The Defence Ministry announced a breakthrough as IIT-Delhi and DRDO scientists successfully demonstrated quantum communication over 1 km in free space.
What is Quantum Communication?
It is a new way of sending messages so safely that no one can secretly listen in.
It uses the laws of quantum physics, especially something called quantum entanglement, to make sure that if someone tries to spy on your message, you’ll know immediately.
In quantum entanglement, two tiny particles (like photons of light) are connected in a mysterious way—whatever happens to one instantly affects the other, even if they’re far apart.
Because of this, if someone tries to distort one particle, it changes, and the system knows the message isn’t safe anymore.
This makes quantum communication perfect for defence, banking, and sensitive messages that must stay secret.
Quantum Key Distribution (QKD) – Explained Simply:
Imagine you want to lock a box and send it to your friend, but you also want them to have the key—without anyone else being able to copy it.
QKD is a special way to share that key safely, using quantum particles instead of metal keys.
Two people use entangled particles to create the same secret key, without anyone else knowing it.
If someone tries to intercept the key while it’s being shared, the particles will show signs of disturbance, and the system will know to discard it and try again.
Once both people have the same key, they can use it to lock and unlock messages using regular encryption tools.
QKD doesn’t send the actual message—it just safely shares the key that keeps messages secret.
What did the IIT-Delhi team achieve?
A team led by IIT-Delhi, in collaboration with DRDO, successfully demonstrated entanglement-based quantum communication over 1 km in free space.
This was done within the IIT-Delhi campus and marks a key advancement from previous experiments using only optical fibre.
The demonstration achieved a secure key rate of 240 bits per second and maintained a quantum bit error rate (QBER) of under 7%, which is considered acceptable for real-world QKD.
This capability is a step toward achieving satellite-to-ground quantum communication, enabling encrypted keys to be distributed across vast regions without physical links.
India’s Quantum Communication Journey So Far:
In 2022, Prof. Kanseri’s team first demonstrated quantum communication between Vindhyachal and Prayagraj.
In 2023, they expanded this capability to 380 km using standard telecom fibre, achieving a low QBER of 1.48%.
By 2024, the team established a QKD link spanning over 100 km of optical fibre, further pushing the reliability and reach of India’s quantum infrastructure.
These achievements are part of India’s larger effort under the National Quantum Mission (2023–2031), which has a budget of ₹6,000 crore to support R&D and deployment in quantum computing, sensing, and communication.
India now joins an elite group of nations—alongside China and the US—actively building toward a quantum-secure internet, with potential applications in defence, finance, telecom, and cybersecurity.
[UPSC 2025] Consider the following statements:
I. It is expected that Majorana 1 chip will enable quantum computing. II. Majorana 1 chip has been introduced by Amazon Web Services (AWS). III. Deep learning is a subset of machine learning.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
Options: (a) I and only I (b) II and III only (c) I and III only* (d) I, II and III
[UPSC 2020] What is the significance of Indo-US defence deals over Indo-Russian defence deals? Discuss with reference to stability in the Indo-Pacific region.
Linkage: The question regarding Indo-US and Indo-Russian defense deals is relevant because India’s propulsion gap directly influences its choices and reliance on these foreign defense partners for critical military hardware like engines. Addressing the propulsion gap would reduce this dependency, enabling India to better assert its strategic autonomy and contribute to regional stability (such as in the Indo-Pacific) without being constrained by external supply chain pressures or technology transfer limitations from other nations.
Mentor’s Comment: India’s Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) project is moving ahead quickly and is seen as a big step forward for the country’s aerospace sector. However, the excitement is being held back by a long-standing reliance on foreign engines. This same problem had earlier affected the HF-24 Marut and is now also troubling the LCA and AMCA fighter jet programs. Even after years of work and investment — including the unsuccessful Kaveri engine project and delays in getting engines from GE — India still depends heavily on other countries for engine technology. This not only affects military preparedness but also raises serious concerns about India’s ability to act independently in defence matters.
Today’s editorial analyses the development of Indian fighter aircraft engines. This content would help in GS Paper II (International Relations) and GS Paper III (Science & Technology) in the mains Paper.
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Let’s learn!
Why in the News?
Recently, there is growing excitement around India’s AMCA stealth fighter, seen as a major aerospace milestone. However, concerns remain due to a long-standing reliance on imported engines since the HF-24 Marut.
Why has India failed to develop its own jet engine?
Technological Challenges in Engine Design: Jet engines require high thrust-to-weight ratios, thermal stability, and advanced metallurgy, which India has struggled to achieve. Eg: The Kaveri GTX-35VS engine, under development since 1989 by DRDO-GTRE, failed to meet performance benchmarks in thrust and thermal management even after 3,000 hours of testing.
Lack of Core Materials and Manufacturing Capability: India lacks access to critical technologies like single-crystal turbine blades, thermal barrier coatings, and advanced cooling systems, essential for high-performance engines. Eg: Negotiations with GE for F414 engine hit a roadblock because GE refused full transfer of these core technologies despite India’s demand.
Fragmented and Short-Term Funding: Defence R&D funding in India is project-specific and often lacks a long-term strategic vision, affecting continuity and innovation in complex projects. Eg: Despite spending over ₹2,032 crore on the Kaveri project over 35 years, no operational engine was produced due to inconsistent support and shifting goals.
Over-Reliance on Foreign Engines: Dependence on foreign suppliers has created a complacency in indigenous R&D, slowing domestic capability-building. Eg: India continues to rely on GE F404 and F414 engines for its LCA Tejas variants, instead of pursuing an urgent push for domestic alternatives.
Institutional Inertia and Missed International Collaborations: Bureaucratic rigidity and institutional pride have caused India to reject key collaborative opportunities for engine co-development. Eg: A proposed joint project with Safran (France) for developing an engine for AMCA and Tejas MkII was reportedly declined by DRDO.
What is HF-24 Marut?
The HF-24 Marut (meaning “Spirit of the Tempest”) was India’s first indigenously designed and built fighter jet, developed in the 1950s and 1960s by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL).
What caused the HF-24 Marut’s underperformance?
Underpowered Engine: The Marut was equipped with British Bristol Siddeley Orpheus 703 turbojets, which lacked the thrust needed for supersonic performance. Eg: Designer Kurt Tank had envisioned a more powerful engine, but it never materialised, severely restricting the aircraft’s speed and payload capabilities.
Failure to Acquire Suitable Alternatives: Despite multiple attempts, India could not procure or co-develop a more suitable engine to enhance the Marut’s performance. Eg: Efforts to source a better engine from Egypt and Germany failed, leaving the Marut stuck with the underpowered Orpheus units.
Operational Limitations in Combat: The aircraft performed well in ground-attack roles, such as in the 1971 war, but its overall combat effectivenesswas limited by its propulsion shortfall. Eg: Indian Air Force veterans cited that the engine limitation was the Marut’s Achilles’ heel, preventing it from evolving into a full-spectrum fighter.
How does engine import dependency impact India’s defence?
Delays in Defence Production and Induction: Dependency on foreign engines leads to project delays when there are supply chain issues or export restrictions. Eg: Delivery of 99 General Electric F404 engines for the LCA Mk1A was delayed by 13 months, pushing back aircraft induction timelines.
Limited Operational and Strategic Autonomy: India becomes vulnerable to geopolitical pressures and foreign policy decisions of engine-supplying nations. Eg: U.S. reluctance to share core technologies like single-crystal turbine blades restricts India’s ability to upgrade or export its fighter aircraft.
Constraints on Defence Exports: Exporting platforms equipped with foreign engines requires third-party approvals, limiting India’s potential in global defence markets. Eg: India’s ability to export Tejas is restricted by U.S. controls on the GE F404 engine, limiting defence diplomacy options.
What are the steps taken by the Indian Government?
Strategic Collaborations for Technology Transfer: India has initiated joint ventures and international collaborations to acquire advanced propulsion technology. Eg: During PM Modi’s 2023 U.S. visit, HAL signed a deal with General Electric to co-produce GE F414 enginesin India for the LCA Mk2 and AMCA programs.
Revival of Indigenous Engine Projects: The government has revived and restructured efforts to develop indigenous jet engines under DRDO’s GTRE. Eg: The Kaveri engine project was decoupled from the LCA program and is being explored for use in UAVs and future aircraft with potential foreign assistance.
Promotion of Atmanirbhar Bharat in Defence: The Defence Ministry has prioritized self-reliance in critical technologies, including aero-engines, under the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative. Eg: Several defence PSUs and private players have been incentivized to develop components and sub-systemsfor aerospace platforms under Make in India schemes.
What must India do to achieve propulsion self-reliance? (Way forward)
Establish Strategic Global Partnerships for Technology Transfer: India must engage in joint ventures with trusted international engine manufacturers to acquire critical technologies like single-crystal turbine blades and thermal barrier coatings. Eg: The proposed GE-HAL deal to manufacture the F414 engines in India should ensure full transfer of know-how to avoid long-term dependency.
Develop an Integrated Indigenous R&D Ecosystem: India needs to create a cohesive framework connecting DRDO, GTRE, academia, and private industry to focus on advanced propulsion R&D with long-term investment. Eg: Encouraging private sector participation in defence through the Innovations for Defence Excellence (iDEX)platform can accelerate jet engine innovation.
India’s rising alcohol use is not just a health issue — it is a major national problem affecting many areas. Even though experts say no amount of alcohol is safe, about one in four Indian men drink. Drinking heavily and often is now becoming more common across the country.
What are the key risks of alcohol consumption in India?
Health Risks and Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs): Alcohol significantly increases the risk of cancer, liver disease, cardiovascular issues, and mental illnesses. Eg: Chronic alcohol use is a leading cause of liver cirrhosis and is linked to mouth and throat cancers in India.
Injuries and Accidents: Alcohol impairs judgement and coordination, leading to road accidents, falls, and workplace injuries. Eg: A large number of road traffic fatalities in India are associated with drunk driving, particularly among youth.
Mental Health and Suicide: Alcohol contributes to depression, anxiety, and is a major risk factor for suicide. Eg: The National Suicide Prevention Strategy (2022) identified alcohol use as a key driver of suicides in India.
Violence and Crime: Alcohol consumption is linked with domestic violence, sexual assault, and violent crimes. Eg: NFHS-5 data shows higher incidence of domestic violence in households where alcohol is consumed regularly.
Economic and Social Burden: Alcohol use contributes to ₹6.24 trillion in societal costs (2021), including healthcare, lost productivity, and law enforcement. Eg: The burden of alcohol-related diseases adds pressure to India’s public health system, particularly in rural areas.
Why is a national alcohol policy necessary?
Fragmented and Inconsistent State Regulations: Alcohol laws, legal drinking age, pricing, and prohibition vary widely across States, causing regulatory confusion and uneven implementation. Eg: Bihar enforces prohibition, while States like Kerala promote toddy as a “natural beverage” under its Akbari Policy.
Public Health Emergency: Rising alcohol consumption is linked to cancer, mental illness, suicides, and injuries, posing a major national health burden. Eg: In 2021, alcohol-related harm caused 2.6 million DALYs and cost India ₹6.24 trillion in societal losses.
Lack of Centralised Coordination and Accountability: Regulatory responsibility is scattered across multiple ministries with no unified approach, weakening policy impact. Eg: Demand reduction is handled by the Ministry of Social Justice, while supply and harm reduction are spread across Health, Finance, and Home Affairs ministries.
Who regulates alcohol demand and supply in India?
State governments: Regulate production, distribution, pricing, sale, and consumption.
Ministry of Social Justice: Leads demand reduction (e.g., Nasha Mukta Bharat Abhiyan).
Ministries of Home Affairs, Finance, and Health: Handle supply and harm reduction.
No single authority: Regulatory efforts are scattered and lack coordination.
How do marketing and digital platforms influence alcohol use?
Surrogate Advertising and Brand Promotion: Despite legal restrictions, alcohol brands use surrogate advertising, brand sponsorships, and strategic product placements to maintain visibility. Eg: Alcohol brands often sponsor music festivals and sports events, indirectly promoting their products to younger audiences.
Social Media and Algorithmic Amplification: Social media algorithms boost alcohol-related content (ARC), while “alcohol influencers” glamorize drinking and normalize it among youth. Eg: Platforms like Instagram and YouTube promote posts showing alcohol as part of a luxury lifestyle, increasing its social appeal.
Attractive Packaging and Retail Tactics: Use of sleek bottles, premium branding, and Happy Hour deals enhance the aspirational value of alcohol and make it more appealing. Eg: Pre-mixed cocktails and flavoured spirits are marketed to attract young and first-time users.
Way forward:
Formulate a Unified National Alcohol Control Policy: Develop a comprehensive, evidence-based policy that aligns efforts across States and Central ministries, focusing on public health, harm reduction, and regulation of digital content.
Invest in Public Awareness and Education: Launch large-scale awareness campaigns highlighting the health risks of alcohol, similar to tobacco control programs, to shift social norms and perceptions. Eg: Educating youth on links between alcohol and mental illness, cancer, and poverty can reduce its aspirational appeal.
Mains PYQ:
[UPSC 2024] In a crucial domain like the public healthcare system, the Indian State should play a vital role to contain the adverse impact of marketisation of the system. Suggest some measures through which the State can enhance the reach of public health care at the grassroots level.
Linkage: This article explicitly highlights alcohol consumption as a significant public health issue in India, leading to injuries, mental illness, non-communicable diseases like cancer, and contributing to approximately 2.6 million Disability-Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) in 2021.
The revised plan for the Green India Mission (GIM), released by the Centre on June 17, is an important step forward in India’s fight against climate change.
What are the achievements of the Green India Mission since its launch in 2014?
Large-scale Afforestation Activities: GIM facilitated tree plantation and afforestation across 11.22 million hectares between 2015–16 and 2020–21. Eg: Afforestation under state schemes in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana helped increase green cover.
Support to Vulnerable States: Funds were allocated based on ecological vulnerability and restoration potential. Eg: ₹624.71 crore released to 18 states between 2019–24, with ₹575.55 crore utilised.
Carbon Sequestration Contribution: Contributed to creating an additional carbon sink of 2.29 billion tonnes of CO₂ equivalent between 2005–2021. Eg: Forest restoration in Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh aided national climate goals.
Integration with Climate Goals: GIM aligned with India’s international commitment to restore 26 million hectares of degraded land by 2030. Eg: Activities under GIM complement India’s UNFCCC goals on land restoration and carbon capture.
Livelihood Enhancement through Forest-Based Interventions: Helped improve livelihoods of forest-dependent communities via sustainable forestry practices. Eg: Community plantation models in Odisha created jobs and promoted conservation.
What are the key elements of the revised Green India Mission roadmap?
Landscape-level restoration: Focus on saturation-based, area-specific restoration in vulnerable landscapes like the Aravallis, Western Ghats, Himalayas, and mangroves.
Integration with flagship projects: Syncing with initiatives like the Aravalli Green Wall project (cost: Rs 16,053 crore, coverage: 6.45 mha across 29 districts and 4 states).
Aravalli protection: Targeting 8 lakh hectares for forest, water system and grassland rejuvenation to curb sandstorm intrusions and pollution in NCR and Punjab.
Western Ghats focus: Addressing illegal mining and deforestation through afforestation and abandoned mine rehabilitation.
Why was the Green India Mission’s roadmap revised?
To Address On-Ground Climate Impacts: The revision was made to respond to changing climate conditions and the increasing urgency of land degradation and desertification. Eg: Inclusion of the Aravalli Green Wall Project to counter desert expansion from the Thar region.
To Incorporate Feedback from States and Scientific Bodies: The revised plan reflects inputs from implementing states and scientific institutions, ensuring region-specific solutions. Eg: Feedback led to the addition of eco-restoration of abandoned mining areas in the Western Ghats.
To Focus on Region-Specific Restoration Practices: The update prioritises landscape-specific and ecologically appropriate restoration in vulnerable ecosystems. Eg: Special emphasis on Himalayas, mangroves, and degraded zones for carbon sequestration and biodiversity conservation.
Central Government Leadership: The Centre (Government of India) is spearheading the initiative, allocating funding and coordinating implementation across states. Eg: The project’s ₹16,053 crore budget and planning is directed by central agencies in collaboration with local authorities.
Collaboration with States and Scientific Institutions: Implementation involves three states (Haryana, Rajasthan, Gujarat), one UT (Delhi) and guidance from the Wildlife Institute of India (WII), using ecological data to target 12 degradation gaps in the Aravalli range. Eg: WII studies identified dust-prone regions; restoration covers 8 lakh hectares across 29 districts in these states.
How will GIM address land degradation and carbon sequestration?
Restoration of Degraded and Open Forests: GIM focuses on restoring impaired open forests, which is a cost-effective and high-impact method for carbon dioxide (CO₂) sequestration. Eg: As per the Forest Survey of India (FSI), restoring 15 million hectares can sequester 1.89 billion tonnes of CO₂.
Region-Specific Ecological Interventions: The revised roadmap includes landscape-specific afforestation and eco-restoration in vulnerable areas like the Aravallis, Western Ghats, Himalayas, and mangroves. Eg: Under the Aravalli Green Wall Project, 8 lakh hectares will be restored to combat desertification and reduce dust pollution.
Expansion of Natural Carbon Sinks: GIM aligns with India’s climate commitment to create an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to 3 billion tonnes of CO₂ by 2030. Eg: By integrating schemes and intensifying plantation efforts, GIM aims to expand forest and tree cover up to 24.7 million hectares, capturing 3.39 billion tonnes of CO₂.
Way forward:
Integrated Landscape-Based Planning: Adopt a holistic, ecosystem-specific approach by aligning GIM with other environmental programs (e.g., CAMPA, MGNREGS) for coordinated restoration and afforestation efforts.
Enhanced Monitoring and Community Participation: Use technology (GIS, remote sensing) for real-time progress tracking, while empowering local communities and forest-dependent groups for sustainable upkeep and livelihood generation.
Mains PYQ:
[UPSC 2020] Examine the status of forest resources of India and its resultant impact on climate change.
Linkage: This question directly relates to the core objectives and context of the Green India Mission (GIM). The GIM, launched in 2014, is a crucial component of India’s efforts to combat climate change by increasing forest and tree cover and restoring degraded ecosystems. The revised roadmap for GIM emphasizes not only increasing and restoring forest and green cover but also tackling land degradation and desertification, which are significant environmental issues in India.
Union Transport Minister announced a new FASTag-based Annual Pass system for private non-commercial vehicles (cars, jeeps, vans) to ensure smoother travel across National Highways.
What are FASTags?
FASTag is a contactless toll payment system that uses Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) technology to enable automatic toll collection at National Highway toll plazas.
Managed by the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) and National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI), it was launched in 2014 and became mandatory in 2021 for all four-wheeled vehicles.
It is a sticker affixed on a vehicle’s windshield, linked to a prepaid wallet or savings account. Toll charges are automatically deducted when the vehicle passes through an electronic toll gate.
It enhances convenience, reduces traffic congestion, and promotes digital payments across India’s highway network.
As per the Motor Vehicles Rules, FASTags are mandatory for all new four-wheelers and necessary for renewal of fitness certificates and national permits.
About the FASTag Annual Pass Scheme:
Overview: It is a new initiative announced by the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways to provide cost-effective and hassle-free travel for private non-commercial vehicles.
Implementation: The pass will be effective from August 15, 2025, and is optional, intended for cars, jeeps, and vans (not for commercial vehicles).
Objectives: The scheme is designed to reduce per-trip costs (as low as ₹15/toll) and provide savings of up to ₹7,000 annually for frequent travelers.
Benefits: It allows unlimited passage at National Highway (NH) and National Expressway (NE) toll plazas for either:
One year, or
200 toll crossings, whichever is earlier.
Key Features:
Eligibility: Applicable only for non-commercial private vehicles with a valid, active FASTag linked to a registered vehicle number.
Activation: Can be activated via the Rajmargyatra mobile app or NHAI website with a one-time payment of ₹3,000 for FY 2025–26.
Validity: Covers 200 trips or one year and then reverts to regular FASTag mode unless renewed.
Trip Count:
Point-based plazas: Each pass counts as one trip per crossing.
Closed toll systems: Entry and exit combined count as one trip.
Transfer Restrictions: The pass is non-transferable and valid only for the vehicle on which the FASTag is registered.
Coverage: Valid only at NH and NE toll plazas managed by the Centre. It does not apply to state highway or local toll plazas.
Fee Revision: The base fee may be revised annually starting April 1 every year.
Existing Users: No need for a new FASTag if one is already affixed and active. The pass can be added on top of the existing tag after eligibility verification.
[UPSC 2023] With reference to India’s projects on connectivity, consider the following statements:
1. East-West Corridor under Golden Quadrilateral Project connects Dibrugarh and Surat.
2. Trilateral Highway connects Moreh in Manipur and Chiang Mai in Thailand via Myanmar.
3. Bangladesh-China -India -Myanmar Economic Corridor connects Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh with Kunming in China. How many of the above statements are correct? Options: (a) Only one (b) Only two (c) All three (d) None*
INS Arnala, the first Anti-Submarine Warfare Shallow Water Craft (ASW-SWC), was officially commissioned into the Eastern Naval Command at the Naval Dockyard, Visakhapatnam.
About INS Arnala:
What is it: INS Arnala is the first Anti-Submarine Warfare Shallow Water Craft (ASW-SWC) commissioned into the Eastern Naval Command on June 18, 2025, at Visakhapatnam.
Behind the name: It is named after the historic Arnala Fort near Vasai, Maharashtra.
Development: The vessel was designed by Garden Reach Shipbuilders & Engineers (GRSE) and built in partnership with L&T Shipbuilders under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model.
Project: It marks the beginning of the induction of 16 ASW-SWC class ships, aimed at enhancing India’s shallow water anti-submarine capabilities.
Key Features:
Propulsion: 77.6 metres long; first Indian Navy warship powered by a Diesel Engine-Waterjet combination.
Indigenous Content: Over 80% indigenous systems, with contributions from BEL, L&T, Mahindra Defence, and over 55 MSMEs.
Arsenal: Equipped with a single centreline rocket launcher, lightweight torpedoes, anti-torpedo decoys, and mine-laying systems.
Sensor Suite: Incorporates Hull-Mounted Sonar (Abhay), Low-Frequency Variable Depth Sonar (LFVDS), and Underwater Acoustic Communication System (UWACS).
Multi-role Capability: Designed for ASW operations, Search and Rescue (SAR), low-intensity maritime operations, and subsurface surveillance in shallow coastal waters.
Enhanced Coastal Security: Ideal for detecting midget submarines and Unmanned Underwater Vehicles (UUVs) in waters less than 30 metres deep, where larger warships struggle to operate.
Make-in-India Milestone: Demonstrates India’s growing self-reliance in defence manufacturing and contributes to the Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative.
[UPSC 2016] Which one of the following is the best description of ‘INS Astradharini’, that was in the news recently?
Amid intensifying war with Israel, Iran’s Parliament began drafting a Bill to exit the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
About Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT):
Overview: It is a global agreement aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, promoting peaceful nuclear energy, and advancing nuclear disarmament.
Enforcement: It was opened for signature on June 12, 1968, and came into force on March 5, 1970.
Nature of the Treaty: It is the only binding international treaty that requires NWS to pursue disarmament.
Categorization of States: The treaty distinguishes between Nuclear Weapon States (NWS) and Non-Nuclear Weapon States (Non-NWS).
Key Features:
Definition of NWS: Countries that had tested nuclear weapons before January 1, 1967 (US, UK, France, Russia, China).
Obligations: NNWS agree not to manufacture or acquire nuclear weapons; NWS pledge not to transfer nuclear weapons or assist non-NWS in acquiring them.
Peaceful Use Clause: All parties are allowed to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, under IAEA safeguards.
Monitoring Agency: The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) verifies compliance through inspections and reporting.
Withdrawal Clause: Article 10 allows a country to withdraw with 3 months’ notice if national interests are jeopardized.
India and NPT:
India is NOT a signatory to the NPT and has consistently refused to join, calling it discriminatory.
India argues that the treaty legitimizes nuclear weapons in the hands of five countries while denying them to others.
India conducted its first nuclear test in 1974 (Smiling Buddha) and maintains a “No First Use” policy.
Despite being outside the NPT, India is regarded as a responsible nuclear power and adheres to non-proliferation norms.
Non-members of NPT, Countries Planning to Leave:
Non-signatories:
India and Pakistan have never signed the treaty, but both possess nuclear weapons.
Israel is also a non-signatory and maintains strategic ambiguity about its nuclear weapons.
South Sudan remains a non-signatory without known nuclear ambitions.
Countries that withdrew or are planning to:
North Korea signed in 1985, withdrew in 2003, and went on to develop nuclear weapons.
Iran, though a signatory since 1970, has recently threatened to withdraw, citing IAEA censure and security concerns linked to its tensions with Israel.
If Iran leaves, it would end IAEA inspections and raise fears of a nuclear arms race in the Middle East.
[UPSC 2018] What is/are the consequence/consequences of a country becoming the member of the ‘Nuclear Suppliers Group’?
1. It will have access to the latest and most efficient nuclear technologies.
2. It automatically becomes a member of “The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)”. Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
Options: (a) 1 only* (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2
SEBI has introduced key regulatory relaxations to ease IPO norms and incentivize startups to shift their legal base back to India through reverse-flipping.
About Reverse-Flipping:
Reverse-flipping refers to the process by which Indian startups that were earlier incorporated abroad shift their domicile back to India, making India their legal and operational headquarters.
It allows Indian companies to access domestic capital markets, reduce compliance complexity, and align with the evolving global tax and regulatory environment.
This shift helps startups tap Indian stock exchanges, reduce reliance on foreign jurisdictions, and benefit from a favorable Indian regulatory ecosystem.
Types of Reverse-Flipping
Share Swap Arrangement:
In this structure, shareholders of the foreign parent company exchange their shares for shares in the Indian subsidiary.
This process may trigger capital gains tax under the Income Tax Act, 1961, especially for Indian shareholders.
Inbound Merger (Cross-Border Merger):
The foreign parent company merges with its Indian subsidiary, with the Indian entity becoming the surviving legal structure.
If all conditions under the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA), the Companies Act, 2013, and National Company Law Tribunal (NCLT) are met, this merger route can be tax-neutral.
Key Features:
Domestic Listing Access: Startups gain access to Indian IPO markets and valuations.
Simplified Compliance: Reduced legal and regulatory complications from operating across jurisdictions.
Investor Incentives: SEBI now allows foreign venture funds and AIFs to be counted towards minimum promoter contribution in public issues.
ESOP Relaxation: SEBI has allowed promoters/founders to retain Employee Stock Option Plans (ESOPs) granted one year prior to the filing of the Draft Red Herring Prospectus (DRHP).
Capital Market Boost: The move supports India’s goal to become a global startup and financial hub by encouraging reverse-flipping.
Tax & Legal Alignment: Shifting domicile can help startups comply better with Indian tax and business laws.
Note:
Employee Stock Option Plans (ESOPs) are structured benefit schemes that grant employees the right to purchase shares of their company at a predetermined price—known as the exercise price—after completing a specific period.
[UPSC 2025] Consider the following statements:
Statement I: As regards returns from an investment in a company, generally, bondholders are considered to be relatively at lower risk than stockholders.
Statement II: Bondholders are lenders to a company whereas stockholders are its owners.
Statement III: For repayment purpose, bondholders are prioritized over stockholders by a company.
Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?
(a) Both Statement II and Statement III are correct and both of them explain Statement I *
(b) Both Statement I and Statement II are correct and Statement I explains Statement II
(c) Only one of the Statements II and III is correct and that explains Statement I
(d) Neither Statement II nor Statement III is correct
This article explores one of the most uncomfortable realities of India’s law enforcement system — the silent, systemic culture of custodial torture. UPSC has a habit of testing such issues in layered, thought-provoking ways. For example, the 2018 GS2 question asked how policy contradictions lead to poor environmental protection. In the same way, UPSC can frame questions around custodial torture by tying it to larger ideas — human rights, police reforms, federalism, or even international relations. It won’t ask: “What is custodial torture?” It will ask: “Why hasn’t India enacted an anti-torture law despite being a democracy?” This is where many aspirants falter. They memorize provisions and judgments but forget to ask the “why,” “how,” and “what next.”This article fixes that problem. It doesn’t just list laws (like the D.K. Basu guidelines or IPC Sections 330/331), but also explains why these laws don’t work in practice. It explains why constables and IPS officers view violence so differently (see: “Factors of Divergence”) and how these differences shape police behavior.The most special feature of this article? It doesn’t just inform. It provokes. It asks tough questions—like, is custodial torture still happening because the public silently supports it in the name of “quick justice”? Or because politicians don’t want to lose control over the police?
This article examines the persistent issue of custodial torture in India’s policing system—a topic often overlooked but highly relevant for UPSC. The exam rarely asks direct questions like “What is custodial torture?” Instead, it connects such issues to broader themes like human rights, police reforms, or international obligations. For example, it may ask, “Why has India not passed an anti-torture law despite being a democracy?”
The article goes beyond listing laws such as the D.K. Basu guidelines or IPC Sections 330 and 331. It explains why these laws often fail in practice and how views on violence differ across police ranks. It also encourages reflection on whether torture persists due to public approval or political control over the police.
PYQ ANCHORING
GS 2: Policy contradictions among various competing sectors and stakeholders have resulted in inadequate ‘protection and prevention of degradation’ to environment. Comment with relevant illustration. [2018]
MICROTHEME: Structural reforms and Actions
In India, custodial violence isn’t just a problem of a few rogue officers — it’s a culture silently accepted and justified within the police force itself. A Lokniti-CSDS study shows a disturbing trend: 63% of police personnel believe it’s acceptable to use violence against suspects of serious crimes. Support for torture is alarmingly high even in cases like rape, murder, and terrorism. Shockingly, even petty crime investigations see a large number justifying verbal threats and physical abuse.
On the ground, threats and light physical force are used often; third-degree torture methods, while less frequent, are still worryingly present. Most police personnel are reluctant to report torture — only 39% think it should always be mandatory. Senior officers are even less supportive of reporting.
Legal protection for juniors could encourage some to report violence, but the deeper problem is cultural: brutality is seen as “necessary.” Unless mindsets change, legal reforms alone won’t end custodial violence in India.
Factors of Divergence in attitudes of Constables and IPS Officers /*SMASH MAINS
While both constables and IPS officers serve within the same policing system, their attitudes toward the use of violence are shaped by vastly different educational, social, and professional realities. This table outlines six key factors that explain the sharp divergence in their mindsets.
Factor
Brief Reason
Example
Education
IPS officers are exposed to constitutional values; constables have limited legal literacy.
IPS officers study human rights; constables often rely on informal methods.
Training
IPS training stresses ethics and modern policing; constables focus on physical law enforcement.
IPS officers practice evidence-based investigation; constables may use intimidation.
Work Pressure
Constables face direct pressure for quick results; IPS officers supervise from a distance.
A constable might beat suspects under pressure; an IPS officer manages reporting.
Social Background
Constables often come from violence-normalized settings; IPS officers are urban, rights-aware.
Rural constables see force as normal; IPS officers prioritize procedure.
Career Incentives
IPS careers demand clean records; constabulary promotions are loyalty-based.
IPS officers risk media scrutiny; constables may be praised internally for ‘toughness.’
Accountability
IPS officers are directly accountable to courts, NHRC, media; constables are insulated.
IPS officers face legal summons; constables stay protected within the system.
Impact of Custodial Torture on India’s International Relations
India, a prominent democratic nation, faces significant international scrutiny due to reports of custodial torture, a grave violation of human rights. These incidents not only tarnish its global image but also hinder diplomatic relations and affect its credibility in various global forums. Custodial torture impacts India on the international stage in the following ways:
1. Damage to India’s Human Rights Image
Example: UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) reviews have consistently flagged custodial deaths in India, impacting India’s credibility in global forums.
Impact: Weakens India’s ability to project itself as a leader of democratic and humanitarian values.
2. Obstacles in Bilateral Extradition Treaties
Example: UK courts (e.g., Vijay Mallya case, 2020) have cited concerns over prison conditions and potential mistreatment while considering extraditions to India.
Impact: Countries hesitate to extradite accused persons, fearing violations of human rights in Indian custody.
3. Criticism in UN and Other Multilateral Bodies
Example: During India’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) at the UNHRC in 2017, several countries recommended India to ratify the UN Convention Against Torture.
Impact: Multilateral scrutiny limits India’s diplomatic leverage on human rights issues.
4. Negative Influence on Trade and Investment Climate
Example: EU-India Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations have seen human rights concerns, including custodial torture, being raised by European parliamentarians.
Impact: Persistent human rights criticisms can deter ethical investment and complicate trade agreements.
5. Weakening of India’s Moral Standing in International Advocacy
Example: India’s call for Palestinian rights or criticisms of racial discrimination abroad lose weight when its own custodial abuses are highlighted in response.
Impact: Diminishes India’s moral authority to speak on international justice issues.
6. Pressure from International NGOs and Watchdogs
Example: Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch regularly release critical reports on custodial torture in India (e.g., Amnesty’s 2020 report on UP police encounters).
Impact: International campaigns can shame India diplomatically, influence foreign media narratives, and increase global pressure.
The issue of custodial torture severely undermines India’s global standing, from its human rights credibility to its diplomatic relations and trade negotiations. As international pressure mounts, addressing this issue becomes crucial for India to restore its moral authority and strengthen its position in global affairs.
Protective Mechanisms Available Against Custodial Torture in India// DOMINATE PRELIMS
India has developed several constitutional, judicial, and institutional safeguards to protect individuals from custodial torture. The key protective mechanisms are:
1. Constitutional Safeguards
Article 21: Guarantees the Right to Life and Personal Liberty, interpreted to include protection against torture, inhuman and degrading treatment.
Article 22: Provides procedural safeguards for arrest and detention, such as the right to be informed of grounds of arrest and the right to consult a legal practitioner.
Article 20(3): Protects against self-incrimination during investigations and custodial interrogations.
2. Judicial Safeguards
D.K. Basu v. State of West Bengal (1997)➔ Issued 11 mandatory guidelines to be followed during arrest and detention, including:
Arrest memo signed by witness.
Information to relatives/friends.
Medical examination every 48 hours.
Right to consult a lawyer during interrogation. ➔ Incorporated into CrPC (Sections 41B–41D).
Paramvir Singh Saini v. Baljit Singh (2020)➔ Directed installation of CCTV cameras with audio recording in all police stations and investigation agencies to ensure transparency.
Prakash Singh v. Union of India (2006)➔ Ordered creation of Police Complaints Authorities in every state for independent investigation into police misconduct.
3. Statutory Safeguards
Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC):
Section 167: Requires production of the arrested person before a magistrate within 24 hours.
Section 176: Mandates magisterial inquiry into cases of custodial deaths.
Indian Evidence Act, 1872:
Section 25: Confessions made to a police officer are not admissible as evidence.
Section 26: Confession must be made in the immediate presence of a Magistrate to be admissible.
Section 302: Allows police officers to be prosecuted for custodial deaths.
Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987: ➔ Provides free legal aid to the underprivileged, ensuring access to lawyers during detention.
4. Institutional Safeguards
National Human Rights Commission (NHRC): ➔ Monitors custodial deaths and custodial violence cases; mandates reporting of any such incidents within 24 hours.
State Human Rights Commissions (SHRCs): ➔ Perform similar roles at the state level.
Police Complaints Authorities (PCAs): ➔ Set up in states following the Prakash Singh judgment for independent redressal of police misconduct complaints.
Oversight Committees (as per Paramvir Singh Case): ➔ Monitor the functioning and maintenance of CCTVs in police stations.
5. International Commitments
India signed the UN Convention Against Torture (UNCAT) in 1997 but has yet to ratify it.
Law Commission (2017) and various expert bodies have recommended enacting a specific anti-torture law, but it is still pending.
Protection against custodial torture in India rests on constitutional rights, detailed judicial guidelines, statutory laws, institutional watchdogs, and international moral obligations. However, enforcement and systemic reform remain key challenges.
Custodial Torture = A legal impossibility or just political unwillingness ?
Custodial torture remains a brutal reality in India, despite constitutional protections. The real question is not whether it can be legally prevented — it’s whether there’s genuine political will to do so. While political unwillingness is at the core, some deeper systemic reasons also add complexity.
I. Political Unwillingness is the Core Reason
Point
Explanation
Example
1. Repeated Failure to Enact Law
Political push has been missing even when the courts demanded action.
The Prevention of Torture Bill, 2010 passed Lok Sabha but lapsed in Rajya Sabha without serious effort to revive it.
2. Ignoring International Obligations
Signing global treaties without ratification shows lack of seriousness.
India signed the UN Convention Against Torture in 1997, but hasn’t ratified it for over 25 years.
3. Lack of Pressure from Citizens
Public outrage is temporary and politically weak.
After the 2020 Jayaraj-Bennix deaths, there was anger but no lasting legislative change.
4. Police Used as Political Tool
Strong anti-torture laws are seen as reducing political control over police.
State governments resist laws that would limit their ability to “manage” police forces for political ends.
5. Ignoring Judicial Appeals
Even repeated Supreme Court nudges haven’t moved governments.
Cases like D.K. Basu (1997) and Paramvir Singh Saini (2020) urged laws against torture, but Parliament hasn’t acted.
6. Fear of Police Resistance
Politicians fear upsetting police and paramilitary forces.
After the Law Commission’s 2017 push for anti-torture laws, internal resistance from police slowed political response.
II. But It’s Not Just Political Unwillingness
Point
Explanation
Example
1. Fear of Law Misuse
Governments fear fake cases will hamper police work, especially in insurgency areas.
In Naxal-hit zones, stronger laws are seen as a threat to policing.
2. Federal Structure Complications
Police is a State Subject — Centre making a law could spark Centre-State tensions.
States may oppose any central anti-torture law citing constitutional rights.
3. Existing Legal Provisions
Some argue new laws aren’t needed, only better enforcement of current ones.
No large public movement like RTI or Lokpal has built up around this issue.
Without mass pressure, governments find little incentive to act.
5. Administrative Gaps
Practical hurdles like lack of funds and staff make implementation difficult.
Even court-ordered CCTV installation in police stations remains patchy.
6. Colonial-Era Policing Legacy
Harsh policing methods are culturally normalized from British rule days.
Public and political tolerance for “third degree” tactics delays reforms.
Custodial torture survives not because India lacks the legal imagination to stop it, but because political systems benefit from the status quo. Unless there’s sustained pressure — from courts, civil society, and voters — real change will remain a distant hope.
Way Forward
Standalone Anti-Torture Law ➔ Enact a comprehensive Anti-Torture Act with clear definitions, victim compensation, independent investigation, and compliance with UNCAT.
Mandatory Video Recording of Interrogations ➔ Ensure complete audio-visual recording of all custodial interrogations, with recordings preserved for a minimum of 5 years and accessible to courts.
Independent Investigation Units ➔ Set up special investigation teams under Human Rights Commissions, separate from the regular police chain of command, for custodial torture cases.
Reverse Burden of Proof ➔ Shift burden onto police in cases of custodial deaths/injuries — officers must prove innocence unless otherwise established.
Stronger Judicial Oversight ➔ Mandatory monthly inspections of police lockups by Judicial Magistrates, and judicial inquiry (not executive) in all custodial death cases.
Protection for Whistleblowers and Victims ➔ Extend whistleblower protections to police and prison staff reporting torture; allow easy, time-bound access to CCTV footage for victims.
#BACK2BASICS: Custodial Torture in India: An Enduring Challenge
The Status of Policing in India Report (SPIR) 2024, released by Common Cause and Lokniti-CSDS, highlights systemic issues of custodial violence, torture, and lack of accountability, based on interactions with 8,276 police personnel across 17 states and Union Territories.
Understanding Torture
Under the UN Convention Against Torture (UNCAT, 1984), torture involves the intentional infliction of severe pain by public officials. India signed UNCAT in 1997 but has not ratified it, making compliance non-binding.
Key Findings
Tough Policing: 55% of police personnel endorse “tough methods”; ambiguity exists between legitimate force and torture.
Mob Justice & Encounters: 25% justify mob violence (e.g., child-lifting cases); 22% support encounter killings over trials.
Arrest Compliance: Only 41% claim procedures are “always” followed; Kerala highest at 94%.
Third-Degree Methods: 30% justify torture for serious crimes; 9% even for petty offenses. Victims are mainly Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims, and slum dwellers.
Custodial Deaths: NCRB (76), NHRC (70), NCAT (111) in 2020; yet zero convictions (2018–22).
Judicial & Medical Apathy: Magistrates often passive; medical exams sometimes done by eye specialists (example: Maharashtra case cited by civil society groups).
Structural Causes
Colonial Legacy of Policing: Use of force to maintain control (Indian Police Act, 1861 framework).
Lack of Accountability: Rare convictions in custodial deaths (zero convictions in 4 years despite multiple deaths).
Political and Bureaucratic Pressure: Quick results prioritized over legal processes (e.g., pressure during high-profile crimes).
Inadequate Training and Legal Literacy: Police unaware of rights-based policing (e.g., third-degree practices justified in petty theft cases).
Public Tolerance of Violence: Support for encounters and mob violence evident in surveys (22% support encounters even for serious offenders).
Opaque Detention Practices: Lack of transparency in arrest and detention (e.g., minimal magistrate interaction with accused).
Custodial torture is a global problem: Guantanamo Bay abuses (US), Abu Ghraib scandal (Iraq), routine torture reports (Russia, China, Pakistan).
Custodial torture persists due to deep-rooted structural flaws. While the SPIR 2024 report shows growing support for human rights training, real change demands urgent steps: enacting anti-torture legislation, ratifying UNCAT, strengthening accountability, and reforming police and judicial practices.
SMASH MAINS MOCK DROP
Custodial torture remains a serious human rights concern in India despite legal safeguards. Analyze the causes behind its persistence and suggest effective measures to eliminate it.
