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Subject: “Efficacy of Welfare and Development Schemes”

  • Why is the centre revising the NFSA 

    Why in the News?

    The Union Food and Public Distribution Department has published a draft amendment to the National Food Security Act (NFSA), 2013 converting the Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) entitlement from a household-based to a per-capita formula. Tamil Nadu and Kerala have objected, arguing the change will cut monthly foodgrain allocations for smaller households even though it is framed as an equity correction. The dispute revives a food-politics fault line between the Centre and these two States that traces back to the NFSA’s 2013 enactment.

    What has the Centre proposed, and what does it claim to fix?

    1. Current rule: Every Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) household receives 35 kg of foodgrains per month, regardless of household size.
    2. Proposed rule: Each person in an AAY household is entitled to 7 kg per month, subject to a ceiling of 35 kg per household.
    3. Legal provision amended: The first provision to Section 3(1) of the NFSA, which governs the right to subsidised foodgrains for eligible households.
    4. Stated rationale: The F&PD Department says the household-based system causes intra-category inequity. Smaller households get a higher per-capita share. Larger households get a lower per-capita share that can fall below what priority households receive.
    5. Stated objective: The amendment aims to make allocation more rational and align entitlements with nutritional norms.
    6. Consultation window: Public comments were invited till July 13, 2026.
    7. Gap in the amendment: The draft does not address inclusion of ineligible persons as beneficiaries. This problem remains a State-level issue.

    Why have Tamil Nadu and Kerala historically treated food policy as high-stakes politics?

    1. Kerala’s PDS legacy: Kerala traces informal food distribution mechanisms to the erstwhile princely State of Travancore and launched a formal Public Distribution System (PDS) in 1962, three years before the Food Corporation of India (FCI) was established.
    2. Tamil Nadu’s political precedent: Incumbent governments lost power in 1952 and 1967 over failure to manage rice shortages, making rice policy a lasting political sensitivity.
    3. Kerala’s resistance to the 2013 NFSA: The Congress-led UDF government, despite the Congress-led UPA pushing the law at the Centre, resisted implementation. It argued the law would drop a large number of poor families and impose a heavy financial burden on the State.
    4. Delayed Kerala rollout: Chief Minister Oommen Chandy committed to enforcing the NFSA, but the formal decision was taken only under his successor, Pinarayi Vijayan.
    5. Tamil Nadu’s universal rice policy: Chief Minister Jayalalithaa opposed the NFSA after her government began distributing free rice to all ration cardholders in 2011, regardless of economic status.
    6. Concession extracted in 2013: Tamil Nadu secured a Central guarantee that its then-existing allocation levels would be legally protected under the NFSA.
    7. Delayed adoption: Both southern States joined the rest of the country in implementing the NFSA only in November 2016.

    Why does a per-capita formula built on a household ceiling disadvantage southern States?

    1. Mechanical effect of the formula: A household with fewer than five members receives less than 35 kg under the per-capita rule, since 7 kg multiplied by fewer than five persons falls short of the existing ceiling.
    2. Kerala’s structural exposure: Kerala’s Food Minister has argued that States characterised by nuclear families will lose out, since Kerala took the position in 2013 that AAY cardholders deserved “special consideration,” a stance it maintains.
    3. Tamil Nadu’s quantified loss: The State’s monthly allocation is projected to fall from 65,261 tonnes to 42,040 tonnes under the new formula.
    4. Scale of exposure in Tamil Nadu: Of 18.64 lakh AAY households, 15.75 lakh have fewer than five members, covering 58.51 lakh of the State’s 69.27 lakh AAY beneficiaries.
    5. Non-substitutability argument: Rice is a staple across all three daily meals for AAY cardholders and cannot be replaced with market purchases without significant out-of-pocket cost.
    6. North-South divide argument: Right to Food Campaign functionary Anuradha Talwar has argued that northern States, with larger average family sizes, will receive higher allocations under the new formula while southern States lose out.
    7. South’s collective stake: The five southern States and Puducherry together hold 52.51 lakh of India’s 250 lakh AAY household ceiling, about one-fifth of the national total, making the region’s exposure to the formula change substantial in absolute terms.

    What is the way forward, and does it resolve the underlying tension?

    1. Process concern: A change of this scale should have been subjected to wider public scrutiny before a consensus was sought, according to food policy commentary cited in the report.
    2. Middle-path proposal: Tamil Nadu Progressive Consumer Centre president T. Sadagopan has suggested a flat allocation of 30 kg per household, irrespective of family size, as a compromise.
    3. Fiscal rationale for the middle path: A flat 30 kg allocation would still let the Union government reduce its overall subsidy bill compared to the current 35 kg ceiling.
    4. Implementation context: Current off-take and distribution data for the financial year up to May 2026 show uneven utilisation across southern States relative to their allocations, indicating that formula design alone will not resolve execution gaps in the PDS chain.
    5. Unresolved gap: Neither the Centre’s draft nor the proposed middle path addresses the separate, State-level problem of ineligible persons remaining on beneficiary lists.

    Conclusion

    The NFSA amendment corrects a genuine per-capita inequity within the AAY category, but the household ceiling built into the new formula shifts the burden onto smaller-household southern States, reviving a federal food-politics conflict rooted in each State’s distinct PDS history. The amendment leaves the parallel problem of ineligible beneficiaries at the State level untouched, meaning one inequity is corrected while another persists. A flat per-household allocation remains a proposed middle path, but the Centre has not formally responded to it.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2013] What are the salient features of the National Food Security Act, 2013? How has the Food Security Bill helped in eliminating hunger and malnutrition in India?

    Linkage: The PYQ examines the provisions and effectiveness of the NFSA as a rights-based framework for ensuring food and nutritional security. The proposed shift from a fixed 35 kg entitlement per AAY household to 7 kg per person, capped at 35 kg, enables a critical assessment of whether rationalising foodgrain allocation may weaken existing NFSA entitlements and affect vulnerable households unevenly.

  • VB-G RAM G Act, 2025 Comes into Force

    Why in News?

    The Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Aajeevika Mission (Gramin) [VB-G RAM G] Act, 2025 came into force across India on 1 July 2026, replacing and expanding the rural employment guarantee framework.

    What is VB-G RAM G?

    • A statutory rural employment guarantee programme aimed at strengthening livelihoods and creating durable rural assets.
    • Guarantees 125 days of wage employment annually to eligible rural households, replacing the earlier 100-day guarantee.
    • Focuses on Rural livelihood security, Natural resource conservation, Agricultural productivity, Women-led development, and Creation of durable community assets

    Key Features

    • Statutory guarantee: 125 days of wage employment.
    • Minimum daily wage: No notified wage below ₹300.
    • National average wage: Increased from ₹298.8 to ₹327.4 per day (over 10% increase).
    • Wage hikes of 15 to 25% in States such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh.
    • Interim allocation: ₹95,692.31 crore released to States/UTs for implementation.

    Objectives

    • Enhance rural employment security.
    • Promote sustainable livelihood opportunities.
    • Strengthen climate-resilient and productive rural assets.
    • Improve agricultural productivity through resource conservation.
    • Increase women’s participation and economic empowerment.
    • Ensure transparent, technology-driven implementation.

    Implementation Measures

    • Launch of the VB-G RAM G software platform.
    • Distribution of Rural Employment Guarantee Cards.
    • Digital monitoring and timely wage payments.
    • Focus on outcome-based asset creation.

    [2021] With reference to casual workers employed in India, consider the following statements:
    1. All casual workers are entitled for Employees Provident Fund Coverage.
    2. All casual workers are entitled for regular working hours and overtime payment.
    3. The government can by a notification specify that an establishment or industry shall pay wages only through its bank account.
    Which of the above statement are correct?

    [A] 1 and 2 only

    [B] 2 and 3 only

    [C] 1 and 3 only

    [D] 1, 2 and 3

  • Performance of welfare schemes that are implemented for vulnerable sections is not so effective due to absence of their awareness and active involvement at all stages of policy process – Discuss.

    The Directive Principles of State Policy (Articles 41), envisions a welfare state that ensures social justice and empowerment of vulnerable sections. However, their impact is limited due to design and implementation gaps.

    Absence of awareness and active involvement

    Policy Making

    Poor Representation in Design – Lack of beneficiary consultation leads to top-down, one-size-fits-all schemes. Eg- uniform guidelines under PMAY

    Absence of local participation results in policies ignoring grassroots realities.

    Misallocation of Priorities- Without local input, funds get diverted to non-core activities. Eg- Beti Bachao Beti Padhao spent 80% of funds on publicity

    Political populism and short termism rather than long term capability building approach. Eg- Farm Loan Waiver

    Policy Implementation

    Limited Awareness of Rights and Entitlements – Eg- MGNREGA workers rarely claim unemployment allowance due to ignorance of provisions.

    Poor Coordination – Absence of SHGs, PRIs, and NGOs in execution leads to leakages and inefficiency. Eg- leakages in PDS

    Digital and Social Exclusion – Digital illiteracy limits registration and access.

    Policy Monitoring

    Weak Social Accountability MechanismsEg- Social audits under MGNREGA are irregular in several states.

    Absence of Community Oversight- Eg- NFSA grievance redressal committees underperform due to lack of public participation.

    Crisis Management

    In disasters, schemes fail to respond effectively due to missing local coordination. Eg- Migrant crisis during COVID-19 lockdown

    Weak Role of Civil Society in Emergency Delivery- Limited engagement with NGOs reduces last-mile efficiency.

    However, there are few success stories

    Mid-Day Meal (POSHAN) -Reduced hunger and educational deprivation.

    Direct Benefit Transfer saved 3.48 lakh crore of government.

    Social Audit of MGNREGA – Andhra Pradesh Model

    Participatory Democracy – Peoples Plan Campaign of Kerala

    Way Forward

    Institutionalising Social Audit and Citizen Charters with legal backing

    Strengthening Grassroot democracy through effective devolution and principle of subsidiarity

    Bottom-up Planning – Porto Alegre Brazil Model

    Inclusive Development- Involve SHGs, and CSOs in design, execution, and feedback.

    Ensuring “people-centric governance” through information, inclusion, and participation aligns with the vision of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas”

  • “Development and welfare schemes for the vulnerable, by its nature, are discriminatory in approach.” Do you agree? Give reasons for your answer.

    As Dr. B.R. Ambedkar said, “Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy.” Development and welfare schemes are pivotal for uplifting vulnerable sections of society.

    Welfare Schemes – “Discriminatory”

    Targeted Beneficiaries – Eg- Stand-Up India provides loans only to SC/ST and women entrepreneurs.

    Resource Allocation Bias – Eg- Special Component Plan (SCP) and Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) earmark fixed budgetary percentages.

    Political and Regional Disparities – Eg- 90% central funding to North East and Special Category states under CSS

    Dependency and Moral Hazard – Overemphasis on welfare transfers can foster dependency rather than empowerment.

    Bias and Perceived Discrimination – Non-reserved categories view these schemes as diluting meritocracy and unfair. Eg- Reservation Policies

    Welfare Schemes – Corrective, Not Discriminatory

    Constitutional Mandate for Positive Discrimination – Articles 15(4) and 46 empower the state to make special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes.

    Bridge Structural Inequalities and corrects historical injustices. Eg- 106th Amendment Act

    Inclusive Human Development – Programs like Ayushman Bharat, PM Poshan, and PM Matru Vandana Yojana address basic capabilities of health, nutrition, and education.

    Aligns with the UN SDGs (Goal 1: No Poverty, Goal 10: Reduced Inequality) which encourage special focus on vulnerable populations.

    Resource Optimization- Limited resources necessitate prioritizing those most in need, ensuring efficient use of funds.

    Impact Maximization- Eg- Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY) for affordable housing.

    Social Cohesion- Inclusive growth fosters social stability and reduces tensions arising from socio-economic disparities.

    Impact

    India lifted 248 million people out of multidimensional poverty between 2013-14 and 2022-23 (NITI Aayog, MPI Report 2024).

    MGNREGA: Women’s participation stands at over 57%, reflecting strong gender inclusion.

    PM Ujjwala Yojana – Over 10.5 crore LPG connections provided since 2016

    PM Jan Dhan Yojana: 55 crore accounts opened, with 56% held by women

    Way Forward

    Capability Approach: increase expenditure on Health (2.5% of GDP) and Education (6% of GDP)

    Bottom-up Planning – Porto Alegre Brazil Model

    Welfare schemes for the vulnerable may appear discriminatory in form, but they are affirmative in purpose to realise the vision of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas”

    Women Empowerment