations and maintenance (O&M) expenses are on the increase but still inadequate.
    • While the expenses were on the rise, studies (such as ICRIER, 2019 and Bandyopadhyay, 2014) indicate that they remained inadequate.
    • For instance, O&M expenses incurred in 2016-17 covered only around a fifth of the requirement forecast by the High-Powered Expert Committee for estimating the investment requirements for urban infrastructure services.
    • O&M expenses should ideally be covered through user charges, but total non-tax revenues, of which user charges are a part, are insufficient to meet current O&M expenses.
    • The non-tax revenues were short of the O&M expenditure by around 20%, and this shortfall contributed to the increasing revenue deficit in ULBs.

    Way forward

    • Improving own revenue: It is essential that ULBs leverage their own revenue-raising powers to be fiscally sustainable and empowered and have better amenities and quality of service delivery.
    • Stability in IGT: Stable and predictable IGTs are particularly important since ULBs’ own revenue collection is inadequate.
    • O&M expenses: Increasing cost recovery levels through improved user charge regimes would not only improve services but also contribute to the financial vitality of ULBs.
    • Measures need to be made to also cover O&M expenses of a ULB for better infrastructure and service.
    • Tapping into property taxes, other land-based resources and user charges are all ways to improve the revenue of a ULB.

    Conclusion

    The health of municipal finances is a critical element of municipal governance which will determine whether India realises her economic and developmental promise.

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  • In news: India-Bhutan Relations

    After over two years of the COVID-19-induced lockdown, Bhutan will open its doors to tourists on September 23 with a new expensive policy for Indians and other foreign tourists.

    India-Bhutan Relations: A backgrounder

    • India and Bhutan have had long-standing diplomatic, economic and cultural relations
    • Bhutan and India relations are governed by a friendship treaty that was renegotiated only in 2007, subjecting the Himalayan nation’s security needs to supervision.
    • Treaty of Friendship in 2007, which brought into the India-Bhutan relationship “an element of equality.”
    • The Treaty provides for perpetual peace and friendship, free trade and commerce, and equal justice to each other’s citizens.

    What is the Treaty of Friendship?

    • On August 8, 1949, Bhutan and India signed the Treaty of Friendship, calling for peace between the two nations and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs.
    • India re-negotiated the 1949 treaty with Bhutan and signed a new treaty of friendship in 2007.
    • The new treaty replaced the provision requiring Bhutan to take India’s guidance on foreign policy with broader sovereignty and not require Bhutan to obtain India’s permission over arms imports.
    • Under the 2007 India-Bhutan Friendship Treaty, the two sides have agreed to “cooperate closely with each other on issues relating to their national interests.”
    • Neither Government shall allow the use of its territory for activities harmful to the national security and interest of the other

    Various facets of ties

    (1) Commercial Relations

    • India is Bhutan’s largest trading partner.
    • India and Bhutan have signed an Agreement on Trade, Commerce and Transit on in 2016, which provides for a free trade regime between the two countries.
    • Tourism is another point of convergence.

    (2) Energy Cooperation

    • A scheme titled “Comprehensive Scheme for Establishment of Hydro-meteorological and Flood Forecasting Network on rivers Common to India and Bhutan” is in operation.
    • The network consists of 32 Hydro-meteorological/ meteorological stations located in Bhutan and being maintained by the Royal Government of Bhutan with funding from India.
    • The data received from these stations are utilized in India for formulating flood forecasts.

    Significance of Bhutan to India

    • Buffer to China: Bhutan is a buffer state between India and China. Bhutan shares a 470 km long border with China.
    • Vital connectivity through chicken’s neck: The Chumbi Valley is situated at the tri-junction of Bhutan, India and China and is 500 km away from the “Chicken’s neck” in North Bengal.
    • Security in North-East: Bhutan has in the past cooperated with India and helped to flush out militant groups in NE.
    • Chinese inroad in Bhutan: China is interested in establishing formal ties with Thimphu, where it does not yet have a diplomatic mission.

    China factor in ties: China predates on small neighbours

    • Bhutan is strategically important for both India and China. Chinese territorial claims in western Bhutan are close to the Siliguri Corridor.
    • Beijing is reportedly insisting on Bhutan establishing trade and diplomatic relations as a quid pro quo for a border settlement.
    • Bhutan is currently India’s only neighbour who has stayed away from joining China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), but that may change if India can’t make itself an attractive ally and neighbour.

    Why does India need Bhutan?

    • Bhutan has always been India’s most trusted ally in South Asia and has often put India’s security at the forefront.
    • Come to think of it, in December 2003, Bhutan’s fourth king personally led the army to throw out Indian militants living in Bhutan’s jungles.
    • Bhutan was also the only South Asian country besides India not to attend China’s Belt and Road Initiative forum in May 2017.
    • In other words, land-locked Bhutan has held its end of the bargain.

    Various cooperation developments

    • Maitri Initiative: Bhutan is the first country to receive the Covishield vaccines under India’s Vaccine Maitri Initiative.
    • Financial connectivity: It has touched new heights through the launch of the RuPay card and the BHIM app.
    • Start-Up ecosystem: Both nations successfully linked up the Start-Up systems of our two countries via structured workshops; through the National Knowledge Network & the Druk-REN connection.
    • E-Library project: It has opened up new vistas of education and knowledge sharing between two countries.

    Irritants in ties

    • India has not invested in significantly in Bhutan and other smaller neighbours that modicum of trust which is critical in building genuine goodwill.
    • This means not only increasing people-to-people contact but also being sensitive to Bhutan’s desire for a wider engagement beyond India’s borders. This means respecting Bhutan as an equal, sovereign nation-state.

    Conclusion

    • The Indo-Bhutan friendship is built on shared values and aspirations, trust and mutual respect.
    • Bhutan’s foreign policy framework holds the relationship with India as being integral to its national interest.
    • The Indian approach to Bhutan has necessarily to be tailored while being sensitive to the growing Bhutanese aspirations of being considered equal.

     

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  • How is the Vice-President of India elected?

    A major political party has declared that West Bengal Governor Jagdeep Dhankhar would be the candidate for the post of Vice-President.

    About Vice President of India

    • The VP is the deputy to the head of state of the Republic of India, the President of India.
    • His/her office is the second-highest constitutional office after the president and ranks second in the order of precedence and first in the line of succession to the presidency.
    • The vice president is also a member of the Parliament as the ex officio Chairman of the Rajya Sabha.

    Qualifications

    • As in the case of the president, to be qualified to be elected as vice president, a person must:
    1. Be a citizen of India
    2. Be at least 35 years of age
    3. Not hold any office of profit
    • Unlike in the case of the president, where a person must be qualified for election as a member of the Lok Sabha, the vice president must be qualified for election as a member of the Rajya Sabha.
    • This difference is because the vice president is to act as the ex officio Chairman of the Rajya Sabha.

    Roles and responsibilities

    • When a bill is introduced in the Rajya Sabha, the vice president decides whether it is a money bill or not.
    • If he is of the opinion that a bill introduced in the Rajya Sabha is a money bill, he shall refer it to the Speaker of the Lok Sabha.
    • The vice president also acts as the chancellor of the central universities of India.

    Election procedure

    • Article 66 of the Constitution of India states the manner of election of the vice president.
    • The vice president is elected indirectly by members of an electoral college consisting of the members of both Houses of Parliament and NOT the members of state legislative assembly.
    • The election is held as per the system of proportional representation using single transferable votes.
    • The voting is conducted by Election Commission of India via secret ballot.
    • The Electoral College for the poll will comprise 233 Rajya Sabha members, 12 nominated Rajya Sabha members and 543 Lok Sabha members.
    • The Lok Sabha Secretary-General would be appointed the Returning Officer.
    • Political parties CANNOT issue any whip to their MPs in the matter of voting in the Vice-Presidential election.

    Removal

    • The Constitution states that the vice president can be removed by a resolution of the Rajya Sabha passed by an Effective majority (majority of all the then members) and agreed by the Lok Sabha with a simple majority( Article 67(b)).
    • But no such resolution may be moved unless at least 14 days’ notice in advance has been given.
    • Notably, the Constitution does not list grounds for removal.
    • No Vice President has ever faced removal or the deputy chairman in the Rajya Sabha cannot be challenged in any court of law per Article 122.

     

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  • Consolidating multiple FIRs

    Context

    The Supreme Court’s (SC) refused to consolidate multiple FIRs filed in several states against former BJP spokesperson.

    When are multiple FIRs clubbed?

    • In 2001, the SC, in TT Antony vs. State of Kerala, made it clear that only the earliest information in regard to the commission of an offence could be investigated and tried.
    • In Babubhai vs. State of Gujarat (2010), the Court explained that the test to determine the sameness of the offence is to identify whether “the subject matter of the FIRs is the same incident, same occurrence or are in regard to incidents which are two or more parts of the same transaction”.
    • the SC extensively relied upon TT Antony while granting similar relief to two journalists.

    Reasons given by the SCs for refusal to club the FIRs

    •  The bench said that party spokespersons and journalists cannot be treated identically.
    • The Constitution creates no hierarchical difference between journalists and ordinary citizens when it comes to the enforcement of fundamental rights.
    • The right to approach the SC under Article 32 is in itself a fundamental right.
    • Nor did the SC craft any distinction on the basis of the status or affiliation of the accused in TT Antony.
    • Second, the bench said that she has not unconditionally apologised for her remarks and her political clout is apparent from the fact that she has not been arrested despite an FIR being filed against her.
    • This view is again misplaced. Whether or not the person has tendered an apology is not germane to the issue at hand.
    • Seeking or tendering an apology may be a mitigating factor while deciding punishment but only after the guilt is proved.

    Why the multiple FIRs should be consolidated

    • Abuse of statutory power of investigation: Filing of successive FIRs amounts to an abuse of statutory power of investigation and is a fit case for the SC to exercise its writ powers under Article 32 because high courts cannot transfer cases from one state to another.
    • Wastage of state resources and judicial time: Prudence demands that state resources and judicial time are not spent on a multiplicity of proceedings.
    • The multiplicity of proceedings would result in violation of fundamental rights under Article 21 as parallel investigations would result in her being forced to join investigations in different police stations in different states.
    • This serves no practical purpose because ultimately it is only one of the police reports that would be tried by a court of law.

    Conclusion

    In the absence of strict guidelines, some degree of caution is necessary on the part of judges to work within the confines of judicial propriety.

     

  • The Ukraine war and the return to Euro-centrism

    Context

    The Russian aggression against Ukraine has led to an unmissable feeling of insecurity in Europe, particularly in Germany.

     Euro-centric world order and new security consciousness

    • For centuries, Europe imagined itself to be the centre of the world — its order, politics and culture.
    • What contributed to its decline? Decolonisation, the emergence of the United States as the western world’s sole superpower, and the rise of the rest dramatically diminished the centuries old domination of the European states and their ability to shape the world in their own image.
    • The political and military aftermath of Russia’s war on Ukraine could potentially tilt the current global balance and take us back to a Euro-centric world order.
    • US dominance: For sure, the U.S. continues to dominate the trans-Atlantic security landscape and this is likely to remain so.
    • And yet, the new security consciousness in Europe will reduce Washington’s ability to continue as the fulcrum of the trans-Atlantic strategic imagination.
    • If wars have the potential to shape international orders, it is Europe’s turn to shape the world, once again.
    • The United States, fatigued from the Iraq and Afghan wars, does not appear to be keen on another round of wars and military engagements.
    •  A pervasive sense of what some described as “existential insecurity” has brought about a renewed enthusiasm about the future of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
    • The European Union (EU) Commission has backed Kyiv’s bid for EU candidature.
    • This new military unity is not just words, but is backed with political commitment and financial resources from the world’s richest economies.
    • Berlin, for instance, has decided to spend an additional €100 billion for defence over and above its €50 billion annual expenditure on defence.

    Implications

    1] Weakened faith in the institutions and globalisation

    • Germany, the engine of this new security thinking in Europe, is coming out of its self-image of being a pacifist nation.
    • There appears little faith in the United Nations or the UN Security Council anymore in Berlin, they have decided to put their faith in a revitalised EU and NATO.
    • European states are deeply worried about globalisation-induced vulnerability and this has set in a rethink about the inherent problems of indiscriminate globalisation.
    • The combined effect of European re-militarisation (however modest it may be for now), its loss of faith in multilateral institutions, and the increased salience of the EU and NATO will be the unchecked emergence of Europe as an even stronger regulatory, norm/standard-setting superpower backed with military power.

    2] Unilateral and Euro-centric decision making

    • The EU already has a worryingly disproportionate ability to set standards for the rest of the world.
    • Instruments such as the Digital Services Act and the Digital Assets Act or its human rights standards will be unilaterally adopted, and will be unavoidable by other parts of the world.
    • While these instruments and standards may in themselves be progressive and unobjectionable for the most part, the problem is with the process which is unilateral and Euro-centric. 

    3] Euro-centric worldview

    • A euro-centric worldview of ‘friends and enemies’ will define its engagement with the rest of the world.
    • India is a friend, but its take on the Ukraine war is not friendly enough for Europe.
    • The EU will lead the way in setting standards for the rest of us and we will have little option but to follow that.
    • For sure, Europe will seek partners around the world: to create a Euro-centric world order, not a truly global world order.

    4] Dilemma for India

    • This unilateral attempt to ‘shape the world’ in its image will also be portrayed as an attempt to counter Chinese attempts at global domination.
    • To oppose or not? When presented as such, countries such as India will face a clear dilemma: to politically and normatively oppose the setting of the global agenda by Europeans or to be practical about it and jump on the European bandwagon.

    Conclusion

    The key message from the European narratives about the Ukraine war is that European states would want to see their wars and conflicts as threatening international stability and the ‘rules-based’ global order.

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  • Iran, Belarus to be newest SCO Members

    Iran and Belarus are likely to be the two newest additions to the China and Russia-backed Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) grouping.

    What is SCO?

    Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO): a Formidable Alliance and its Significance for India - Olive Greens Institute Blog- Olive Greens Institute SSB | NDA | CDS

    • After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the then security and economic architecture in the Eurasian region dissolved and new structures had to come up.
    • The original Shanghai Five were China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan.
    • The SCO was formed in 2001, with Uzbekistan included. It expanded in 2017 to include India and Pakistan.
    • Since its formation, the SCO has focused on regional non-traditional security, with counter-terrorism as a priority.
    • The fight against the “three evils” of terrorism, separatism and extremism has become its mantra. Today, areas of cooperation include themes such as economics and culture.

    India’s entry to the SCO

    • India and Pakistan both were observer countries.
    • While Central Asian countries and China were not in favor of expansion initially, the main supporter — of India’s entry in particular — was Russia.
    • A widely held view is that Russia’s growing unease about an increasingly powerful China prompted it to push for its expansion.
    • From 2009 onwards, Russia officially supported India’s ambition to join the SCO in 2017.
    • China then asked for its all-weather friend Pakistan’s entry.

    Why expand now?

    • China and Russia are looking to frame the grouping as a counter to the West — particularly after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
    • China wishes to draw a sharp contrast between the SCO and NATO.

    Changing narrative of SCO

    • There has been discussion in the international arena that the trend of non-alignment is back.
    • NATO is based on Cold War thinking.
    • The logic of NATO is creating new enemies to sustain its own existence.
    • However, SCO is a cooperative organisation based on non-alignment and not targeting a third party.

    India and SCO: Present status

    • India will host the SCO summit next year, and Varanasi has been selected as the SCO region’s first “Tourism and Cultural Capital”.
    • India will also be chairing the summit.

    Try this PYQ now:

    In the context of the affairs of which of the following is the phrase “Special Safeguard Mechanisms” mentioned in the news frequently?

     

    (a) United Nations Environment Programme

    (b) World Trade Organization

    (c) ASEAN- India Free Trade Agreement

    (d) G-20 Summits

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”fbcu8jrl5p” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

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  • Rise in Unvaccinated Children in India

    The number of children in India who were unvaccinated or missed their first dose of diphtheria-tetanus-pertussis (DTP) combined vaccine doubled due to the pandemic, rising from 1.4 million in 2019 to 2.7 million in 2021, according to official data published by the WHO and UNICEF.

    Why in news?

    • This data signifies that the world recorded the largest sustained decline in childhood vaccinations in approximately 30 years.
    • There was an increase in zero dose.
    • This is the first time ever there has been a decline in evaluated coverage in immunisation for India as a whole.

    Vaccination measures in India

    • Intensified Mission Indradhanush (IMI) 4.0: India started IMI 4.0 from February 2022, which is expected to further reduce the number of unvaccinated children.
    • India’s Universal Immunisation Programme (UIP): It provide free vaccines to all children across the country to protect them against Tuberculosis, Diphtheria, Pertussis, Tetanus, Polio, Hepatitis B, Pneumonia and Meningitis due to Haemophilus Influenzae type b (Hib), Measles, Rubella, Japanese Encephalitis (JE) and Rotavirus diarrhoea. (Rubella, JE and Rotavirus vaccine in select states and districts).

    About Intensified Mission Indhradhanush (IMI) 4.0

    • IMI 4.0 aims to fill gaps in the routine immunisation coverage of infants and pregnant women hit by the Covid-19 pandemic and also aims to make lasting gains towards Universal Immunization.
    • It will have three rounds and will be conducted in 416 districts across 33 states.
    • Unlike the past, each round under IMI 4.0 will be conducted for seven days, including Routine Immunization (RI) days, Sundays, and public holidays.

    Mission Indradhanush (MI)

    • Mission Indradhanush (MI) was launched in 2014 with the goal to ensure full immunization with all available vaccines under Universal Immunization Programme (UIP) for children up to two years of age and pregnant women.
    • It targets achieving 90% full immunization coverage in all districts.
    • Under MI, all vaccines under the Universal Immunization Program (UIP) are provided as per National Immunization Schedule.
    • UIP provides free vaccines against 12 life-threatening diseases, mentioned above.

    Back2Basics: Universal Immunisation Programme

    • The Expanded Programme on Immunization was launched in 1978.
    • It was renamed as UIP in 1985 when its reach was expanded beyond urban areas.
    • UIP is one of the largest public health programmes targeting close to 2.67 crore newborns and 2.9 crore pregnant women annually.
    • Under UIP, Immunization is provided free of cost against 12 vaccine-preventable diseases.
    • The two major milestones of UIP have been the elimination of polio in 2014 and maternal and neonatal tetanus elimination in 2015.
    • To speed up the coverage, Mission Indradhanush was planned and implemented to rapidly increase the full coverage to 90%.

     

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  • Draft disability policy

    Context

    The Department of Empowerment of Person with Disabilities (DoEPwD) recently released the draft of the national policy for persons with disabilities.

    Why new policy?

    • Signing of UN convention: The necessity for a new policy which replaces the 2006 policy was felt because of multiple factors such as India’s signing of the United Nations Convention on Rights of Persons with Disabilities.
    • Increased number of disabilities: Enactment of Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act 2016, which increased the number of disabilities from seven conditions to 21 necessitated the change.
    • Incheon Strategy: Being a party to the Incheon Strategy for Asian and Pacific Decade of Persons with Disabilities, 2013-2022 (“Incheon commitment”).
    • Changed discourse from medical model to human right: These commitments have changed the discourse around disability by shifting the focus from the individual to society, i.e., from a medical model of disability to a social or human rights model of disability.
    • The principle of the draft policy is to showcase the Government’s commitment to the inclusion and empowerment of persons with disabilities by providing a mechanism that ensures their full participation in society.

    Absence of commitment to political uplift

    • Article 29 of the Convention on Rights of Persons with Disabilities mandates that state parties should “ensure that persons with disabilities can effectively and fully participate in political and public life on an equal basis with others, directly or through freely chosen representatives….”
    • The Incheon goals also promote participation in political processes and in decision making.
    • The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act 2016 embodies these principles within its fold.
    • India does not have any policy commitment that is aimed at enhancing the political participation of disabled people.
    • The exclusion of disabled people from the political space happens at all levels of the political process in the country, and in different ways.
    • Section 11 of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act prescribes that “The Election Commission of India and the State Election Commissions shall ensure that all polling stations are accessible to persons with disabilities and all materials related to the electoral process are easily understandable by and accessible to them”.
    • Although this mandate has been in existence for a few years, the disabled people still report accessibility issues before and on election day. 
    • There is often a lack of accessible polling booths in many locations.
    • Lack of aggregate data: The lack of live aggregate data on the exact number of the disabled people in every constituency only furthers their marginalisation.

    Lack of representation

    • Representation plays an imperative role in furthering the interests of the marginalised community.
    • Disabled people are not represented enough at all three levels of governance.
    • However, few States have begun the initiative at local levels to increase participation.
    • For instance, Chhattisgarh started the initiative of nominating at least one disabled person in each panchayat.
    • If a disabled person is not elected then they are nominated as a panchayat member as per changes in the law concerned.
    • This is a step that has increased the participation of the disabled in the political space at local level.
    • The goal of the policy document — of inclusiveness and empowerment — cannot be achieved without political inclusion.

    Suggestions: Follow four pronged approach

    • The policy can follow a four-pronged approach:
    • 1] Capacity building: Building the capacity of disabled people’s organisations and ‘empowering their members through training in the electoral system, government structure, and basic organisational and advocacy skills’;
    • 2] Legal and regulatory framework: The creation, amendment or removal of legal and regulatory frameworks by lawmakers and election bodies to encourage the political participation of the disabled;
    • 3] Participation of civil society: Inclusion of civil societies to ‘conduct domestic election observation or voter education campaigns’;
    • 4] Framework for outreach by political parties: A framework for political parties to ‘conduct a meaningful outreach to persons with disabilities when creating election campaign strategies and developing policy positions’.

    Conclusion

    The document lays emphasis on the point that central and State governments must work together with other stakeholders to “make the right real”. This right can be made real only when it includes political rights/political participation within it.

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  • Parliamentary language in the digital age

    Context

    Language not only changes across region but also profession. Similarly, Parliament, too, has its own list of absurd and archaic phrases.

    Debate over expunged words

    • Today there is much debate on language again after the Lok Sabha Secretariat compiled a list of 151 words, which have been expunged in 2021 and 2020 in Parliaments across the Commonwealth countries and State Assemblies in India.
    • Many of these words may look harmless, but in a heated exchange between parliamentarians, they may not exactly be virtuous.
    • The current compilation has especially caused consternation among Opposition parties which see this as an attempt to restrict their vocabulary.
    • The government argues that this list is at best only “instructive” and not “definitive”.
    • The preface of the document states that the context in which these words were used is far more important than the words themselves.
    • Ultimately, the final call of whether a word is “unparliamentary” or not lies with the presiding officer of the House.
    • In the first two decades of the Indian Parliament, English was the primary language used for parliamentary work.
    • This changed as the social composition of Parliament changed from the 1970s onwards.
    • At present, as many as 30 languages are used by parliamentarians during speeches, with many insisting on speaking their mother tongue during crucial debates.
    • Perhaps, the next such compilation will also have words expunged from different regional languages.

    Challenges in digital age

    •  The proceedings of both Houses of Parliament are relayed in real time on TV channels and YouTube.
    • There have been instances where live transmission has been halted on the Chair’s orders.
    • To circumvent this, many members have recorded the proceedings on their mobile phone cameras.
    • There are many instances of the Chair intervening and expunging words or phrases that it finds “objectionable”.
    • Herein lies the problem. The order of the Chair is often relayed by late evening to reporters, but by then, the video clip would have already been circulated many times over.
    • Print reporters are careful and abide by the orders, but in a digital ecosystem, this is not easy.

    Conclusion

    The problems posed to the Parliament in terms of language and words should be dealt with keeping in focus the freedom of speech of the members.

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