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GS Paper: GS2

  • In news: Two principles of Justice

    This newscard is an excerpt of the original article published in TH.

    Note: This article is of extreme theoretical nature. But it leaves scope for many vague questions for prelims as well as mains where most of us go clueless.

    Two principles of Justice

    • The concept, so-called, of “two principles of justice”, is synonymous with the name of John Rawls, a highly influential American liberal political philosopher of the last century.
    • The concept of two principles forms an encapsulation of the core principles of:
    • Freedom and equality embodied in the constitutions of any contemporary liberal democratic society
    • As such, they have acquired pre-eminence in a wide range of academic disciplines and in the arena of public policymaking.

    What are the two principles?

    • The first of Rawls’ two principles says that every citizen has the same claim to a scheme of equal basic liberties, which must also be compatible with those of every other citizen.
    • It enumerates an extensive list of basic civil and political rights, including a person’s freedom of conscience, expression and association; the right to a basic income; and the right to exercise the franchise.
    • Their resonance with the practical world of politics needs no emphasis; consider the chapter on fundamental rights in any constitution.
    • The second of Rawls’ two principles grapples with the underlying inequalities of social and economic institutions.

    How can these be reasonably justified to free and equal citizens?

    • In order to be morally defensible, the institutions must satisfy two conditions.
    1. First, they must guarantee fair equality of opportunities for competition to positions of public office and employment.
    2. Second, social and economic inequalities must be arranged in a manner that they work to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged members of society.
    • This latter postulate is Rawls’ famous “difference principle”.

    Significance of this principle

    • The political significance of Rawls’ two principles of justice obtains equally in the relative weight and primacy he assigns to their different components.
    • Between them, the first principle is accorded absolute priority over the second.
    • That is to say, the primacy of the equal basic liberties of citizens is non-negotiable in a democratic society.
    • The entitlement of each to the various liberties is as critical as they are universal and non-discriminatory.
    • Within the second principle, the first part takes precedence over the second.
    • In other words, public institutions could not appear legitimate in the eyes of citizens unless everybody could reasonably expect to enjoy the fruits of fair equality of opportunities.

     

    Try this question from CSP 2020:

    Q. One common agreement between Gandhism and Marxism is

    (a) The final goal of a stateless society

    (b) Class struggle

    (c) Abolition of private property

    (d) Economic determinism

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”yuea3fd1vc” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

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  • Need for closer scrutiny of reduced out-of-pocket expenditure on health

    Context

    The National Health Accounts (NHA) report for 2017-18 is being celebrated widely as it shows that total public spending on health as a percentage of GDP has increased to a historic high of 1.35% of GDP.

    India’s total public spending on health

    • One of the lowest in the world: India’s total public spending on health as a percentage of GDP or in per capita terms has been one of the lowest in the world.
    • Majority spent by the States: The Union government traditionally spends around a third of the total government spending whereas the majority is borne by the States.
    • There has been a policy consensus for more than a decade now that public spending has to increase to at least 2.5% of GDP.
    • However, there has not been any significant increase so far.
    • Despite several pronouncements, it has continued to hover around 1%-1.2% of GDP.

    Why NHA report is being celebrated?

    • The National Health Accounts (NHA) report capture spending on health by various sources, and track the schemes through which these funds are channelised to various providers in a given time period for a given geography.
    • The National Health Accounts (NHA) report for 2017-18 is being celebrated widely as it shows that total public spending on health as a percentage of GDP has increased to a historic high of 1.35% of GDP.
    • The increase shown in NHA 2017-18 is largely due to increase in Union government expenditure.
    • Increase in Centre’s share: For 2017-18, the Centre’s share in total public spending on health has jumped to 40.8%.
    • However, if we study the spending pattern of the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and the Ministry of AYUSH, we see that expenditure increased to 0.32% of GDP from 0.27% in 2016-17 — insufficient to explain the overall jump.

    Issues with NHA report

    • Expenditure of DMS included: Much of this increase has actually happened on account of a tripling of expenditure of the Defence Medical Services (DMS).
    • Compared to an expenditure of ₹10,485 in 2016-17, it increased to ₹32,118 crore.
    • Though the increasing spending for the health of defence personnel is a good thing, such spending does not benefit the general population. 
    •  Within government expenditure, the share of current health expenditure has come down to 71.9% compared to 77.9% a year ago.
    • Capital expenditure included: This essentially means, capital expenditure has increased, and specifically in defence.
    • There is a problem in accounting capital expenditure within the NHA framework.
    • Why capital expenditure needs to be left out: Equipment brought or a hospital that is built serves people for many years, so the expenditure incurred is used for the lifetime of the capital created and use does not get limited to that particular year in which expenditure is incurred.
    • The World Health Organization proposes to leave out capital expenditure from health accounts estimates, instead focus on current health expenditure.
    • Incomparable to other countries: In NHA estimates in India, in order to show higher public investment, capital expenditure is included; thus, Indian estimates become incomparable to other countries.
    • The NHA estimate also shows that out-of-pocket expenditure as a share of GDP has reduced to less than half of the total health expenditure.
    • NSSO 2017-18 data suggest that during this time period, utilisation of hospitalisation care has declined compared to 2014 NSSO estimates for almost all States and for various sections of society.
    • Sign of distress: The decline in out-of-pocket expenditure is essentially due to a decline in utilisation of care rather than greater financial protection.
    • Actually, the NSSO survey happened just after six months of demonetisation and almost at the same time when the Goods and Services Tax was introduced.
    • The disastrous consequences of the dual blow of demonetisation and GST on the purchasing power of people are quite well documented.
    • Another plausible explanation is linked to limitations in NSSO estimates. The NSSO fails to capture the spending pattern of the richest 5% of the population (who incur a large part of the health expenditure).
    • Thus, out-of-pocket expenditure measured from the NSSO could be an under-estimate as it fails to take into account the expenditure of the richest sections.

    Conclusion

    The reduction of out-of-pocket expenditure is a sign of distress and a result of methodological limitations of the NSSO, rather than a sign of increased financial protection.

     

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  • What’s behind the Russia-Ukraine Conflict?

    Thousands of Russian troops have been deployed to stations along Ukraine’s border, sparking fears among Western leaders and Ukraine itself that Moscow is planning an invasion

    Roots of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict

    Ans. USSR disintegration

    • Ukraine was a part of the Russian empire for centuries before becoming a Soviet republic.
    • It won independence as the USSR broke up in 1991.
    • Since then, it has moved to shed its Russian imperial legacy and is in increasingly close ties with the West.
    • After the Crimean annexation, both nations have signed ceasefire agreements at Minsk in 2014 and 2015.

    The beginning

    Ans. Separatist insurgency in Ukraine’s East (by Russian speaking population)

    • In 2014, then Russian-leaning Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych rejected an association agreement with the European Union in favor of closer ties with Moscow.
    • This sparked mass protests that led to his ouster in 2014.
    • Russia responded by annexing Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula and throwing its weight behind a separatist insurgency that broke out in Ukraine’s east.

    Beginning of armed conflict

    • More than 14,000 people have died in the fighting that devastated Ukraine’s eastern industrial heartland known as Donbas.
    • Ukraine and the West accused Russia of sending its troops and weapons to back the rebels.
    • Moscow denied that, charging that Russians who joined the separatists were volunteers.
    • Earlier this year, a spike in cease-fire violations in the east and a Russian troop concentration near Ukraine fueled war fears.

    Why is Russia resented over Ukraine?

    • Cultural ties defying the conflict: The Russian president has repeatedly described Russians and Ukrainians as “one people” and claims that Ukraine has unfairly received historic Russian lands during Soviet times.
    • Influence of the ‘West’: The Kremlin has accused Ukraine of failing to honor the 2015 peace deal and criticized the West for failing to encourage Ukrainian compliance.
    • Asylum to rebels: The agreement was a diplomatic coup for Moscow, requiring Ukraine to grant broad autonomy to the rebel regions and offer a sweeping amnesty to the rebels.
    • Affinity with the US and NATO: Ukraine’s aspirations to join NATO represent a red line for Moscow.

    American concern over Russian build-up

    • Buffer state with Russia: Ukraine is a crucial buffer between Russia and the West.
    • Heavy troop deployment: Russia hasn’t provided any details about its troop numbers and locations, saying that their deployment on its own territory shouldn’t concern anyone.
    • Invasion: Russia is planning to deploy an estimated 175,000 troops and almost half of them are already stationed along various points near Ukraine’s border in preparation for a possible invasion.
    • Protection of its ally: Ukraine has been a close ally of the US. Hence, NATO has placed its military infrastructure closer to Russia.

    Recent developments

    • As it moves a large number of troops towards the border, Russia seeks assurances from the US that Ukraine will not be inducted into NATO.
    • However, US President Joe Biden has made it clear that he is not prepared to give any such assurance.
    • This has left the countries in a stand-off, with tens of thousands of Russian troops ready to invade Ukraine at short notice, and the West not budging on Russia’s demands.
    • Experts believe that Russia is keeping the tensions high at the Ukraine border in order to get sanctions relief and other concessions from the West.

     

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  • Why India will be scrutinised at Summit for Democracy

    Context

    On December 9 and 10, US President Joe Biden will host a virtual “summit for democracy”, which will bring together leaders of 100 countries, civil society and private sector representatives.

    Challenges to India’s democratic image

    • India categorised as partly free: The US-based Freedom House’s “Freedoms of the World” index categorises India as only “partly free”; the Swedish V-Dem calls India an “electoral autocracy”.
    • Others lump India with Hungary, Turkey and the Philippines, where authoritarian leaders rule the roost.
    • Factors affecting India’s image: Rights violations in Kashmir, suspension of internet services in Kashmir, the conflation of political dissent with the colonial-era crime of sedition, the use of anti-terrorism laws to silence critics, the failure of the state to ensure freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, the anti-Muslim amendments to citizenship laws have all but shredded India’s democratic image.

    Agenda of the summit

    • The agenda of the summit holds contemporary resonance in India.
    • Three broad themes: According to the State Department, the summit will convene around three broad themes — defending democracy against authoritarianism, addressing and fighting corruption, and promoting respect for human rights.
    • Leaders will be “encouraged” to announce “specific actions and commitments” to meaningful domestic reforms and international initiatives that advance the summit’s goals.

    Why India’s contribution to the agenda will be scrutinized closely

    • Cultural relativisms: One theme that emerges from these observations is that of cultural relativism — the “Indianness of India’s democracy”— “as India becomes ever more democratic, democracy will become ever more Indian in its sensibilities and texture”.
    • Role of civil society: A second theme is the role of civil society.
    • It has been accused of “defaming” or bringing harm to India, as espoused most recently in statements by the National Security Adviser, who also called them “the new frontier of a fourth-generation war”.
    • Ensuring democratic rights: Another noticeable theme is around the responsibility for ensuring democratic rights.

    Challenges for India

    • India has to reconcile the paradox inherent in submitting to international gaze at a global assembly where it is apparently required to make commitments adhering to “western” standards of democracy while claiming there is an Indian model.
    • In March this year, External Affairs Minister Jaishankar dismissed global standards and international metrics of democracy as rubbish.
    • For perspective, this is what China says too.
    • When President Biden brought up Beijing’s human rights record, President Xi Jinping told him there was no “uniform model” of democracy, and that dismissing other “forms of democracy different from one’s own is itself undemocratic.
    • The summit may intensify these differences, particularly because the host has no shining credentials either.
    •  If democracy-building was never the US goal in Afghanistan, as Biden declared, why make the unfreezing of Afghan assets overseas conditional to the Taliban turning democratic and inclusive overnight?

    Conclusion

    India’s expected participation in the summit will come against a rather bleak backdrop of relativism, misinformation, confusion, obfuscation and polarisation on issues of democracy, civil society and rights.

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  • What the NFHS data reveals about inequality in India

    Context

    The release of the NFHS data (and the Niti Aayog’s study on developing a multi-dimensional index of poverty — MPI) has led to a considerable amount of discussion, and justifiably so.

    Understanding the progress and development: MPI

    • The MPI is an Oxford-based initiative that develops an exclusive broadly non-monetary living standard index of poverty.
    • MPI indices are the third in the series of global studies on poverty.
    • Global studies on poverty: Global studies started with the World Bank’s income/consumption-based measure of absolute poverty.
    • The UN expanded the monetary index adding health and education indicators via the Human Development Index (HDI).

    Evolution of poverty over time

    • Like with the other poverty indices (World Bank and HDI), most information and useful policy analysis comes via a study of the inter-temporal evolution of poverty. 
    • Regional inequality: Ajit Ranade acknowledges that regional inequality has existed for some time, but he argues that poverty incidence across Indian states even as per the MPI is astoundingly unequal.
    • T N Ninan talks about the simultaneous existence of Africa’s Sahel region and the Philippines in India.
    • He finds that the two Indias are not getting any closer.
    • Indeed, India’s development trajectory has not been uniform, but the regional imbalance of development cannot be viewed at a fixed point in time.

    Analysing the NHFS data

    • A detailed examination of the summary statistics reported in the NFHS data (large and small states of India for the two years 2015-16 and 2019-21), reveals the opposite result.
    • Convergence: The analysis reveals remarkable convergence in living standards, a convergence possibly unparalleled in Indian history and in the space of just five years.
    • NFHS reports the averages for all states, and for 131 variables, for two years 2015-16 and 2020-21.
    • Seventeen of these 131 welfare indicators are used to construct indices under four classifications.
    • Improvement in lives of girls/women: The first classification concerns itself with the improvement in the lives of girls/women (five indicators, for example, sex ratio, fertility, female education).
    • Housing conditions: The second bucket consists of housing conditions (three indicators, for example, improved sanitation, clean fuel).
    • Children’s welfare: The third list consists of children’s welfare (four indicators such as adequate diet, stunting)
    • Women’s welfare: The fourth classification includes women’s empowerment (five indicators, for example, owning a house, less spousal violence).
    • Given that Niti Aayog’s report primarily relies on the NFHS-4, these findings can be used as the baseline scenario to evaluate the delta — that is, the per cent change in indicators between NFHS-4 and NFHS-5.
    • The table reports the results for several states.

    • Seventeen indicators imply a maximum possible score of 1,700.
    • Kerala performs the best with an aggregate index of 1,300 in NFHS-5 — a very small 1.5 per cent increase from its 2015-16 value.
    • In contrast, Bihar increases its index by 56 per cent.
    • Punjab does better than Tamil Nadu and today has a higher index – 1,240 versus 1,178 in 2020-21.
    • UP (along with Rajasthan and MP) performs the best — a 60 plus per cent increase in the welfare index, more than five times the increase in the rich states.

    Major findings from the NHFS data

    • Convergence: Higher improvement by less developed states is evidence in support of catch-up, which suggests that regional imbalances are reducing, and in some indicators, rapidly so.
    • States such as UP, Bihar and Jharkhand are fast approaching similar standards for select indicators as some of the “developed” states.
    • Result of targeted intervention: This acceleration in catch up is no coincidence, but rather an outcome of an approach that involves targeted interventions to improve developmental outcomes.
    • The approach was not just limited to sanitation, proper fuel or electricity — interventions that are targeted to an individual household — but also to the holistic development of an entire region.

    Consider the question “What does NHFS-5 data reveal about the inequality in India?”

    Conclusion

    India has been, and was, not one but several Indias. What is remarkable about its recent history is the rapid process of uneven change — where progress is considerably higher for the poorer states — the convergent, and inclusive pattern of development. That is the real story behind the NFHS-4 and NFHS-5 numbers.

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  • Unresolved constitutional cases

    Context

    As 2021 draws to a close, a look at the Supreme Court of India’s docket reveals a host of highly significant constitutional cases that were long-pending when the year began, and are now simply a year older without any sign of resolution around the corner.

    How delay in judicial process matters differently for the State and individual?

    • While the violation of rights — whether through executive or legislative action — is relatively costless for the state, it is the individual, or individuals, who pay the price.
    • Making the Constitution effective: Consequently, a Constitution is entirely ineffective if a rights-violating status quo is allowed to exist and perpetuate for months, or even years, before it is finally resolved.
    • This point, of course, is not limited to the violation of rights, but extends to all significant constitutional questions that arise in the course of controversial state action.
    • Missing the accountability: Issues around the federal structure, elections, and many others, all involve questions of power and accountability, and the longer that courts take to resolve such cases, the more we move from a realm of accountability to a realm of impunity.
    • The longer such cases are left hanging without a decision, the greater the damage that is inflicted upon our constitutional democracy’s commitment to the rule of law.

    Significant cases that are unresolved

    [a] Challenge to the dilution of Article 370

    • There is the constitutional challenge to the Presidential Orders of August 5, 2019, that effectively diluted Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, and bifurcated the State of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories, controlled by the Centre.
    • It raises the question of whether the Centre can take advantage of an Article 356 situation in a State — a time when no elected government and Assembly is in existence — to make permanent and irreversible alterations in the very structure of the State itself.
    •  Implications for federal structure: The answer will have important ramifications not just for Jammu and Kashmir but for the entire federal structure:
    • India has a long history of the abuse of Article 356 to “get rid of” inconvenient State governments, and a further expansion of the power already enjoyed by the Centre will skew an already tilted federal scheme even further.
    • Power of the Parliament to alter convert State into UT: The case also raises the question of whether, under the Constitution, the Union Legislature has the authority not simply to alter State boundaries (a power granted to it by Article 3 of the Constitution), but degrade a State into a Union Territory.
    • If it turned out that the Union Legislature does have this power, it would essentially mean that India’s federal structure is entirely at the mercy of Parliament.

    [2] Constitutional challenge to the electoral bond scheme

    • Opaque and structurally biased: The electoral bonds scheme authorises limitless, anonymous corporate donations to political parties, making election funding both entirely opaque to the people, as well as being structurally biased towards the party that is in power at the Centre.
    • Impact on integrity and right of the citizens to informed vote: In numerous central and State election cycles in the last four years, thousands of crores of rupees have been spent in anonymous political donations, thus impacting not only the integrity of the election process but also the constitutional right of citizens to an informed vote.
    • However, other than two interim orders, the Supreme Court has refused to accord a full hearing to the constitutional challenge.

    [3] Other significant cases

    • Statutory basis of the CBI: As far back as 2013, the Gauhati High Court held that the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) was not established under any statutory authority.
    • This verdict was immediately stayed when it was appealed to the Supreme Court, but in the intervening years, it has never been heard.
    • Challenge to the CAA: More recently, constitutional challenges to the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), filed in the immediate aftermath of the legislation’s enactment, remain unheard.
    • Challenge to the UAPA: The challenges to the much-criticised Section 43(D)(5) of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, which makes the grant of bail effectively impossible, and is responsible for the years-long incarceration of several people.
    • The challenge to Section 43(D)(5) is perhaps the case that most directly affects civil rights, as the section continues to be applied on a regular basis.

    Implications of the delay

    • Favouring one party: The Supreme Court’s inaction is not neutral, but rather, favours the beneficiaries of the status quo.
    • In other words, by not deciding, the Court is in effect deciding — in favour of one party — but without a reasoned judgment that justifies its stance.
    • Impact on accountability: Judicial evasion of this kind is also damaging for the accountability of the judiciary itself.
    • The Court’s inaction plays as significant a role on the ground as does its action, there is no judgment — and no reasoning — that the public can engage with.
    • Impact on the rule of law: For obvious reasons, this too has a serious impact on the rule of law.

    Consider the question “What are the implications of the delay in deciding the constitutionally significant cases? Suggest the way forward.”

    Conclusion

    The current CJI has been on record stressing the importance of the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary. One way of demonstrating that in action might be to hear — and decide — the important constitutional cases pending before the Court.

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  • Realising the potential of India-Russia ties

    Context

    The Russian president is on visit to India. Visits by Russian presidents to India always invoke a sense of nostalgia. The Moscow-Delhi relationship dates back to the Cold War era and it has been strong ever since.

    Factors limiting the possibilities for bilateral partnership

    • The conflict between Russia and the West: One factor is the continuing conflict between the Kremlin and the West.
    • Absence of trade between India and Russia: The other is the absence of a thriving commercial relationship between India and Russia.
    • India-US relations: India’s relations with Washington has never been as intense as it is today.
    • Russia-China relations: Moscow’s embrace of Beijing is tighter than ever.
    • The US-China rivalry: That the US and China are now at each other’s throats makes the great power dynamic a lot more complicated for India and Russia.

    Importance of trade ties

    • Need for robust business ties: That Delhi and Moscow have problems with the best friend of the other would have been more manageable if business ties between India and Russia were solid.
    • Where India and Russia have greater freedom is in the economic domain, but their failure to boost the commercial relationship has been stark.
    • India-Russia annual trade in goods is stuck at about $10 billion.
    • Slow progress on enhancing trade and investment ties: During the last 20 summits with Putin, the two sides have repeatedly affirmed the importance of enhancing trade and investment ties; but progress has been hard to come by.
    • How to fix the problem? The problem clearly can’t be fixed at the level of governments.
    • The Russian business elites gravitate to Europe and China. The Indian corporations are focused on America and China.

    Russia-US ties and its implications for India

    • Implications for India? The structural constraints posed by the great power dynamic and vastly different appreciation of the regional security environment could be reduced if matters improve between Washington and Moscow.
    • In Washington, the Biden administration recognises the importance of ending this permanent crisis in US-Russian relations.
    • Winning a strategic competition with China: The Biden administration, which is focused on winning the intensifying strategic competition with China, values a stable relationship with Russia.
    •  Nothing pleases Moscow more than the image of being Washington’s equal on the global stage.
    • Relief for India: A less conflictual relationship between Washington and Moscow will be a huge relief for India; but Delhi can’t nudge them closer to each other.

    Why the partnership with India matters to Russia

    • Dangers of excessive reliance on China: Persistent conflict with the US, Europe, and Japan have moved Moscow ever closer to Beijing.
    • But Moscow knows the dangers of relying solely on a neighbour which has risen to greatness — the Chinese economy at nearly $15 trillion today is nearly 10 times larger than that of Russia.
    • Sustaining the traditional partnership with India: While resetting Russia’s relations with the West is hard, sustaining the traditional partnership with Delhi is of some political value to Moscow.
    • Longstanding defence ties: Russia is pleased that the S-400 missile sale has gone through despite strong US opposition.
    • For it signals Delhi’s commitment not to let Washington roll back India’s longstanding defence ties with Russia.
    • Russia knows India’s strategic cooperation with the US has acquired an unstoppable momentum; and Delhi knows it has no veto over the Sino-Russian strategic partnership.
    • Moscow and Delhi are learning to live with this uncomfortable unreality and stabilising their political ties within that context.

    Consider the question “While both India and Russia have drifted apart from the depth of past partnerships, there is a need for stabilising their political ties within the changed context.Comment.”

    Context

    Delhi and Moscow have no reason to be satisfied with the poor state of their commercial ties. The success of Monday’s summit lies not in squeezing more out of bilateral defence ties, but in laying a clear path for expansive economic cooperation, and generating a better understanding of each other’s imperatives on Afghanistan and the Indo-Pacific.

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  • When can an individual get Statutory Bail?

    The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has approached the Supreme Court against a Bombay High Court order granting bail to an advocate and activist.

    What is the case?

    • In its bail order, the court has asked the NIA Court to decide the conditions for her release.
    • The activist was given ‘default bail’.
    • The case highlights the nuances involved in a court determining the circumstances in which statutory bail is granted or denied, even though it is generally considered “an indefeasible right”.

    What is default bail?

    • This is enshrined in Section 167(2) of the Code of Criminal Procedure.
    • Also known as statutory bail, this is a Right to Bail that accrues when the police fail to complete investigation within a specified period in respect of a person in judicial custody.
    • When it is not possible for the police to complete an investigation in 24 hours, the police produce the suspect in court and seek orders for either police or judicial custody.

    When is the Bail granted?

    • For most offences, the police have 60 days to complete the investigation and file a final report before the court.
    • However, where the offence attracts death sentence or life imprisonment, or a jail term of not less than 10 years, the period available is 90 days.
    • In other words, a magistrate cannot authorise a person’s judicial remand beyond the 60-or 90-day limit.
    • At the end of this period, if the investigation is not complete, the court shall release the person “if he is prepared to and does furnish bail”.

    How does the provision vary for special laws?

    The extension of time is not automatic but requires a judicial order.

    • Ordinary law (IPC/CrPC): The 60- or 90-day limit is only for ordinary penal law.
    • Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act: In NDPS Act, the period is 180 days. However, in cases involving substances in commercial quantity, the period may be extended up to one year.
    • Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act: In UAPA, the default limit is 90 days only. The court may grant an extension of another 90 days, if it is satisfied that the progress made in the investigation and giving reasons to keep the accused in further custody.

    What are the laid-down principles on this aspect?

    • A matter of Right: Default or statutory bail is an indefeasible right’, regardless of the nature of the crime liberty under Article 21 of the Constitution.
    • Stipulated period calculation: The stipulated period within which the charge sheet has to be filed begins from the day the accused is remanded for the first time. It includes days undergone in both police and judicial custody, but not days spent in house-arrest.
    • Voluntary: There is no automatic bail.

    Try this similar PYQ from CSP 2021:

    Q. With reference to India, consider the following statements:

    1. When a prisoner makes a sufficient case, parole cannot be out denied to such prisoner because it becomes a matter of his/her right.
    2. State Governments have their own Prisoners Release on Parole Rules.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

     

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  • The NIRF’s ranking of education institutions on a common scale is problematic

    Context

    The ranking of State-run higher education institutions (HEIs) together with centrally funded institutions using the National Institutional Ranking Framework, or the NIRF, is akin to comparing apples and oranges.

    Institute data

    • According to an All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) 2019-20 report, there are 1,043 HEIs.
    • Of these, 48 are central universities.
    • 135 are institutions of national importance,
    • 1 is a central open university,
    • 386 are State public universities,
    • 5 are institutions under the State legislature act,
    • 14 are State open universities,
    • 327 are State private universities,
    • 1 is a State private open university,
    • 36 are government deemed universities,
    • 10 are government aided deemed universities.
    • 80 are private deemed universities.

    Comparison of financial health of State HEI with Central HEIs

    • A close study of the above data shows that 184 are centrally funded institutions (out of 1,043 HEIs in the country) to which the Government of India generously allocates its financial resources in contrast to inadequate financial support provided by State governments to their respective State public universities and colleges.
    • The Central government earmarked the sums, ₹7,686 crore and ₹7,643.26 crore to the IITs and central universities, respectively, in the Union Budget 2021.
    • Ironically, out of the total student enrolment, the number of undergraduate students is the largest (13,97,527) in State public universities followed by State open universities (9,22,944).

    How NIRF ranks the education institutions?

    • Parameters set by the core committee of experts: The NIRF outlines a methodology to rank HEIs across the country, which is based on a set of metrics for the ranking of HEIs as agreed upon by a core committee of experts set up by the then Ministry of Human Resources Development (now the Ministry of Education), Government of India
    • The NIRF ranks HEIs on five parameters: teaching, learning and resources; research and professional practice; graduation outcome; outreach and inclusivity, and perception.

    Where do State HEIs lag on NIRF parameters?

    • Teaching, learning and resources include metrics viz. student strength including doctoral students, the faculty-student ratio with an emphasis on permanent faculty, a combined metric for faculty with the qualification of PhD (or equivalent) and experience, and financial resources and their utilisation.
    • Low faculty strength in State HEIs: In the absence of adequate faculty strength, most State HEIs lag behind in this crucial NIRF parameter for ranking.
    • The depleting strength of teachers has further weakened the faculty-student ratio with an emphasis on permanent faculty in HEIs.
    • Research and professional practise encompasses a combined metric for publications, a combined metric for quality of publications, intellectual property rights/patents and the footprint of projects, professional practice and executive development programmes.
    • Need for modernisation of laboratories: As most laboratories need drastic modernisation in keeping pace with today’s market demand, it is no wonder that State HEIs fare miserably in this parameter as well while pitted against central institutions.

    Issues with comparing State HEIs with Central HEIs

    • The difference in financial allocations diregarded: The financial health of State-sponsored HEIs is an open secret with salary and pension liabilities barely being managed.
    • Hence, rating such institutions vis-à-vis centrally funded institutions does not make any sense.
    • No cost-benefit analysis carried out: No agency carries out a cost-benefit analysis of State versus centrally funded HEIs on economic indicators such as return on investment the Government made into them vis-à-vis the contribution of their students in nation building parameters such as the number of students who passed out serving in rural areas, and bringing relief to common man.
    • While students who pass out of elite institutions generally prefer to move abroad in search of higher studies and better career prospects, a majority of State HEIs contribute immensely in building the local economy.
    • Issues in embracing technologies: State HEIs are struggling to embrace emerging technologies involving artificial intelligence, machine learning, block chains, smart boards, handheld computing devices, adaptive computer testing for student development.

    Consider the question “What are the challenges in the ranking of Higher Education Institutions in India? What are the issues faced by State HEI?”

    Conclusion

    Ranking HEIs on a common scale purely based on strengths without taking note of the challenges and the weaknesses they face is not justified. It is time the NIRF plans an appropriate mechanism to rate the output and the performance of institutes in light of their constraints and the resources available to them.

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  • How MPs’ Questions are allowed, disallowed

    Over the last few sessions of Parliament, MPs mainly from the Opposition have often alleged that their questions have been intentionally disallowed.

    What are the categories of Questions?

    (1) Starred Question

    • The member desires an oral answer from the minister.
    • Such a question is distinguished by the MP with an asterisk.
    • The answer can also be followed by supplementary questions from members.

    (2) Unstarred Question

    • The MP seeks a written answer, which is deemed to be laid on the table of the House by the concerned minister.

    (3) Short Notice Question

    • These are on an urgent matter of public importance, and an oral answer is sought.
    • A notice of less than 10 days is prescribed as the minimum period for asking such a question.

    (4) Question to a Private Member

    • A question can be addressed to a private member under Rule 40 of Lok Sabha’s Rules of Procedure, or under Rule 48 of Rajya Sabha’s Rules.
    • Such question deals with a subject relating to some Bill, resolution or other matter for which that member is responsible.

    When are the questions asked?

    Ans. Question Hour

    • In both Houses, the first hour of every sitting is usually devoted to asking and answering of questions, and this is referred to as the ‘Question Hour’.
    • The total number of questions for any day is limited to 175.
    • These includes 15 questions for oral answers, questions postponed from one list to another for written answers, and 15 questions pertaining to states under President’s Rule.

    How are questions admitted?

    • In both Houses, elected members enjoy the right to seek information from various ministries and departments in the form of questions.
    • The Rajya Sabha Chairman or the Lok Sabha Speaker has the authority to decide whether a question or a part is or is not admissible under the norms of the House, and disallow any question or a part.
    • Usually, MPs’ questions form a long list, which then go through a rigorous process of clearance.
    • Once a question that fulfils the conditions of admissibility is received, the Secretariat sends it to the ministry concerned.
    • Once the facts are received from the ministry, the question is further examined for admissibility.
    • A final list of questions is circulated to ministers, on the basis of which they frame their answers.

    Answering the Questions

    • For answering the questions, ministries and departments have been divided into five groups (I to V) that have been allotted Mondays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays respectively.
    • The grouping has been done in such a way that each minister has one fixed day in the week for answering questions in Rajya Sabha and another fixed day for answering questions in Lok Sabha.

    What kind of questions can be asked?

    (A) Rajya Sabha

    • The question shall be pointed, specific and confined to one issue only
    • It shall not bring in any name or statement not strictly necessary to make the question intelligible
    • If it contains a statement the member shall make himself responsible for the accuracy of the statement
    • It shall not contain arguments, inferences, ironical expressions, imputations, epithets or defamatory statements

    (B) Lok Sabha

    Questions that are not admitted include:

    • Those that are repetitive or have been answered previously and
    • Matters that are pending for judgment before any court of law or under consideration before a Parliamentary Committee

     

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