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  • Melting of the Arctic ice and its geopolitical footprints

    Melting of the ice in the Arctic region has as much impact on the geopolitics as it has on the environment. The article explains in detail the geopolitics involved.

    Melting of Arctic ice and its impact on climate

    • Arctic region is warming up twice as fast as the global average.
    • The ice cap is shrinking fast — since 1980, the volume of Arctic sea ice has declined by as much as 75 percent.
    • The loss of ice and the warming waters will affect sea levels, salinity levels, and current and precipitation patterns.
    • The Tundra is returning to the swamp, the permafrost is thawing, sudden storms are ravaging coastlines and wildfires are devastating interior Canada and Russia.
    • The rich biodiversity of the Arctic region is under serious threat.
    • These changes are making the survival of Arctic marine life, plants, and birds difficult while encouraging species from lower latitudes to move north.
    • The Arctic is also home to about 40 different indigenous groups, whose culture, economy, and way of life are in danger of being swept away.

    Opportunities in the melting of the Arctic

    • The Northern Sea Route (NSR) which connects the North Atlantic to the North Pacific through a short polar arc was once not open for navigation.
    • The melting ice has now made it a reality and a trickle of commercial cargo vessels have been going through every summer since the last decade.
    • The opening of the Arctic presents huge commercial and economic opportunities, particularly in shipping, energy, fisheries, and mineral resources.
    • Oil and natural gas deposits, estimated to be 22 percent of the world’s unexplored resources, mostly in the Arctic ocean, will be open to access along with mineral deposits.

    Challenges in exploiting opportunities

    • Navigation conditions are dangerous and restricted to the summer.
    • There is a lack of deep-water ports, a need for ice-breakers, a shortage of workers trained for polar conditions, and high insurance costs.
    • Mining and deep-sea drilling carry massive costs and environmental risks.
    • Unlike Antarctica, the Arctic is not a global common and there is no overarching treaty that governs it, only the UN Convention of Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
    • Large parts of it are under the sovereignty of the five littoral states — Russia, Canada, Norway, Denmark (Greenland) and the US — and exploitation of the new resources is well within their rights.

    Geopolitics of the Arctic

    • Russia, Canada, Norway, and Denmark have put in overlapping claims for extended continental shelves.
    • The US, not a party to UNCLOS, is unable to put in a formal claim but is under pressure to strengthen its Arctic presence.
    • For the present, Russia is the dominant power, with the longest Arctic coastline, half the Arctic population, and a full-fledged strategic policy.
    • Russia anticipates huge dividends from commercial traffic including through the use of its ports, pilots, and ice-breakers.
    • China, playing for economic advantage, has moved in fast, projecting the Polar Silk Road as an extension of the BRI, and has invested heavily in ports, energy, undersea infrastructure, and mining projects.

    What are the concerns for India

    • India’s extensive coastline makes it vulnerable to the impact of Arctic warming on ocean currents, weather patterns, fisheries, and most importantly, our monsoon.
    • Scientific research in Arctic developments, in which India has a good record, will contribute to our understanding of climatic changes in the Third Pole — the Himalayas.
    • The strategic implications of an active China in the Arctic and it’s growing economic and strategic relationship with Russia are self-evident and need close monitoring.

    Way forward

    • India has observer status in the Arctic Council, which is the predominant inter-governmental forum for cooperation on the environment and development (though not the security) aspects of the Arctic.
    • India should leverage its presence in Arctic Council for a strategic policy that encompassed economic, environmental, scientific, and political aspects.

    Consider the question “Melting of the Arctic opens the door for geopolitical game in the region and India cannot be immune to its implications. In the context of this, examine the developments in the region and how it impacts India’s interests?”

    Conclusion

    India must strive to protect its interest and strive for strategic policy for the region.

  • Issues with NEP’s regulatory architecture

    The article deals with the idea of single regulator for higher education in the country and the challenges it could fece.

    Recommendations for regulation of higher education

    • Regulatory bodies came up in response to the rapid growth of private participation since the 1980s.
    • Due to multiplicity of regulatory bodies in higher education, nearly all advisory panels appointed since 2005 have been asked for a single regulator.
    • National Knowledge Commission (NKC) concluded in 2007 that the plethora of agencies attempting to control entry, operation, intake, price, size, output and exit had rendered the regulation of higher education ineffectual.
    • The NKC recommended the setting up of an overarching Independent Regulatory Authority in Higher Education (IRAHE).
    • A major concern of the Yash Pal Committee constituted in 2009 was compartmentalisation of academia.
    • To promote such a dialogue, the Yash Pal committee recommended the creation of an apex body called the National Commission for Higher Education and Research (NCHER).
    • TSR Subramanian committee in 2016 proposed an Act for setting up an Indian Regulatory Authority for Higher Education (IRAHE) to subsume all existing regulatory bodies in higher education.
    • The draft national policy presented by the Kasturirangan Committee in 2019 proposed a National Higher Education Regulatory Authority (NHERA) as a common regulatory regime for entire higher education sector.
    • The draft NEP 2020 proposed a Rashtriya Shiksha Aayog (RSA) to coordinate, direct and address inter-institutional overlaps and conflicts.

    The regulatory regime under NEP 2020

    • NEP 2020 has now a single regulator for all higher education barring medical and law education.
    • It envisages an overarching Higher Education Commission of India (HECI), with four independent verticals comprising the National Higher Education Regulatory Council (NHERC), the National Accreditation Council (NAC), the Higher Education Grants Council (HEGC) and the General Education Council (GEC).
    •  The University Grants Commission (UGC) is to become HEGC while the other regulatory bodies will become professional standard setters.

    Fragmented regulation of medical education to continue

    • NEP-2020 provides for separate regulation for medical education.
    • But it envisions healthcare education as an inter-disciplinary system.[Allopathic student to have a basic understanding of Ayurveda, Yoga etc and vice-versa]
    • Multiple regulators in health education include the National Commission for Homoeopathy (NCH) and the National Commission for Indian System of Medicine (NCISM) and continuation of the Dental Council of India (DCI), Pharmacy Council of India (PCI) and the Indian Nursing Council (INC),
    • Thus, making medical education inter-disciplinary would be difficult due to multiple regulators.

    Lessons from the governance of medical education

    • The above example demonstrate the difficulty in designing a single regulatory framework to take care of the domain-specific needs of even within healthcare education.
    • But if accepted as a principle, it has the potential to delay, if not derail, the idea of a single regulator.
    • And should that actually happen, the idea of reining in the regulators might mean abandoning the idea of regulation of regulators.

    Issues with the single regulator proposed in NEP 2020

    • The regulatory architecture proposed in the NEP is far too monolithic for a system of higher education serving a geographically, culturally and politically diverse country like ours.
    • Even in the matter of privatisation, there is enormous diversity of players and practices.
    • Historically too, private participation in the running of colleges has not followed a single pattern.
    • To imagine that a uniform structure called Board of Governors can serve all different kinds of institutions across the country is flawed.
    • Such a vision calls for better appreciation of what exists, no matter how worrisome a condition it is in.

    Consider the question “What are the challenges in the regulation of higher education in the country? What are the concerns with the idea of single regulator for the regualtion of higher education in country?”

    Conclusion

    Before proceeding with the single regulator, the government need to pay attention to the issue of diversity in various aspects in the country.

  • How to crack IAS 2021?| Also, things you need sorted before starting preparation for IAS 2022 | Fill Samanvaya-1 on 1 session with senior mentors

    How to crack IAS 2021?| Also, things you need sorted before starting preparation for IAS 2022 | Fill Samanvaya-1 on 1 session with senior mentors

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    What is the best strategy for IAS 2021 and 2022 exams? How to start preparation? What does UPSC expect? How to cover the syllabus? How to connect current affairs with static? When to start answer writing? How to plan a daily schedule and then follow it..

    There are a number of similar questions that you must be facing. IAS preparation is not just about memorizing and information gathering. Before you start you need to get answers to these questions. (Read below about our three-tiered mentoring)

    More than 10.5 lakh applied, but only 796 are going to clear IAS 2020. It is going to be much more challenging in 2021 and 2022.

    We’ve had a discussion with 1800 aspirants who failed in Prelims 2020. Many had taken multiple attempts before that.

    Lack of direction, no guidance, inability to make required necessary changes in their preparation, and an absence of a well-defined strategy were issues common to all. (What issues are you facing? tell us)

    Prelims 2020 in many ways was a watershed moment for IAS aspirants. It has highlighted the changing nature of UPSC and to be successful you need to adapt to the expectations of UPSC and adopt a new approach.

    For 2021 aspirants, your preparation should be highly outcome-oriented (enabling you to fetch more marks). Every action of yours must be very objectively defined, every step as a part of your strategy. Whatever you are learning must be utilizable in the exam (both pre and mains). Your preparation should have an element of measurability.

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    All this stands true for 2022 aspirants as well. This is the right time to start preparation.

    Fill Samanvaya form given at the bottom of this post.

    Broadly, six factors determine your success in cracking this prestigious IAS exam and the most important being understanding the expectations of UPSC and according to that planning and strategizing; other being, Learning – Knowledge and information; Analyzing – making linkages, connections, etc.; Executing and utilizing information; and Constant course correction – because mistakes are inevitable, need to rectify them asap. Get these in order before you start for IAS 2021/22.

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  • Recap: Minimum Support Price

    Minimum Support Price (MSP) is the assured price at which foodgrains are procured from farmers by the central and state governments and their agencies, for central pool of foodgrains. The central pool is used for providing foodgrains under the Public Distribution System (PDS) and other welfare schemes, and also kept as reserve in the form of buffer stock.  However, in the past few months, there have been demands to extend MSP to private trade as well and guarantee MSP to farmers on all kinds of trade.

    Is MSP applicable for all crops?

    The central government notifies MSP for 23 crops every year before the Kharif and Rabi seasons based on the recommendations of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices, an attached office of the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare. These crops include foodgrains such as cereals, coarse grains, and pulses.  However, public procurement is largely limited to a few foodgrains such as paddy (rice), wheat, and, to a limited extent, pulses.

    Since rice and wheat are the primary foodgrains distributed under PDS and stored for food security, their procurement level is considerably high. 

    How does procurement vary across states?

    The procurement of foodgrains is largely concentrated in a few states.  Three states (Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, and Haryana) producing 46% of the wheat in the country account for 85% of its procurement.   For rice, six states (Punjab, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Haryana) with 40% of the production have 74% share in procurement. 

    The rice and wheat focus

    • Procurement of marketed surplus of paddy (rice) and wheat at Minimum Support Price (MSP) completely insulated farmers against any price or market risks. It also ensured a reasonably stable flow of income from these two crops.
    • Over time, the technological advantage of rice and wheat over other competing crops further increased as public sector agriculture research and development allocated their best resources and scientific manpower to these two crops.
    • Other public and private investments in water and land and input subsidies were the other favourable factors.
    • Thus, wheat in rabi and paddy in Kharif turned out to be the best in terms of productivity, income, price and yield risk and ease of cultivation among all the field crops (cereals, pulses, oilseeds).

    85% wheat procurement is from three states (2019-20)

    76% of the rice procured comes from six states (2019-20)

    Punjab, Haryana vs. States

    The region comprising Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh, was an early adopter of Green Revolution technology. It was also a major beneficiary of various policies adopted to spread modern agriculture technology in the country.

    • High productivity, assured MSP which is often above open market price, free power, and fertilizer subsidy underlie the higher income per unit area from wheat and paddy cultivation.
    • Land-labour ratio is also very favourable in Punjab when compared to other States; on an average, a farmer owns and cultivates 2.14 hectares net sown area as against 1.42 hectares in Haryana and 1.17 hectares at the national level.
    • An estimate of income (derived from National Accounts Statistics) shows that all agriculture activities taken together to generate an annual net income of ₹5.31 lakh per cultivator in Punjab; it is ₹3.44 lakh in Haryana while the all-India average is ₹1.7 lakh (reference year, 2017-18).

    How has MSP affected the cropping pattern?

    According to the central government’s procurement policy, the objective of public procurement is to ensure that farmers get remunerative prices for their produce and do not have to resort to distress sale.  If farmers get a better price in comparison to MSP, they are free to sell their produce in the open market.  The Economic Survey 2019-20 observed that the regular increase in MSP is seen by farmers as a signal to opt for crops which have an assured procurement system (for example, rice and wheat).  

    Declining Incomes

    • Loss of growth momentum in the income from the agriculture sector, which has fallen to 1% in Haryana and 0.6% in Punjab after 2011-12.
    • With the productivity of rice and wheat reaching a plateau, there is pressure to seek an increase in MSP to increase income. However, demand and supply do not favour an increase in MSP in real terms.
    • In India, the per capita intake of rice and wheat is declining and consumers’ preference is shifting towards other foods.
    • The average spending by urban consumers is more on beverage and spices than on all cereals. On the supply side, rice production is rising at the rate of 14% per year in Madhya Pradesh, 10% in Jharkhand and 7% in Bihar.

    Issues related to procurement

    • Limited procurement in different regions.
    • MSP leading to farmer preference for the production of few crops like wheat and rice.
    • The growing rice production will further increase pressure on the procurement and buffer stock of rice. Rice and wheat procurement in the country has more than doubled after 2006-07 and buffer stocks have swelled to an all-time high.
    • The country does not find an easy way to dispose of such large stocks and they are creating stress on the fiscal resources of the government.
    • Procurement of almost the entire market arrivals of rice and wheat at MSP for more than 50 years has affected the entrepreneurial skills of farmers to sell their produce in a competitive market where prices are determined by demand and supply and competition.

    Environmental issues, unemployment

    • The biggest casualty of paddy cultivation and the policy of free power for pumping out groundwater for irrigation is the depletion of groundwater resources.
    • In the last decade, the water table has shown a decline in 84% observation wells in Punjab and 75% in Haryana.
    • In the last couple of years, the burning of paddy stubble and straw has become another serious environmental and health hazard in the whole region.
    • Another rather more serious challenge for the two States is to provide attractive employment to rural youths. Most of the farm work in these two States is undertaken by migrant labour.

    Is MSP mandatory for private trade as well in some states?

    MSP is not mandatory for purchase of foodgrains by private traders or companies.  It acts as a reference price at which the government and its agencies procure certain foodgrains from farmers.

    In September 2020, the central government enacted a new farm law which allows anyone with a PAN card to buy farmers’ produce in the ‘trade area’ outside the markets notified or run by the state Agricultural Produce Marketing Committees (APMCs).  Buyers do not need to get a license from the state government or APMC, or pay any tax to them for such purchase in the ‘trade area’.  These changes in regulations raised concerns regarding the kind of protections available to farmers in the ‘trade area’ outside APMC markets, particularly in terms of the price discovery and payment.  

    In October 2020, Punjab passed a Bill in response to the central farm law to prohibit purchase of paddy and wheat below MSP. Any person or company compelling or pressurising farmers to sell below MSP will be punished with a minimum of three-year imprisonment and a fine. 

    Similarly, in November 2020, Rajasthan passed a Bill to declare those contract farming agreements as invalid where the purchase is done below MSP.   Any person or company compelling or pressurising farmers to enter into such an invalid contract will be punished with 3 to 7 years of imprisonment, or a fine of minimum five lakh rupees, or both.   Both these Bills have not been enacted yet as they are awaiting the Governors’ assent.

    Way forward

    • The solution to the ecological, environmental and economic challenges facing agriculture in the traditional Green Revolution States is not in legalizing MSP but to shift from MSP crops to high-value crops and in the promotion of non-farm activities.
    • Rather than focusing on a few enterprises, Punjab and Haryana should look at a large number of area-specific enterprises to avoid gluts.
    • This will require a mechanism to cover price and market risks. Farmers’ groups and farmer producer organizations can play a significant role in the direct marketing of their produce.

    To encourage crop diversification and thereby reduce the consumption of water, some state governments are taking measures to incentivise farmers to shift away from paddy and wheat.  For example, Haryana has launched a scheme in 2020 to provide Rs 7,000 per acre to those farmers who will use more than 50% of their paddy area (as per the area sown in 2019-20) for other crops.  The farmers can grow maize, bajra, pulses, or cotton in such diversified area.  Further, the crop produce grown in such diversified area under the scheme will be procured by the state government at MSP.

    • Both Punjab and Haryana need to promote economic activities with strong links with agriculture tailored to State specificities.
    • Some options for this are: promotion of food processing in formal and informal sectors; a big push to post-harvest value addition and modern value chains; a network of agro- and agri-input industries; high-tech agriculture; and a direct link of production and producers to consumers and consumers without involving intermediaries.
    • The traditional Green Revolution States of Punjab and Haryana would need to shed “business as usual” approach and embrace an innovative development strategy in agriculture and non-agriculture to secure and improve the future of farming and rural youth.

    References:-

    https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/punjab-haryana-need-to-look-beyond-msp-crops/article33339838.ece
    https://www.prsindia.org/theprsblog/examining-urban-local-governance-india-through-case-bengaluru

  • 2021: Challenges and opportunities for India in International relations

    After a year when it battled Covid-19 and Chinese aggression, India enters 2021 with the challenge of strengthening ties and building new ones with the US, EU, Middle East countries, and its neighbors.

    Lets’ take a look at key determinants of India’s foreign policy in the post-pandemic year 2021.

    Taking forward our legacy

    • In April 1963, about six months after the 1962 war with China, then PM Jawaharlal Nehru wrote an article in Foreign Affairs magazine, titled ‘Changing India’.
    • He conceded that there was a need to adjust our relations with friendly countries in the light of the changing actualities of the international situation.
    • The Chinese, ‘devious and deceptive’ as they have proved to be, required that India pay ‘considerably more attention to strengthening her armed forces’, said Nehru.

    Agenda for 2021

    • As India bids adieu to a disruptive year that challenged its diplomatic and military standing and enters a new one fraught with challenges, it could borrow from Nehru’s words.
    • The New Year presents India an opportunity to emerge as a global rather than an aspirational player.
    • A reflection of events shows India faced seven hard realities in 2020 and has to deal with six challenges and opportunities in 2021.

    Hard realities of 2020

    #1: China aims for top

    • While it was targeted initially for being the source of the coronavirus, Xi’s regime turned around and started to flex its muscle in the region.
    • The Indo-Pacific was its playground, where Chinese naval or militia forces rammed a Vietnamese fishing boat, “buzzed” a Philippines naval vessel, and harassed a Malaysian oil-drilling operation.
    • It even tried to arm-twist Australia through trade curbs.
    • And since May, Chinese troops have altered the status quo along the border with India, claimed the lives of 20 Indian soldiers, and violated every agreement to maintain peace.

    #2: America under Biden

    Over the last four years, the US vacated the leadership space at the world stage under the Donald Trump Administration.

    • It walked out of or weakened almost a dozen multilateral bodies or agreements, from the Iran deal to the WHO.
    • While Beijing moved in to claim space, the Trump Administration did one thing right — it targeted China and the Communist Party of China for disrupting the global order.
    • Once Joe Biden takes over as President, the US is expected to reclaim the space vacated by Trump.

    #3: Acceptance for Taliban

    • Having invaded Afghanistan 19 years ago trying to root out the Taliban, the US finally made peace with them in February as it looks to exit.
    • For India, this meant the beginning of the process of re-engaging with the Taliban.
    • Signaling long-term commitment to Afghanistan’s future — under Taliban or other political forces — India has committed $80 million, over and above its $3 billion commitment in the last two decades.
    • This means India too is finally looking at the Taliban as a political actor, although it is controlled by the Pakistan military.

    #4: Middle East equations

    • The US-brokered rapprochement between Israel and four Arab countries — the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan — reflected the changing landscape in the region.
    • With Saudi Arabia and Iran competing for leadership, along with Turkey, in the Islamic world, there have been growing calls for ties with Israel.
    • New Delhi has been ahead of the curve, cultivating ties with Israel as well as Saudi-UAE and the Iranians with deft diplomacy.
    • But it has to be careful to not let its gains get impacted by polarizing politics at home — be it through the CAA-NRC or religious fault-lines.

    #5: Russia-China bonding

    • Brewing for the last three decades, ties between Russia and China got closer in 2020.
    • India has always felt that it was the West, with its approach towards Russia after the annexation of the Crimea in 2014 that has pushed Moscow towards Beijing.
    • This has been possible also due to the US’s anti-Chinese rhetoric, the collapse of oil prices, and Russia’s dependence on Chinese consumption.
    • India has strong ties with Russia, and Moscow was the venue for all the India-China official and ministerial conversations over the border standoff.
    • But, it has taken note of Moscow’s position on the Quad and Indo-Pacific, a near-echo of Beijing’s stance.

    #6: Assertive neighbors

    • The year began with Bangladesh asserting itself on CAA-NRC, and then Nepal claiming territory and issuing a new map. It brought home the reality that neighbors are no pushovers.
    • By the end of the year, New Delhi had moved to build bridges with both, wary of an active Beijing. Bangladesh pushed back, and India did not notify the CAA rules. Nepal reached out at the highest level.
    • India also watched closely the US and Chinese forays with the Maldives and Sri Lanka. India appears to have made peace with the involvement of the US in the Maldives, and that of Japan in Sri Lanka and the Maldives.

    # 7: Aspirational India

    • By 2020, India’s public articulation of “self-reliance” and refusal to sign trade pacts with RCEP countries was widely perceived as “isolationist” and “inward-looking”.
    • India did step up to supply medicines and protective kits to more than 150 countries but did not come across as the global leader the world needed at this time.
    • Lack of resources, a contracting economy, and its populist politics made it come across as an aspirational power.

    2021: Challenges, opportunities

    #1: Countering China

    • India’s response to the border standoff has been guided by thinking that one has to stand up to the bully, but that has come at a cost: soldiers braving the harsh winter and military assets deployed on land, in air, and at sea.
    • The standoff has reinforced Nehru’s belief in 1963 that India needs “external aid in adequate measure”.
    • India will need continuing support from the US, Japan, Australia, besides European leaders such as France, Germany, and the UK.

    #2: High table at UN

    • As India enters the UN Security Council as a non-permanent member for the eighth time, stakes are high in the wake of this leadership contest between China and the rest of the world.
    • India will have to take positions on issues it had carefully avoided — from Tibet to Taiwan, from Iran-Saudi rivalry to the refugee crisis between Bangladesh and Myanmar.
    • Cross-border terrorism is one of the top concerns and India will work towards isolating Pakistan further.
    • But a limited fixation on the western neighbor would distract from India’s aspirations of being a global leader.

    #3: Friendship with the US

    • Much is expected from the Biden Administration for building on Indo-US ties, but a lot will depend on how the US views China in the larger scheme of things.
    • Moves towards a possible US-China trade deal will be watched by South Block closely. One of the key tests will be the future of Quad, and the Indo-Pacific strategy of the new administration.
    • New Delhi will build on its deepening strategic and defense ties with the US and would want to resolve trade and visa issues.

    #4: Wooing Europe

    • As the UK and the EU agree on a deal, India will look ahead to negotiating a deal with the UK and a long-pending one with the EU.
    • For a start, it has invited British PM Boris Johnson as Chief Guest for Republic Day.
    • In May, there is a possibility of an India-EU summit.
    • Already, France and Germany have come up with their Indo-Pacific strategy, and a potential European strategy is a possibility, but an EU-China trade deal would be dissected by Indian negotiators.

    #5: Engaging with neighbors

    • China’s growing economic footprint in India’s neighborhood is a concern. While it is being played out in Nepal, India will also watch China’s moves in the rest of the subcontinent.
    • Its moves in Iran, too, were closely watched, and as Presidential elections take place in Iran this year, stakes for engagement will be high.
    • One of the important aspects of 2021 is that, while there is a churning in Nepal, almost every South Asian country has had elections in the last couple of years.
    • That means the governments in these countries are stable.
    • As the world emerges from the pandemic, New Delhi has a lot to gain from what could be “vaccine diplomacy” with neighbors in 2021 — supplying vaccines either frees or at affordable costs.

    Conclusion: Thining global, not just aspirational

    • For a long, India has played the role of an emerging power — with ambitions to play the role of global power.
    • In 2021, New Delhi will host the BRICS summit, and start its preparations for the G-20 summit in 2023. And the India-Africa Forum summit, which could not be held in 2020, could be held in 2021 or later.
    • New Delhi has opportunities to articulate and be vocal on issues that matter to the world and be proactive to further its interests.
    • This could well be the Indian strategy in the New Year, as it navigates a post-Covid-19 future.

  • RBI comes up with Digital Payments Index

    The RBI has constructed a composite Digital Payments Index (DPI) with March 2018 as the base period to capture the extent of digitization of payments across the country.

    Note various indicators of the DPI.

    Digital Payments Index

    • RBI-DPI will be published on the central bank’s website on a semi-annual basis from March 2021 onwards with a lag of four months.
    • It comprises five broad parameters that enable the measurement of deepening and penetration of digital payments in the country over different time periods.
    • The parameters are:
    1. Payment enablers (weight 25 percent)
    2. Payment infrastructure–demand-side factors (10 percent)
    3. Payment infrastructure – supply-side factors (15 percent)
    4. Payment performance (45 percent) and
    5. Consumer centricity (5 percent)
    • Each of these parameters has sub-parameters which, in turn, consist of various measurable indicators, RBI said.

    Why need such an Index?

    • Digital payments in India have been growing rapidly.
    • The DPI reflects accurately the penetration and deepening of various digital payment modes.

  • What is Interconnection Usage Charge (IUC) in Telecom?

    The termination charge for wireless to wireless domestic calls has been zeroed from January 1 onwards. Until now operators paid Interconnection Usage Charges (IUC) of 6 paise per minute on mobile calls.

    We are heading for 5G and yet we were indulged in 2G era spat. Sounds strange, but finally IUC got away….

    Interconnection Usage Charge (IUC)

    • IUC is the cost that a mobile operator pays to another operator for carrying through/ terminating a call.
    • If a customer of Mobile Operator A calls a customer of Mobile Operator B and the call is completed, then A pays an IUC charge to B for carrying/facilitating the call.
    • Essentially, it is the originating network compensating the receiving network for the cost of carrying the call. In India, IUC is set by the TRAI.

    When was it introduced?

    • IUC was introduced at a time when some operators had a larger network footprint compared to new players.
    • In such a scenario, the larger operators had to be compensated for the investments it had to enable call completion. However, over the years this gap between operators has reduced.
    • All the remaining operators have identical network footprint when it comes to voice calls.
    • TRAI’s original deadline to phase out IUC was January 1, 2020.

    What does it mean to Consumers?

    • For mobile users, this means that all voice calls will be free from now on.
    • While almost all operators had already started offering unlimited calls as part of their bundled pack, some were charging the 6 paise from consumers for paying IUC charges.
    • From January 1, operators will stop collecting the charges.
    • But other than that there will not be any significant gain for users. Tariff packs available in the market already offer data with unlimited voice calls.

    What does the end of the IUC regime imply?

    • For the operators, the end of the IUC regime will lead to easier operations.
    • Many legal battles have been fought in the past over disputes related to IUC charges.
    • Now, the operators can keep whatever money they collect from consumers without having to keep a tab on where the call is terminating.
    • The change in the billing system will not have any significant impact on operators’ revenue.

  • The Battle of Bhima-Koregaon (1818)

    The history of the Bhima-Koregaon battle should be taught in schools, said the Union Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment.

    Try this PYQ:

    What was the immediate cause for Ahmad Shah Abdali to invade and fight the Third Battle of Panipat:

    (a) He wanted to avenge the expulsion by Marathas of his viceroy Timur Shah from Lahore

    (b) The frustrated governor of Jullundhar Adina Beg khan invited him to invade Punjab

    (c) He wanted to punish Mughal administration for non-payment of the revenues of the Chahar Mahal

    (Gujrat Aurangabad, Sialkot and Pasrur)

    (d) He wanted to annex all the fertile plains of Punjab upto borders of Delhi to his kingdom

    Battle of Bhima-Koregaon

    • The 1818 battle of Bhima-Koregaon, one of the last battles of the Third Anglo-Maratha War culminated in the Peshwa’s defeat.
    • It was fought on 1 January 1818 between the British East India Company (BEIC) and the Peshwa faction of the Maratha Confederacy, at Koregaon at the banks of River Bhima.
    • A 28,000-strong force led by Peshwa Baji Rao II while on their way to attack the company-held Pune were unexpectedly met by an 800-strong Company force of which 500 belonged to the Dalit community.
    • The battle was part of the Third Anglo Maratha war, a series of battles that culminated in the defeat of the Peshwa rule and subsequent rule of the BEIC in nearly all of Western, Central, and Southern India.

    Mahars under Shivaji

    • Back in the seventeenth century, the community was particularly valued by the ruler Shivaji, under whom Maratha caste identities were far more fluid.
    • The value of the Mahars for military recruitment under Shivaji was noted by the social reformer Jyotirao Phule.
    • The Mahars were not only beneficiaries of the attempt at caste unity under Shivaji but were in fact valued for their martial skills, bravery, and loyalty.

    Mahars after Shivaji

    • The position occupied by the Mahars under Shivaji, however, was short-lived and under later Peshwa rulers, their status deteriorated.
    • The Peshwas were infamous for their Brahmin orthodoxy and their persecution of the untouchables.
    • The Mahars were forbidden to move about in public spaces and punished atrociously for disrespecting caste regulations.
    • Stories of Peshwa atrocities against the Mahars suggest that they were made to tie brooms behind their backs to wipe out their footprints and pots on their necks to collect their spit.

    Why is the battle significant?

    • The battle resulted in losses to the Maratha Empire, then under Peshwa rule, and control over most of western, central, and southern India by the British East India Company.
    • The battle has been seen as a symbol of Dalit pride because a large number of soldiers in the Company forces were the Mahar Dalits, the same oppressed community to which Babasaheb Ambedkar belonged.
    • After centuries of inhumane treatment, this battle was the first time that Mahars had been included in a battle in which they won.

    Dr. Ambedkar’s association

    • It was Babasaheb Ambedkar’s visit to the site on January 1, 1927, that revitalized the memory of the battle for the Dalit community.
    • He led to its commemoration in the form of a victory pillar, besides creating the discourse of Dalit valor against Peshwa ‘oppression’ of Dalits.

  • [pib] Remission of Duties and Taxes on Exported Products (RoDTEP) Scheme

    The Union govt. has decided to extend the benefit of the Scheme for Remission of Duties and Taxes on Exported Products (RoDTEP) to all export goods with effect from 1st January 2021.

    Try this PYQ:

    Q.Among the following, which one is the largest exporter of rice in the world in the last five years? (CSP 2019)

    (a) China

    (b) India

    (c) Myanmar

    (d) Vietnam

    RoDTEP Scheme

    • RoDTEP is a scheme for the Exporters to make Indian products cost-competitive and create a level playing field for them in the Global Market.
    • It has replaced the current Merchandise Exports from India Scheme, which is not in compliance with WTO norms and rules.
    • The new RoDTEP Scheme is a fully WTO compliant scheme.
    • It will reimburse all the taxes/duties/levies being charged at the Central/State/Local level which are not currently refunded under any of the existing schemes but are incurred at the manufacturing and distribution process.

    Why need such a scheme?

    • The scheme was announced last year as a replacement for the Merchandise Export from India Scheme (MEIS), which was not found not to be compliant with the rules of the World Trade Organisation.
    • Following a complaint by the US, a dispute settlement panel had ruled against India’s use of MEIS as it had found the duty credit scrips awarded under the scheme to be inconsistent with WTO norms.

    Back2Basics: Merchandise Exports from India Scheme (MEIS)

    • MEIS was launched with an objective to enhance the export of notified goods manufactured in a country.
    • This scheme came into effect on 1 April 2015 through the Foreign Trade Policy and will be in existence till 2020.
    • MEIS intended to incentivize exports of goods manufactured in India or produced in India.
    • The incentives were for goods widely exported from India, industries producing or manufacturing such goods with a view to making Indian exports competitive.
    • The MEIS covered almost 5000 goods notified for the purpose of the scheme.

  • What is Operation Meghdoot?

    Colonel Narinder ‘Bull’ Kumar (Retd.), instrumental in the Army launching Operation Meghdoot and securing the dominating heights of Siachen Glacier in 1984 has passed away at 87.

    Operation Meghdoot

    • Operation Meghdoot was the codename for the Indian Armed Forces’ operation to seize control of the Siachen Glacier in Kashmir, precipitating the Siachen conflict.
    • The Siachen then had become a bone of contention following a vague demarcation of territories in the Karachi Agreement of July 1949.
    • Executed in the morning of 13 April 1984, this military operation, launched on the highest battlefield in the world, was the first offensive of its kind.
    • The operation preempted Pakistan’s impending Operation Ababeel and was a success, resulting in Indian forces gaining control of the Siachen Glacier in its entirety.
    • Currently, the Indian Army remains the first and only army in the world to have taken tanks and other heavy ordnance up to such an altitude (well over 5,000 m or 16,000 ft).

    Bull Kumar’s contributions

    • Kumar, a legendary mountaineer who had spotted Pakistani activities around the Siachen glacier in 1984 that helped India secure it subsequently.
    • He was awarded Padma Shri, the fourth highest civilian award, in 1965.
    • He was decorated with Param Vishisht Seva Medal (PVSM), Kirti Chakra, and Ati Vishisht Seva Medal (AVSM).
    • The battalion headquarters on the glacier located close to an altitude of 16,000 feet is named “Kumar post” in his honor.

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