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  • [pib] Good Governance Index 2021

    The Centre has released the Good Governance Index 2021 prepared by DARPG (Department of Administrative Reforms and Public Grievances) on Good Governance Day.

    Try this question from CS Mains 2016:

     

    Q. What do you understand by the terms ‘governance’, ‘good governance’ and ‘ethical governance’?

    What do you mean by Good Governance?

    • It is the process of measuring how public institution conduct public affairs and manage public resources and guarantee the realization of human rights in a manner essentially free of abuse and corruption and with due regard for the rule of law.

    12 Principles of Good Governance:

    1. Participation, Representation, Fair Conduct of Elections
    2. Responsiveness
    3. Efficiency and Effectiveness
    4. Openness and Transparency
    5. Rule of Law
    6. Ethical Conduct
    7. Competence and Capacity
    8. Innovation and Openness to Change
    9. Sustainability and Long-term Orientation
    10. Sound Financial Management
    11. Human rights, Cultural Diversity and Social Cohesion
    12. Accountability

    About Good Governance Index (GGI)

    • The GGI is a uniform tool across States to assess the Status of Governance and the impact of various interventions taken up by the State Government and UTs.
    • The objectives are:
    1. To provide quantifiable data to compare the state of governance in all states and UTs, enable states and UTs
    2. To formulate and implement suitable strategies for improving governance and shift to result-oriented approaches and administration

    Components of GGI

    • GGI 2021 Framework covered ten sectors and 58 indicators.
    • These ten Governance Sectors are measured on total 50 indicators:
    1. Agriculture and Allied Sectors
    2. Commerce & Industries
    3. Human Resource Development
    4. Public Health
    5. Public Infrastructure & Utilities
    6. Economic Governance
    7. Social Welfare & Development
    8. Judicial & Public Security
    9. Environment
    10. Citizen-Centric Governance

    Categorization of States and UTs

    The GGI 2020-21 categorizes States and UTs into four categories, i.e.

    1. Other States – Group A
    2. Other States – Group B
    3. North-East and Hill States and
    4. Union Territories

    Top performers in 2021

    • Gujarat, Maharashtra and Goa top the composite rank score covering 10 sectors.
    • GGI 2021 says that Gujarat registered 12.3 percent increase and Goa registered 24.7 percent increase over GGI 2019 indicators.
    • Rajasthan has topped the Other States (Group B) category in Judiciary and Public Safety, Environment & Citizen Centric Governance.
    • GGI 2021 says that in the North-East and Hill States category, Mizoram and Jammu and Kashmir have registered an overall increase of 10.4% and 3.7% respectively over GGI 2019.
    • In the UTs category, Delhi tops the composite rank registering a 14 percent increase over the GGI 2019 indicators.

     

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  • [pib] Centre declares Soya Meal as an Essential Commodity

    In a bid to cool down the domestic prices of Soya Meal, Government has notified order under the Essential Commodities Act to declare ‘Soya Meal’ as Essential Commodities under the Essential Commodities Act, 1955.

    Essential Commodities Act

    • The ECA, 1955 was established to ensure the delivery of certain commodities or products, the supply of which, if obstructed due to hoarding or black marketing, would affect the normal life of the people.
    • The list of items under the Act includes drugs, fertilizers, pulses, and edible oils, as well as petroleum and petroleum products.
    • The Centre can include new commodities as and when the need arises, and takes them off the list once the situation improves.
    • Additionally, the government can also fix the maximum retail price (MRP) of any packaged product that it declares an “essential commodity”.

    How ECA works?

    (1) Centre notifying stock limit holding

    • If the Centre finds that a certain commodity is in short supply and its price is spiking, it can notify stock-holding limits on it for a specified period.
    • The States act on this notification to specify limits and take steps to ensure that these are adhered to.
    • Anybody trading or dealing in the commodity, be it wholesalers, retailers or even importers are prevented from stockpiling it beyond a certain quantity.

    (2) States can opt-out

    • A State can, however, choose not to impose any restrictions.
    • But once it does, traders have to immediately sell into the market any stocks held beyond the mandated quantity.

    What happens for non-compliance?

    • As not all shopkeepers and traders comply, State agencies conduct raids to get everyone to toe the line and the errant are punished.
    • The excess stocks are auctioned or sold through fair price shops.
    • This improves supplies and brings down prices.

    Ex: The Union Government has brought masks and hand-sanitizers under the ECA to make sure that these products, key for preventing the spread of Covid-19 infection, are available to people at the right price and in the right quality. Later this move was reverted.

    What about Food Items?

    (1) Items covered:

    Rice, wheat, atta, gram dal, arhar dal, moong dal, urad dal, masoor, dal, tea, sugar, salt, Vanaspati, groundnut oil, mustard oil, milk, soya oil, palm oil, sunflower oil, gur, potato, onion and tomato.

    (2) Price Stabilization Fund (PSF):

    The government utilizes the buffer of agri-horticultural commodities like pulses, onion, etc. built under Price Stabilization Fund (PSF) to help moderate the volatility in prices.

    Recent amendments to the ECA

    In 2020, the EC Act was amended for the stock limit to be imposed only under exceptional circumstances such as famine or other calamities.

    • Exceptional circumstances: It allowed the centre to delist certain commodities as essential, allowing the government to regulate their supply and prices only in cases of war, famine, extraordinary price rises, or natural calamities.
    • Commodities de-regulated: The commodities that have been deregulated are food items, including cereals, pulses, potatoes, onion, edible oilseeds, and oils.

    Exceptions provided:

    • The government regulation of stocks will be based on rising prices, and can only be imposed if there is
    1. A 100% increase in retail price in the case of horticultural produce and
    2. A 50% increase in retail price in the case of non-perishable agricultural food items
    • These restrictions will not apply to stocks of food held for public distribution in India.

     

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  • Plea in Supreme Court seeks ‘Uniform Judicial Code’ for HCs

    A petition was filed in the Supreme Court to implement a “Uniform Judicial Code (UJC)” for High Courts across the country to adopt a uniform set of procedures, especially for virtual courts.

    What is the PIL about?

    • The petition urged the apex court to take appropriate steps to adopt uniform procedure for case registration, use common judicial terms, phrases and abbreviations and make the court fee uniform.
    • It has, alternatively, sought a direction to the Law Commission of India to prepare a report in consultation with the HC in this regard.

    Why need UJC?

    • Matter of Equality: Judicial equality is a matter of constitutional right, its differentiation based on the jurisdiction of courts violates the right to equality.
    • Different nomenclatures: All the 25 High Courts have different usage of the phrases when it comes to identifying different cases.
    • Diverse procedures: The PIL plea highlighted how different High Courts follow different procedures in matters pertaining to virtual courts, started during the pandemic.
    • Different fees: Unequal court fees in different states discriminate among citizens based on their place of birth and residence. Moreover, it promotes regionalism; hence it is a clear violation of Articles 14-15.

    Way forward: Bringing in digitized Judiciary systems

    • The judiciary needs to develop a well-defined framework supported by an accessible platform and direct e-court system in India.
    • It also needs to harp on advanced infrastructure to run an e-court system that eradicates the digital divide, simultaneously upping judicial functioning.
    • While the digitized judicial systems give some semblance of convenience for the people who interact with the court, digitization also brings threats of intrusion etc.

     

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  • Maharashtra govt.’s Shakti Bill

    The Maharashtra government’s Shakti Criminal Laws (Maharashtra Amendment) Bill, 2020, on crimes against women and children has recommended capital punishment in rape cases.

    Why have stringent laws have consistently failed to instill any fear in rapists? Discuss.

    Shakti Act: Key Provisions

    • Capital punishment: It proposes stringent punishment including the death penalty and heavy fines for the culprits.
    • Fast-track trial: Special police teams and separate courts will be set up for investigation and trial of cases against women and children.
    • Jail term: The perpetrators if found guilty will be punished with imprisonment for life for not less than ten years but may extend to the remainder of natural life or with death in cases which have characteristics of being heinous in nature.
    • Compensation: A sum of Rs 10 lakh will be given to an acid attack victim for plastic surgery and facial reconstruction and the amount will be collected as fine from the convict.
    • Rapid investigation: The investigation shall be completed within a period of 15 working days from the date of registration of an offence. This can be extended by 7 days.
    • In-camera investigation: Some cases will be tried in-camera for the recording of evidence of victims and witnesses who are vulnerable.

    Why in news?

    (1) Covering acid-attacks

    • Politicians in Maharashtra have recommended increasing the quantum of punishment for acid attack cases under section 326A of IPC to at least 15 years that may extend to the remainder of a convict’s natural life.
    • The expenditure of plastic surgery and face reconstruction operations for the victim will be taken care of from the monetary fine to be charged on the accused.

    (2) Social media accountability

    • The panel has also increased the punishment under the IPC section 175A for failure to share data for probe by social media platforms, internet providers.
    • Also, under Pocso Act, the data must be within three days at the pain of penalty.

    (3) Curb on false complaints

    • Punishment will be increased for false complaints and for giving wrong information to a public servant.
    • The provisions under the bill are being made more stringent to punish the culprits and set deterrence.
    • However, it is also necessary that the innocent are saved and so severe punishment is required against people filing false or wrongful complaints.
    • The committee has also scrapped the provision of not giving anticipatory bail to people making wrongful or false complaints.

    (4) Covering trans-persons

    • Under section 354E, which provides for punishment for any act of intimidating woman and insulting her modesty, the category of offenders has been increased to cover men, women and even transgender persons.

    Limitations of stringent laws

    • Despite several laws, incidences of rapes continue unabated.
    • In fact, now we hear cases of extreme brutality.
    • The general perception is that since the laws have been made more stringent, so the rapists resort to extreme measures in a bid to destroy the evidence.

    Way forward

    • What we need is better policing, making public spaces safer for women, ensuring round-the-clock surveillance of isolated areas, and deployment of police at all strategic points.
    • Prevention and not punishment is the solution and that requires concerted efforts on part of all the stakeholders.
    • It is not harsher punishments that will deter. It is the fear of being caught and not being spared.

     

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  • Electoral reform is welcome, but shouldn’t be selective

    Context

    The Election Laws (Amendment) Bill that seeks to link the electoral rolls with the Aadhaar database has been passed by both the Houses of the parliament.

    Three electoral reforms

    • A wide range of electoral reform proposals has been pending with the government, several of them for over two decades.
    • The three reforms — common electoral rolls for Vidhan Sabha and panchayat elections, extending the qualifying date for registration of young new voters, and linking of Aadhaar with electoral rolls — taken up by the Union Cabinet on December 15 are, therefore, significant.

    [1] Common electoral rolls

    • For years, the ECI has been advocating a common electoral roll for all elections.
    • Currently, separate electoral rolls are maintained for elections to the Lok Sabha, Vidhan Sabha and local government bodies (panchayats or municipal).
    • Role of ECI and SECs: There are two types of election management bodies in the country — the ECI that conducts the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections and SECs that conduct panchayat and municipal elections.
    • The process for making electoral rolls is laid down in the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960.
    • The SECs have the option of either adopting the electoral rolls created by the ECI or preparing such rolls on their own.
    • Most prefer to use the rolls prepared by the ECI.
    • Some states, however, develop their rolls independently.
    • These are Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh, Kerala, Odisha, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.
    • Considering that a voter for all three tiers of elected bodies is the same, why is it that she finds her name missing from one of the rolls, mostly the panchayat rolls?
    • This is particularly surprising when the officials responsible for making both these rolls are the same.
    • A common electoral roll is thus a logical solution. 

    Benefits of common electoral rolls

    • Tackling stuffing voters: A common experience has been the stuffing of bogus voters in the panchayat/municipal rolls.
    • Corrupt practices are proportionately higher in PRI polls.
    • Avoid the involvement of teachers in the non-teaching work: The process of making electoral rolls is usually done by the schoolteachers.
    • Their involvement in non-teaching work takes its toll.
    • Cost-saving: A common electoral roll will obviate the need for deploying them repeatedly, besides saving enormous costs.

    Suggestions for preparation of common electoral rolls

    • Issue joint instructions: The ECI and SECs can issue joint instructions for preparing the common rolls. The roll-making machinery stays the same.
    • Pilot studies may be conducted in random constituencies to identify the discrepancies between two sets of rolls and their reasons.

    What are the constitutional and legal changes required?

    • Amendment in Article 243K and 243ZA: The SECs derive their powers to supervise local body elections from Articles 243K and 243ZA of the Constitution.
    • Changes in State laws: All state governments would have to change their electoral laws to adopt ECI electoral rolls for local elections.

    [2] Eligibility date of new voters

    • According to Section 14(b) of the Representation of People Act of 1950, only those who have turned 18 on or before January 1 of the year are to be registered.
    • This implies that all those who turn 18 between January 2 and December 31 of a year must wait till the next year.
    • This technicality results in the exclusion of a large section of 18-year-olds.

    Suggestion by ECI on eligibility date

    • The ECI had sent a letter to the Law Ministry on November 4, 2013, which recommended the issuing of a voter card to an individual ideally on their 18th birthday, or updating voter rolls every month or quarter.
    • A committee of the Ministry of Law and Justice under Sushil Kumar Modi has proposed quarterly cut-off dates for voter registration — January 1, April 1, July 1 and October 1.

    [3] Aadhar linking

    • The proposal to link electoral rolls with Aadhaar was first mooted by the ECI in 2015 but work on it had to be stopped when the Supreme Court ruled that Aadhaar cannot be used except voluntarily for beneficiary-oriented schemes.
    • Benefits of linking: The linking will help in identifying duplicate voters, something that ECI has been desperately attempting for years using various “de-duplication” software with limited success.

    Consider the question “What are the concerns with linking of Aadhar and electoral rolls? Suggest the way forward.”

    Conclusion

    Any progress in addressing the vexed issue of electoral reform — even in a piecemeal manner — is welcome. The time has, however, come for the government to consider the 40-plus pending proposals, instead of selectively going for some reforms.

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  • In electoral reform bill’s passing, a missed opportunity

    Context

    The Election Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2021 was passed in the Lok Sabha recently. It seeks to link electoral rolls with the Aadhaar ecosystem.

    What are the concerns with linking of Aadhar with electoral roll?

    [1] Aadhar is not proof of citizenship

    • Aadhaar is not meant to be a citizenship proof but only a digital identity for all residents.
    • Residence of 182 days can make even a non-citizen eligible for an Aadhaar ID.

    [2] Aadhar is not address proof

    • According to public statements by several government functionaries, Aadhaar was only meant to be identity proof but not address proof.
    • Electoral roll is based on Aadhar: In contrast, the RER clearly stipulates address to be a key index for electoral rolls.
    • Different enrollment process: Moreover, the enrolment processes for voters’ lists and Aadhaar are completely different.
    • Whereas Aadhaar enrolment is based on production of existing documents and the “introducer system”, voter enrolments involve physical verification and “house visits” by a registration officer or representative.

    [3] No audit report on the efficacy of Aadhaar deduplication or on the authenticity of the Aadhaar database

    • Even the Supreme Court accepted the Unique Identification Authority of India’s (UIDAI) claims on the integrity of the Aadhaar database at face value without any scrutiny.
    • Risk of exclusion error: Using Aadhaar to clean the electoral rolls involved the risk of disenfranchisement, especially of the marginalised communities.
    • It is to be noted that there is ample publicly documented evidence of large-scale exclusion in PDS and welfare disbursal due to Aadhaar.

    [4] Conflict of interest

    • UIDAI is under government control: Maintenance of the voters’ lists is a primary responsibility of the ECI, which is an independent constitutional body, whereas Aadhaar is a government instrument and UIDAI is under government control.
    • Since the ECI has no control on either enrolment or deduplication in Aadhaar, it appears inappropriate — and a potential conflict of interest — to use Aadhaar for electoral rolls.
    • In particular, since Aadhaar is directly used for disbursal of welfare and direct benefit transfers, linking it with voter ID may provide a direct method for the government to influence and manipulate voters.

    [5] Risk of profiling and targeting of voters

    • Aadhaar is a ubiquitous ID that is used in a variety of applications.
    • Linking it with the voter ID will open up avenues for profiling and targeting of voters.
    • No audit for purpose limitation: This is of particular concern because neither the UIDAI nor the ECI have publicly audited architectures for purpose limitation and protection against insider attacks.
    • While profiling using public data is not illegal according to current laws, both the electorate and Parliament need to clearly understand the risks of such profiling.
    • It is far easier to win elections through digital analysis of electoral rolls than through attacking the electronic voting process, especially when election results are available at booth-level granularity
    • Both privacy and integrity of the electoral rolls are of paramount importance in the digital age, and the clear tension between the two makes the problem challenging.

    Way forward

    • Use of cryptography: The RER of 1960 clearly opted for transparency as a means to the integrity of the electoral rolls, thereby ensuring that all additions and deletions can be publicly audited.
    • However, with the possibility of digital processing of electoral data, the risks associated with such complete transparency have increased manifold.
    • Yet, there are several modern techniques from cryptography and computer science that may help mitigate the risks by enabling both privacy and public auditability.

    Consider the question “The Election Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2021 enable the linking of electoral rolls with the Aadhaar ecosystem. What are the objectives of such linking and concerns raised against it?”

    Conclusion

    An electoral reforms bill at the onset of 2022 needed to explore and address these issues head-on.

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  • Impact of Reorganisation Act on Ladakh’s autonomy

    Context

    The article deal with the impact of the passage of the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act of 2019 on Ladakh’s autonomy or participatory democracy.

    What has changed?

    • Hill Councils: The Autonomous Hill Development Councils of Leh and Kargil read along with the framework of J&K’s special status and its bicameral legislative system gave Ladakh autonomy and participatory democracy.
    • The Hill Councils had the powers over land in Ladakh while the majority of the bigger concerns regarding land remained protected under Article 370 and J&K’s robust land protection laws.
    • Power to recruit the officers: Gazetted officers were recruited through the State Public Service Commission.
    • The District Service Selection Board made recruitments at the district level.
    • But today, there is no Public Service Commission in Ladakh and the Hill Councils’ power to make recruitments at the district level has also been affected by the Lieutenant Governor (LG)’s presence.
    • No law to protect the jobs: Technically, there also exists no law in Ladakh now that protects the land or even the jobs.
    • Loss of representation: the Reorganisation Act has taken away the six seats of the Members of Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council and wakened the functioning of the Hill Councils.
    • The only elected representation from Ladakh outside of Ladakh is a lone MP.

    Conclusion

    Steps need to be taken to address the issues related to the lack of representation in Ladakh in the wake of the passage of the Reorganisation Act of 2019.

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  • India is keeping an eye on Central Asia

    Context

    The government is inviting the leaders of the five Central Asian countries — Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan — as guests for Republic Day on January 26.

    Significance of Central Asian region for India

    • Return of Taliban in Afghanistan: The Taliban takeover in Afghanistan has made Central Asia a region where great contestations for influence are unfolding.
    • There is a growing awareness that for leveraging influence in Kabul and harvesting that influence in the form of material gains, a firm footing in Central Asia is a prerequisite.
    • Economic dimension: Given the vast untapped mineral wealth of the region encompassing the five Central Asian countries and Afghanistan — estimated to be worth a few trillion dollars — there is a significant economic dimension to the unfolding saga.
    • Geopolitical angle: Washington hopes to create in Central Asia a vector of its Indo-Pacific strategy to contain China and Russia. At the same time, governments in Moscow and Beijing are circling the wagons.

    Suggestions for India

    • India needs to work on an intricate network of relationships with the regional states while remaining mindful of the “big picture”.
    • Delhi’s non-aligned mindset needs to be turned into a strategic asset to navigate its long-term interests.
    • India’s membership of the BRICS and SCO will help.
    • Cooperation of  Russia and China: The deepening of the traditional Indo-Russian mutual understanding has injected dynamism into Delhi’s regional strategy on the whole.
    •  It is bound to have a calming effect on India’s tensions with China.
    • Delhi cannot have an effective Central Asia strategy without the cooperation of these two big powers.
    • Regional connectivity: India can use the card of regional connectivity to stimulate partnerships.
    • The time may have come to reopen the files on the TAPI and IPI gas pipeline projects. Both involve Pakistan.
    • Normalisation of India-Russia ties: Russia is well-placed to act as guarantor and help build both these pipelines, while China too will see advantages in the normalisation of India-Pakistan ties.

    New geoeconomic partnership

    • Recently concluded third meeting of the India-Central Asia Dialogue in Delhi served a purpose to sensitise the Central Asian interlocutors that it attaches primacy to geoeconomics.
    • But India will have a challenge on its hands to flesh out the “4Cs” concept that External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar presented at the event — commerce, capacity enhancement, connectivity, and contact being the four pillars of a new geoeconomic partnership.
    • The key areas are transit and transport, logistics network, regional and international transport corridors, free trade agreements, manufacturing industry and job creation.
    • They ought to be front-loaded into India’s Central Asian strategy.
    • Certainly, the EAEU integration processes must be speeded up.

    Consider the question “With changing geopolitical scenario, India’s stake in Central Asia has drastically increased. In the context of this, examine India’s outreach efforts toward the region and the challenges it faces in it.”

    Conclusion

    A host of new possibilities open up if India’s initiative on Central Asia runs on a parallel track with an improvement in relations with China.

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  • Jammu and Kashmir Delimitation Commission

    The J&K Delimitation Commission has proposed to increase six seats for the Jammu division and one for the Kashmir division evoking sharp reactions from the regional parties.

    What is Delimitation and why is it needed?

    • Delimitation is the act of redrawing boundaries of an Assembly or Lok Sabha seat to represent changes in population over time.
    • This exercise is carried out by a Delimitation Commission, whose orders have the force of law and cannot be questioned before any court.
    • The objective is to redraw boundaries (based on the data of the last Census) in a way so that the population of all seats, as far as practicable, be the same throughout the State.
    • Aside from changing the limits of a constituency, the process may result in a change in the number of seats in a state.

    Delimitation in J&K

    • Assembly seats in J&K were delimited in 1963, 1973 and 1995.
    • Prior to August 5, 2019, carving out of J&K’s Assembly seats was carried out under the J&K Constitution and Jammu and Kashmir Representation of the People Act, 1957.
    • Until then, the delimitation of Lok Sabha seats in J&K was governed by the Constitution of India.
    • However, the delimitation of the state’s Assembly was governed by the J&K Constitution and J&K Representation of the People Act, 1957.
    • There was no census in the state in 1991 and hence no Delimitation Commission was set up by the state until 2001 census.

    Why is it in the news again?

    • After the abrogation of J&K’s special status in 2019, the delimitation of Lok Sabha and Assembly seats in the newly-created UT would be as per the provisions of the Indian Constitution.
    • On March 6, 2020, the government set up the Delimitation Commission, headed by retired Supreme Court judge Ranjana Prakash Desai, which was tasked with winding up delimitation in J&K in a year.
    • As per the J&K Reorganization Bill, the number of Assembly seats in J&K would increase from 107 to 114, which is expected to benefit the Jammu region.

    Factors considered during Delimitation

    • The number of districts had increased from 12 to 20 and tehsils from 52 to 207 since the last delimitation.
    • The population density ranged from 29 persons a square km in Kishtwar to 3,436 persons a square km in Srinagar.
    • The remoteness of the place, inaccessibility etc are also considered during the exercise.

    What’s new?

    Ans. Reserved constituencies for SC/STs

    • For the first time, in Jammu and Kashmir, nine seats are proposed to be allocated for Scheduled Tribes out of 90 seats on the basis of population.
    • Seven seats are proposed for Scheduled Castes.

    Concerns raised over Delimitation

    • Jammu vs. Kashmir: Concerns had been expressed over how the delimitation process may end up favoring the Jammu region over Kashmir in terms of the seats.
    • Under-representation of Ladakh: Arguments have been made on how Ladakh has been underrepresented, with demands for statehood/sixth schedule.
    • Non-proportionate reservations: It is argued that seats for STs should’ve been divided in both Jammu province & Kashmir province, as the ST population is almost equal.

    Do not forget to answer this PYQ in the comment box:

    Q.With reference to the Delimitation Commission, consider the following statements:

    1. The orders of the Delimitation Commission cannot be challenged in a Court of Law.
    2. When the orders of the Delimitation Commission are laid before the Lok Sabha or State Legislative Assembly, they cannot affect any modifications in the orders.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”lg8gq2hy2d” question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here:[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

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  • Govt. disagrees with India’s rank in World Press Freedom Index

    The Centre has shown its disagreement with the conclusions drawn by Reporters Without Borders about press freedom in India for various reasons.

    World Press Freedom Index

    • The PFI is an annual ranking of countries compiled and published by Reporters Without Borders since 2002.
    • It is based upon the organization’s own assessment of the countries’ press freedom records in the previous year.
    • It intends to reflect the degree of freedom that journalists, news organizations, and netizens have in each country, and the efforts made by authorities to respect this freedom.
    • It is careful to note that the index only deals with press freedom and does not measure the quality of journalism in the countries it assesses, nor does it look at human rights violations in general.

    India’s ranking

    • India is ranked at 142 out of 180 countries on the World Press Freedom Index 2021.
    • In the South Asian neighborhood, Nepal is at 106, Sri Lanka at 127, Myanmar (before the coup) at 140, Pakistan at 145 and Bangladesh at 152.
    • China is ranked 177, and is only above North Korea at 179 and Turkmenistan at 178.

    What the report said about India

    • Targeting women: It has been highlighted that the “campaigns are particularly violent when the targets are women”.
    • Criminal prosecutions: Often used to gag journalists critical of the authorities.
    • Draconian laws: It termed various Indian laws such as – laws on ‘sedition,’ ‘state secrets’ and ‘national security’, draconian.
    • Curb on freedom of expression: The report has also highlighted the throttling of freedom of expression on social media.
    • Censorship on social media: It specifically mentioned that in India the “arbitrary nature of Twitter’s algorithms also resulted in brutal censorship”

    Reservations held by India

    • India along with many nations has reportedly disgusted the outcomes of this report. It stated that media in India enjoy absolute freedom.
    • The government does not subscribe to its views and country rankings and does not agree to the conclusions drawn by this organization for various reasons:
    1. Non-transparent methodology
    2. Very low sample size
    3. Little or no weightage to fundamentals of democracy
    4. Adoption of a methodology that is questionable and non-transparent
    5. Lack of clear definition of press freedom, among others

    Why is the report biased?

    • The report is a subjective measure computed through the prism of western liberals.
    • It tends to default to a homogenous view of mass media which then facilitates comparison between countries.
    • There are no questions about media ownership or about their economic concentration in private hands.

     

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