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The Small Island Developing States (SIDS) in IOR
Context
- The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) serves as a connecting hub for global energy and commodity trade and comprises important Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) and major choke points. The IOR has become central to the geostrategic aspirations of large powers with vested interests in the region. Small Island Developing States (SIDS) located in the Western Indian Ocean such as Maldives, Madagascar, Comoros, Mauritius, and Seychelles, are being dragged into the great power rivalry as a result.
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Small Island Developing States (SIDS)
- Small Island Developing States (SIDS) are a distinct group of 38 UN Member States and 20 Non-UN Members/Associate Members of United Nations regional commissions that face unique social, economic and environmental vulnerabilities.
- The three geographical regions in which SIDS are located are: the Caribbean, the Pacific, and the Atlantic, Indian Ocean and South China Sea (AIS)
- SIDS were recognized as a special case both for their environment and development at the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
Significance of Small Island Developing States (SIDS) of IOR
- SIDS are strategically important: The geographical location of SIDS islands is of strategic importance, ever since the Indo-Pacific architecture materialised.
- Provides easy access and a base for replenishment: The islands provide easy access to the choke points, are located close to important SLOCs, and can serve as a base for the replenishment of resources for maritime powers conducting surveillance in the region.
- Engagements boosts maritime expanse: The bigger powers have been engaging with the islands on a larger scale to boost their presence in this maritime expanse.
Challenges faced by SIDS
- Multiple challenges: The SIDS, by nature, face multiple challenges due to their remote locations, size, fragile ecosystems, small population, and limited resources and capabilities. Most of the SIDS are classified as middle-income states, but SIDS like Comoros are among the Least Developed Countries (LDCs).
- Economies are not diversified: The economies of these states are not diversified and are highly dependent on a few sectors like tourism and fisheries.
- Climate change and losses due to natural disasters: Climate change exacerbates their challenges, adding an extra burden on their frail economies. The SIDS account for two-thirds of states that suffer the highest relative losses (1 percent to 9 percent of GDP per year) due to natural disasters.
- Rising sea levels and impact on various economic sectors: Apart from the threat of the low-lying islands going underwater in the future, rising sea levels directly impact the economic sectors of the SIDS. For instance, saltwater intrusion affects freshwater resources and diminishes the quality of agricultural land.
- Largely dependent on food imports: The SIDS are already largely dependent on food imports as 50 percent of the SIDS import more than 80 percent of their food. A further reduction in food production will increase their dependence on food imports. Self-sufficiency is a distant dream for SIDS in this aspect.
- Fishery industry a major contributor of economy facing challenges of loss of EEZ: Fish exports account for a large share of the revenue for these states. The fishery industry faces challenges of loss of Exclusive Economic Zones due to shifting baselines, and Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing.
- Rising sea temperature: Additionally, rising sea temperatures also negatively affect marine biomass in the resource-rich zones of SIDS.
- Tourism industry hampered by Pandemic: Almost 50 percent of the GDP of SIDS like the Maldives and Seychelles, depends on the tourism industry which was hampered by the pandemic. T
Powerplay and China’s maritime development strategy in SIDS of IOR
- Concerns about increasing influence China: Powers such as the US, Japan, Australia, and India are largely concerned with the increasing influence of China in the region.
- China’s island development strategy: Islands play a major role in China’s maritime security policy, as is evident by its island development strategies in the contested South China Sea and cooperation initiatives with island states in various geographies.
- Vulnerable SIDS welcomed Support initiatives from China: The SIDS have welcomed the development and support initiatives from China owing to their vulnerabilities. From a port development project in Madagascar and major infrastructure development projects in the Comoros islands to a Free Trade Agreement with Mauritius and development assistance to Maldives; China has firmly embedded its roots in the region.
- Maldives in debt trap seeks India’s assistance: When Maldives owed a debt of nearly US$1.5 billion to China in 2018, it had to turn to its traditional partner, India, for assistance to prevent an economic crisis.
- Madagascar worries about Chinese debt trap: Madagascar is also heavily surrounded by Chinese presence and involvement in its economy and is worried about being trapped in debt. Chinese-funded enterprises comprise 90 percent of the island’s economy. Chinese migrants left very few job opportunities for the locals, disrupted trade and commerce, and established a monopoly of Chinese products in the market. Such a heavy involvement of China in Madagascar puts it at a high risk of instability and political upheaval. This is a clear example of how the strategic interests of large powers can bring the SIDS to the brink of collapse.
Opportunity to discuss and maintain stability through various forums
- SAMOA pathway: SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Pathway which is an international framework under the UN umbrella that has initiated a stronger action from the international community to support the vulnerable islands. It guides national, regional, and international development efforts to help these states achieve their Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
- Alliance of small Island states: Similarly, the Alliance of Small Island States is a representative body of 39 small island states that provides a platform to voice their grievances.
- Indian ocean commission: The Indian Ocean Commission is yet another intergovernmental body that consists of the islands; Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, Seychelles and Réunion (French overseas region).
What SIDS must do?
- The SIDS of IOR must strengthen their collaboration with each other.
- They must make a collective effort to make their challenges and issues known to the other actors.
- The SIDS should make use of the opportunity to ensure that the larger powers understand their security interests and include it in the larger security architecture
Way ahead
- In most cases, decisions regarding security in the region have been taken by the influential, and larger powers without the SIDS.
- The SIDS of the IOR can leverage their strategic position and use it to their advantage to make the larger powers acknowledge their security interests and issues.
- The need of the hour is for stronger alliances and regional groupings to emerge, with significant participation of the SIDS, so that other actors do not downplay or overlook their issues and interests.
Conclusion
- The SIDS have been advocating at various international forums for support and assistance to combat their challenges associated with resources, development, climate change, and most of all, survival. Rather than being viewed as pawns in the geopolitical competition, the SIDS must be viewed as important stakeholders in the region. This is the main change in the mindset, policies and approaches that are needed for secure and stable region.
Mains Question

Q. What is SIDS (Small Island Developing States). What is the significance of SIDS in IOR? Discuss the challenges faced by SIDS in the region and suggest a way ahead.

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December 19, 2022
Day 1| Daily Answer Wars| CD WarZone
Topics for Today’s question:

GS-3 Agriculture and related issues

Question

Q. In light of recently declared National Mission on Edible Oils-Oil Palm (NMEO-OP), critically examine economic and environmental implications of promotion of oil palm cultivation in the country. (10 Marks)

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December 19, 2022
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December 19, 2022
Personal freedom and the panel on Intercaste/Interfaith Marriages
Context
- Following a report in this newspaper, the Maharashtra government has decided to limit the mandate of the recently constituted Intercaste/Interfaith Marriage-Family Coordination Committee (state level) to gathering information on interfaith marriages.
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Intercaste/Interfaith Marriage-Family Coordination Committee
- Work under Women and child development: The renamed Interfaith Marriage-Family Coordination Committee will be under the state Women and Child Development Ministry.
- Will Track frauds: The committee besides providing support and rehabilitation, when necessary, ostensibly track fraud committed in the name of love jihad.
- Development come after walker case: The development came after the Shraddha Walkar case came to light in November. Walkar, 26, was murdered by her live-in partner Aaftab Poonawalla in May, 2022
- Other states with anti-conversion legislation: With states such as Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand already having brought in anti-conversion legislation.
What is love jihad?
- “Love jihad” is a term often used by activists to allege a ploy by Muslim men to lure Hindu women into religious conversion through marriage.
How the initiative will work?
- Will collect and keep details of interfaith marriages and ensure communication: This initiative will provide a platform for the women in intercaste/interfaith marriages and their families to access counselling, and communicate or resolve issues.
- Committee will hold regular meetings: The committee has been assigned to hold meetings with district officials, and review work on seven parameters, including, gathering information about interfaith or inter-caste marriages from stamp duty and registrar offices, and collect information on such registered or unregistered marriages, among others.
What are the concerns raised?
- Control over the lives of individual citizens: Such vigilance remains yet another indication of the State’s disproportionately burgeoning and utterly unacceptable interest in, and demand for, control over the lives of individual citizens.
- Denial of women’s own choice: It is not just violative of one’s rights of freedom and equality, it also reeks of misogyny in its steadfast denial of a woman’s choice of partner as her own free will and not an act of coercion.
- Committee can be armed: There is the IPC for all genuine complaints so the committee could be weaponised.
- It will limit the freedoms of men and women: In every aspect, monitoring of a citizen’s life for her own supposed benefit is a cautionary tale, a limitation of the freedoms of men and women, designed to deter them from leading fuller, freer lives.
Basics: Right to Marriage
- Comes under Right to life: The right to marry is a part of the right to life under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution.
- As an integral part of Right to Life: Various courts across the country have also interpreted the right to marry as an integral part of the right to life under Article 21.
- Stated under Human rights Charter: The right to marriage is also stated under Human Rights Charter within the meaning of the right to start a family.
- Universal right: The right to marry is a universal right and it is available to everyone irrespective of their gender.
- Forced marriage is illegal: A forced marriage is illegal in different personal laws on marriage in India, with the right to marry recognized under the Hindu laws as well as Muslim laws.
How is religious freedom protected under the Constitution?
- Article 25(1) of the Constitution guarantees the “freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion”.
- It is a right that guarantees a negative liberty which means that the state shall ensure that there is no interference or obstacle to exercise this freedom.
- However, like all fundamental rights, the state can restrict the right for grounds of public order, decency, morality, health and other state interests.
Conclusion
- The marriage between politics and communalism is not a new phenomenon but to try to inhibit that idea of openness and possibility by casting communal aspersions on personal choice might be a travesty. There needs an innovative and inclusive approach to address the issues arise out of interfaith marriages.
Mains question

Q. Recently the Maharashtra government has set up a panel named “Intercaste/Interfaith marriage-family coordination committee (state level)” to gather information about couples in such marriages. Discuss the utility and concerns of such initiative?

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December 19, 2022
Private Member’s Bill for women’s reservation
Context
- As strong advocates of more representation of women in politics, looking at the number of women elected in the Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh assemblies has been saddening. With just 14.9 per cent women elected to our Lok Sabha, India ranks 144 out of 193 countries in the representation of women in parliament according to Inter-Parliamentary Union’s latest report. Among our immediate neighbours, India falls behind Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Nepal.
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Background: Recent elections and women’s participation
- Gujrat: Gujarat elected just 8 per cent of women legislators in its 182-member assembly.
- Himachal Pradesh: Himachal Pradesh, where every second voter is a female, has elected 67 men and only one woman.
- National Average: The national average of women in all state assemblies remains around 8 per cent. The figure is grim
- Representation of women in local governments increased: After the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments, the representation of women in local governments increased from a mere 3-4 per cent to nearly 50 per cent now.
History of Women’s Reservation Bill
- First introduced in 1996 but lapsed with the dissolution of Lok Sabha: The Women’s Reservation Bill was first introduced in 1996 by the Deve Gowda government. After the Bill failed to get approval in Lok Sabha, it was referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee chaired by Geeta Mukherjee, which presented its report in December 1996. However, the Bill lapsed with the dissolution of the Lok Sabha and had to be reintroduced.
- Bill reintroduced in 1998 but failed and lapsed: PM Vajpayee’s NDA government reintroduced the Bill in the 12th Lok Sabha in 1998. Yet again, it failed to get support and lapsed. In 1999, the NDA government reintroduced it in the 13th Lok Sabha.
- One-third reservations for women: Subsequently, the Bill was introduced twice in Parliament in 2003. In 2004, the government included it in the Common Minimum Programme that said that the government will take the lead to introduce legislation for one-third reservations for women in Vidhan Sabhas and in the Lok Sabha.
- The bill introduced and passed in Rajya Sabha: In 2008, the government tabled the Bill in the Rajya Sabha so that it does not lapse again. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Law and Justice recommended the passage of the Bill in December 2009. It was cleared by the Union Cabinet in February 2010. On March 9, 2010, the Bill was passed in the Rajya Sabha with 186-1 votes after immense debate. History was created.
- Lapsed again in 2014: The Bill, then, reached the Lok Sabha where it never saw the light of day. When the House was dissolved in 2014, it lapsed. Now we are back to square one.
- Renewed push: In the current Winter Session of Parliament, there is a renewed push from most Opposition parties to pass the Women’s Reservation Bill.
The case study: Political parties and Women representation
- Political parties that reserved seats for women for election candidature: So far only two regional political parties in India, Odisha’s Biju Janata Dal (BJD) and West Bengal’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) have reserved seats for women for election candidatures.
- Candidature and results of 2019 general elections: TMC and BJD fielded 40 per cent and 33 per cent women candidates respectively. Interestingly, 65 per cent of the TMC’s women candidates won in comparison to 44 per cent of their men, whereas 86 per cent of the BJD’s women candidates won in comparison to 43 per cent of their men.
Private Member’s Bill for women’s reservation in all legislative bodies
- Acknowledging the inequality and barriers: Women have historically suffered due to systemic inequality and barriers. Without a gender quota, women’s representation will continue to remain marginal causing a massive deficit in our democracy.
- Reserved seats for women: Understanding this reality, there is a need to introduce a Private Member’s Bill demanding women’s reservation in all legislative bodies Lower and Upper Houses, and also reserved seats within that for women who come from historically marginalised communities.
- Ensuring greater representation: It is a single step that will, if passed, immediately ensure at least 33 per cent representation of women.
What is Private Member’s Bill?
- Piloted by member other than minister: A private member’s Bill is different from a government Bill and is piloted by Member of Parliament (MP) who is not a minister. A Member of Parliament who is not a minister is a private member.
- To draw governments attention: Individual MPs may introduce private member’s Bill to draw the government’s attention to what they might see as issues requiring legislative intervention.
Way ahead
- The case for women’s reservation emanates from their lack of representation in legislative bodies. We cannot rely on incremental changes.
- We cannot let another generation fight for what is fundamental to participating in a democracy the right to be heard and make decisions.
- Women’s reservation will jump-start the democratic process. It will allow a significant majority to have a say in how their lives must be governed.
- Over the years, though, women’s vote share has increased significantly, but the number of women in positions of power has not.
Conclusion
- Victor Hugo famously said, “No force on earth can stop an idea whose time has come”. Women’s reservation in legislatures is one idea which has been discussed, debated, and agreed upon by most political parties. It is now time to take it to fruition. With its massive women population, India has a huge reservoir of potential which, if unleashed, will take the country much ahead.
Main Question

Q. Women reservation bill has introduced and lapsed no of times. In this context discuss why it is necessary to have reserved seats for women in all legislative bodies?

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December 19, 2022
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December 19, 2022
[Sansad TV] Perspective: Inter-State Border Disputes in India
Context
- Union Home Minister held a meeting with the Chief Ministers of Maharashtra and Karnataka on the border dispute between the two States.
- Both sides agreed that neither State will press their claims further till the judgement of the Supreme Court on this matter and discuss this issue in detail.
Inter-state Border Disputes in India: A Backgrounder
- As of now, no interstate border dispute has been resolved in independent India.
- Karnataka and Maharashtra are not the only two States involved in the border dispute.
- There are boundary disputes arising out of the demarcation of boundaries and claims and counter-claims over territories between-
[1] Karnataka-Maharashtra
- The Belgaum district is arguably part of one of the biggest inter-state border disputes in India.
- The district has a large Marathi and Kannada-speaking populations and has been at the centre of a dispute for a long time.
- The area came under Karnataka in 1956 when states were reorganized and till then it was under the Bombay presidency.
[2] Assam-Mizoram
- The border dispute between Assam and Mizoram is a legacy of two British-era notifications of 1875 and 1933, when Mizoram was called Lushai Hills, a district in Assam.
- The 1875 notification differentiated Lushai Hills from the plains of Cachar and the other demarcated boundary between Lushai Hills and Manipur.
- While Mizoram became a state only in 1987 following years of insurgency, it still insists on the boundary decided in 1875.
- Assam, on the other hand, wants the boundary demarcated in 1986 (based on the 1933 notification).
- Mizoram says the 1986 agreement is not acceptable as the Mizo civil society was not consulted at that time.
[3] Haryana-Himachal Pradesh
- The Parwanoo region has had the spotlight over the border dispute between the two states.
- It is next to the Panchkula district of Haryana and the state has claimed parts of the land in Himachal Pradesh as its own.
[4] Himachal Pradesh-Ladakh
- Himachal and Ladakh lay claim to Sarchu, an area on the route between Leh and Manali.
- It is considered a major point where travellers stop when travelling between the two cities.
- Sarchu is in between Himachal’s Lahul and Spiti district and Leh district in Ladakh.
[5] Arunachal Pradesh-Assam
- Arunachal’s grievance is that the re-organisation of North Eastern states unilaterally transferred several forested tracts in the plains that had traditionally belonged to hill tribal chiefs and communities to Assam.
- After Arunachal Pradesh achieved statehood in 1987, a tripartite committee was appointed which recommended that certain territories be transferred from Assam to Arunachal.
- Assam contested this and the matter is before the Supreme Court.
[6] Meghalaya-Assam
- The problem between Assam and Meghalaya started when the latter challenged the Assam Reorganisation Act of 1971, which gave Blocks I and II of the Mikir Hills or present-day Karbi Anglong district to Assam.
- Meghalaya contends that both these blocks formed part of the erstwhile United Khasi and Jaintia Hills district when it was notified in 1835.
- Meghalaya bases its case on survey maps of 1872 and 1929 and certain notifications of 1878 and 1951, while Assam wants to go by the rejected recommendations of the Churachand Committee.
[7] Assam-Nagaland
- The longest-running border dispute in the North East is between Assam and Nagaland, which began soon after Nagaland became a state in 1963.
- The Nagaland State Act of 1962 had defined the state’s borders according to a 1925 notification when Naga Hills and Tuensang Area (NHTA) were integrated into a new administrative unit.
- Nagaland, however, does not accept the boundary delineation and has demanded that the new state should also have all Naga-dominated areas in North Cachar and Nagaon districts.
- Since Nagaland did not accept its notified borders, tensions between Assam and Nagaland flared up soon after the latter was formed, resulting in the first border clashes in 1965.
- This was followed by major clashes between the two states along the border in 1968, 1979, 1985, 2007, 2014 and 2021.
Genesis of such disputes
- Reorganization considerations: When India started carving out states in 1953, the States Reorganisation Commission said territorial readjustments between (states) should not assume the form of disputes between alien powers.
- Lingual assertion: Several inter-state border disputes have their roots in the reorganisation of states in the 1950s … (which) was primarily based on language.
- Colonial division: Many of these state demarcations were based on district boundaries created by the British. For example, partition of Bengal led to present day Assam issue.
- Inequitable sharing of resources: These territorial contests are part of a larger set of differences over resources between states — over access to river waters.
- Lack of constitutional mechanism: Article 262 is on the adjudication of disputes relating to waters of inter-state rivers or river valleys. There is no comparable provision on disputes on land.
- Political opportunism: Frankly, no serious efforts have been made to resolve the disputes. Political parties have used this for vote bank politics.
Why does NE have so many border disputes?
- Ethnocentrism was ignored: States Reorganisation Commission went ahead and recommended the creation of just one state, Assam, which would administer what are now Mizoram, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Tripura.
- Difficult border demarcation due to terrain: The other complexity has been terrain — rivers, hills and forests straddle two states in many places and borders cannot be physically marked.
- Primitive populations were ignored: Colonial maps had left out large tracts of the northeast outside Assam as “thick forests” or marked them “unexplored”. Indigenous communities were, for the most part, left alone.
- Political motivations behind reorganization: Boundaries would be drawn for administrative convenience when the “need” arose. The 1956 demarcation did not resolve the discrepancies.
- Historic discrepancies: Mizoram got its first recorded boundary in 1875 after a survey of 6,500 sq. miles of “new” territory, unmapped before, to separate it from Cachar and protect British tea plantations. When Mizoram was created, it was way smaller than the 1875 map by about 750 sq km.
- Apathy of centre: The Inter-State Council constituted to support Centre-state and inter-state coordination and collaboration hasn’t met for the last six years although it’s supposed to meet thrice a year.
Resolving such conflict
- Zonal councils: The States Reorganization Act, 1956, which established the new linguistic states, also set up an institutional mechanism to settle disputes. It had set five zonal councils, each comprising the chief and two other ministers of each of the constituent states, and a central minister as chairman.
- Dialogue: Inter-state border disputes can be resolved by the states themselves or by the Centre through dialogue and political settlements.
- Central commissions: The Sundaram Commission recommended a border between Assam and Nagaland (but Nagaland rejected the report).
- Judicial intervention: Disputes can also be settled by the Judiciary. For instance, the Belgaum issue is still pending in the Supreme Court.
Issues with such disputes
- Radicalism and Terrorism: Many terror activities in NE are triggered by the sense of alienation and demand for separate nations (as well as flags) to assert their individual identiy.
- Secessionist tendencies and separatism: Inter-state disputes need to be settled quickly and impartially otherwise they become festering sores which create friction, prevent development, and give a perverse direction to separatism.
- Blow to federalism: The ugly and violent clashes between the states are against to the spirit of mutual coexistence and thereby a blow to Ek Bharat, Shreshtha Bharat.
- Domino effect: Domino effect or chain reaction at other disputed borders or in other inter-state disputes such as river water, migration of people etc. due to trust deficit between states.
Way forward
- Land survey-based boundary demarcation: The states must set up state committees to work with a survey of India and other neutral agencies for land surveys.
- Involving indigenous communities: The local communities can also be engaged in this demarcation of borders.
- Creating no-man’s land: The centre must remove the encroachments from both sides devise a “no lose” (non-zero sum) solution to territory dispute.
- Strengthening of Inter-State Councils and Zonal Councils: Frequent meetings of thse Councils for convergence of interests between states and suggest institutional solutions to benefit both by dispute resolution.
Conclusion
- Mutual resolution: While states decide how best to settle their disputes, India needs a national, centrally enforced moratorium on actions.
- Stopping provocations: The Election Commission must punish parties and politicians who engage in border provocations.
- Political restrain: Political elites must not be allowed to inflame passions along disputed borders to satiate their electoral appetites and territorial ambitions.
- Preventing further escalations: The task of integrating the Princely States into the Union of India was far too messier. Following in Patel’s footsteps is easier said than done.
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December 19, 2022
What is Vacation Bench of Supreme Court?
Chief Justice of India D. Y. Chandrachud said no Vacation Benches will be available in the apex court during the winter break.

Vacation Bench
- A Vacation Bench of the Supreme Court is a special bench constituted by the Chief Justice of India.
- The court takes two long vacations each year, the summer and winter breaks, but is technically not fully closed during these periods.
- Litigants can still approach the Supreme Court and, if the court decides that the plea is an “urgent matter”, the Vacation Bench hears the case on its merits.
- While there is no specific definition as to what an “urgent matter” is.
- During vacations the court generally admits writs related to habeas corpus, certiorari, prohibition and quo warranto matters for enforcement of any fundamental right.
Do you know?

The Supreme Court has 193 working days a year for its judicial functioning, while the High Courts function for approximately 210 days, and trial courts for 245 days. High Courts have the power to structure their calendars according to the service rules.

Legal Provisions for Vacation Bench
- Under Rule 6 of Order II of The Supreme Court rules, 2013 the CJI has nominates the Division Benches for the hearing of urgent miscellaneous matters and regular hearing matters during the summer vacation for period.
- The rule reads that CJI may appoint one or more Judges to hear during summer vacation or winter holidays all matters of an urgent nature which under these rules may be heard by a Judge sitting singly.
- And, whenever necessary, he may likewise appoint a Division Court for the hearing of urgent cases during the vacation which require to be heard by a Bench of Judges.
Which else can appoint vacation bench?
- The High Courts and trial courts too have Vacation Benches to hear urgent matters under their jurisdiction.
Has vacation benches made any historic judgments?
- Vacation Benches of the Supreme Court have also authored historical decisions.
- One of the best known is when a Vacation Bench Judge in June 1975, refused PM Indira Gandhi’s plea to stay an Allahabad High Court decision setting aside her election – a decision which triggered the Emergency.
- A Constitution Bench of the court had heard the triple talaq case during vacation days.
Issues with court vacations
- Huge pendency: Extended frequent vacations is not good optics, especially in the light of mounting pendency of cases and the snail’s pace of judicial proceedings.
- Creating further delays: For an ordinary litigant, the vacation means further unavoidable delays in listing cases.
Arguments in favour
- Rejuvenation of judges: Lawyers have often argued that in a profession that demands intellectual rigour and long working hours — both from lawyers and judges — vacations are much needed for rejuvenation.
- Long working hours: Judges typically work for over 10 hours on a daily basis. Apart from the day’s work in court from 10.30 am to 4 pm, they also spend a few hours preparing for the next day.
- Preparing for judgments: A frequently-made argument is that judges utilise the vacation to write judgments.
- Courts not in session: Another argument is that judges do not take leave of absence like other working professionals when the court is in session.
- Socialization: Family tragedies, health are rare exceptions, but judges rarely take the day off for social engagements.
- No impact on pendency: Data show that the Supreme Court roughly disposes of the same number of cases as are instituted before it in a calendar year.
Reforming the vacation clause
- In 2000, the Justice Malimath Committee, set up to recommend reforms in the criminal justice system, suggested that the period of vacation should be reduced by 21 days.
- It suggested that the Supreme Court work for 206 days, and High Courts for 231 days every year.
- In its 230th report, the Law Commission of India headed by Justice A R Lakshmanan in 2009 called for reform in this system.
- Considering the staggering arrears, vacations in the higher judiciary must be curtailed by at least 10 to 15 days and the court working hours should be extended by at least half an hour, it said.
- In 2014, when the Supreme Court notified its new Rules, it said that the period of summer vacation shall not exceed seven weeks from the earlier 10-week period.
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December 19, 2022
Missile destroyer INS Mormugao commissioned into Indian Navy
Indian Naval Ship (INS) Mormugao (Pennant 67), a P15B stealth-guided missile destroyer was commissioned into the Indian Navy.

INS Mormugao
- This was the second ship to be inducted as a part of the four ‘Visakhapatnam’ class destroyers.
- It is indigenously designed by the Navy’s in-house organisation Warship Design Bureau and constructed by Mazagaon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) in the country’s financial capital Mumbai.
- The ship was named after a key port in the Indian state of Goa, it was inducted on the eve of Goa Liberation Day.
- The ship was first launched in September 2016 and began sea trials last year on December 19 which coincided with the day that Goa was liberated from Portuguese rule six decades earlier with December 18 marking the launch of Operation Vijay by the Indian Armed Forces in 1961.
- Singh also paid tributed former defence minister, the late Manohar Parrikar who had launched INS Mormugao in 2016.
Features of INS Mormugao
- The ship measures 163 metres by 17 metres and has the ability to fight in nuclear, biological, as well as chemical (NBC) warfare due to its total atmospheric control system (TACS).
- Additionally, with a displacement of 7,400 tonnes, the INS Mormugao is loaded with state-of-the-art weapons.
- It will be operated by a crew of at least 350 which would include 50 officers and 250 sailors.
- Over 75 per cent of the ship’s content was manufactured and developed in India, either directly or designed and developed by Indian Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) or through strategic tie-ups.
- It is capable of achieving speeds of 30 knots (55 km/hour) as it is propelled by four powerful gas turbines in a ‘combined gas and gas’ (COGAG) configuration.
Combat weaponry
- INS Mormugao includes weapons like BrahMos surface-to-surface missiles and Barak-8 surface-to-air missiles.
- It is also fitted with a modern surveillance radar which helps provide target data to the ship’s weapon system.
- Additionally, the ship’s weaponry also includes indigenously-developed rocket launchers, torpedo launchers and ASW helicopters like Sea King or HAL Dhruv.
Historic significance of Mormugao Port
- Even as a port, Mormugao has contributed significantly to the growth of India’s maritime trade.
- Even today, it is one of the oldest and largest ports in the country and will retain this special place due to the services it provides be it Mormugao fort or Mormugao port.
- It is landmark since the 17th century Maratha campaign against the Portuguese under Chhatrapati Sambhaji (Ch. Shivaji Maharaj’s son).
Back2Basics: Project PB15
- P15B destroyers is a class of four ships built by the country’s MDSL with INS Visakhapatnam (Pennant D66), commissioned last year in November as the year.
- These ships are set to be more advanced than the Kolkata class under the project named 15A which comprised INS Kolkata, INS Kochi, and INS Chennai.
- The contract for the ships was signed back in 2011 and under Project 15B they were to be named after four major Indian cities like Visakhapatnam, Mormugao, Imphal, and Surat.
- A group of ships with similar tonnage, usage, capabilities, and weaponry are referred to as a ship’s ‘class’.
- P15B destroyers incorporate new design concepts for improved survivability, seakeeping and manoeuvrability.
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December 19, 2022
Why banyan, peepal trees live longer?
Researchers at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research (IISER) Bhopal have found out the carried out whole genome sequencing of banyan and peepal from leaf tissue samples.

Science behind long life: Multiple Signs of Adaptive-evolution (MSA)
- Scientists identified 25,016 coding gene sequences in banyan and 23,929 in peepal.
- Both trees faced a population bottleneck around 0.8 million years ago and evolved genes with multiple signs of adaptive evolution (MSA).
- In banyan, the MSA genes are mainly involved in root growth, pollen tube and seed development, leaf formation, cell wall synthesis, metabolism and other developmental processes.
How MSA prolongs the life?
- Disease resistance and other stress tolerance gene families showed expansion as well as high expression, contributing to the plants’ long lifespan.
- The MSA genes of peepal are associated with root cell elongation, cell proliferation, seed and pollen tube growth, lateral organ development, controlling flowering time, metabolism and intracellular transport.
- The team zeroed in on 17 MSA genes in banyan and 19 MSA genes in peepal that are mainly related to well-developed morphology, and tolerance against drought, oxidative stress and pathogens.
- Genes involved in growth-regulating auxin signalling and plant senescence-regulating pathways also showed evolutionary signatures.
- Also, 88% and 89% of the MSA genes in banyan and peepal trees, respectively, are associated with tolerance against biotic and abiotic stress responses.
- This, in turn, helps these plants to survive when faced with environmental challenges.
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December 19, 2022

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