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Subject: Polity

  • Sixth Schedule of Indian Constitution

    The revival of the demand for two autonomous councils has made political parties and community-based groups call for bringing the entire Arunachal Pradesh under the ambit of the Sixth Schedule or Article 371 (A) of the Constitution.

    Try this question from CSP 2015:

    Q.The provisions in Fifth Schedule and Sixth Schedule in the Constitution of India are made in order to-

    (a) protect the interests of Scheduled Tribes

    (b) determine the boundaries between States

    (c) determine the powers, authority and responsibilities of Panchayats

    (d) protect the interests of all the border States

    What is the Sixth Schedule?

    • The Sixth Schedule consists of provisions for the administration of tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram, according to Article 244 of the Indian Constitution.
    • Passed by the Constituent Assembly in 1949, it seeks to safeguard the rights of the tribal population through the formation of Autonomous District Councils (ADC).
    • ADCs are bodies representing a district to which the Constitution has given varying degrees of autonomy within the state legislature.
    • The governors of these states are empowered to reorganize boundaries of the tribal areas.
    • In simpler terms, she or he can choose to include or exclude any area, increase or decrease the boundaries and unite two or more autonomous districts into one.
    • They can also alter or change the names of autonomous regions without separate legislation.

    Autonomous districts and regional councils

    • The ADCs are empowered with civil and judicial powers can constitute village courts within their jurisdiction to hear the trial of cases involving the tribes.
    • Governors of states that fall under the Sixth Schedule specify the jurisdiction of high courts for each of these cases.
    • Along with ADCs, the Sixth Schedule also provides for separate Regional Councils for each area constituted as an autonomous region.
    • In all, there are 10 areas in the Northeast that are registered as autonomous districts – three in Assam, Meghalaya and Mizoram and one in Tripura.
    • These regions are named as district council of (name of district) and regional council of (name of region).
    • Each autonomous district and regional council consists of not more than 30 members, of which four are nominated by the governor and the rest via elections. All of them remain in power for a term of five years.

    B2BASICS

    Try this question from AWE Initiative:

    The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution is often referred to as a charter for autonomy of a wide magnitude, but it has failed to decrease the tension between different stakeholders at the ground level. Elaborate. (150 W/ 10 M)

  • Judiciary and the challenges ahead

    The article analyses the role of the judiciary in democracy and the challenges it has been facing.

    Challenges to democracy

    • Growing lack of faith among many Indians in the functioning of the Supreme Court (SC).
    • The politicisation of the civil service and the police.
    • The creation of a cult of personality
    • The intimidation of the media.
    • The use of tax and investigative agencies to harass and intimidate independent voices.
    • The refusal to do away with repressive colonial-era laws and instead the desire to strengthen them.
    • The undermining of Indian federalism by the steady whittling down of the powers of the states by the Centre.

    Role and challenges judiciary faces

    • In recent years the Supreme Court has done little to stop or stem the degradation of democracy.
    • Some examples: Court’s refusal to strike down laws like UAPA that should have no place in a constitutional democracy.
    • Its unconscionable delay in hearing major cases.
    • The COVID-19 crisis has accelerated trend towards authoritarianism and the centralisation of power.
    • But the hearings and orders of the past few months show, the Supreme Court seems unable or unwilling to check these ominous trends.
    • The failure of the SC is in part a failure of leadership.
    • One chief justice has accepted a Governorship immediately on retirement, and another has accepted a Rajya Sabha seat.
    • Powers of the Master of the Roster are imperfectly defined, and can lead themselves to widespread misuse by the incumbent.

    Consider the question “Examine the role of the judiciary as the guardian of the Constitution. What are the challenges judiciary facing the judiciary in recent times?”

    Conclusion

    Time has come for all the serving justices in the highest court of the land to think seriously about the ever-increasing gap between their calling as defined by the Constitution, and the direction the Court is now taking.

  • The future of Indian secularism

    Secularism in India faces multiple challenges. This article analyses challenge the Indian secularims faces from the party-political secularims.

    Features of constitutional secularism in India

    • Constitutional secularism is marked by at least two features.
    • First, critical respect for all religions.
    • Unlike some secularisms, ours is not blindly anti-religious but respects religion.
    • It respects not one but all religions.
    • Every aspect of religious doctrine or practice cannot be respected but respect for religion must be accompanied by critique.
    • Second, intervene whenever religious groups promote communal disharmony.
    • Thus, it has to constantly decide when to engage or disengage, help or hinder religion depending entirely on which of these enhances our constitutional commitment to freedom, equality and fraternity.

    How populism is harming secularism

    • Secularism has paid a heavy price in our country for being at the centre of public and political discourse.
    • Populism based politics is indifferent to freedom and equality-based religious reform, it has removed critical from the term ‘critical respect’.
    • It has even been complicit in igniting communal violence.
    • This party-political ‘secular’ state, cozying up alternately to the fanatical fringe of the minority and the majority, was readymade for takeover by a majoritarian party.
    • This takeover was accomplished by removing the word ‘all’ and replacing it by ‘majority’.
    • Today, Indian constitutional secularism is swallowed up by this party-political secularism, with not a little help from the Opposition, media and judiciary.

    Way forward

    • 1) There is a need for a shift of focus from a politically-led project to a socially-driven movement for justice.
    • 2) Also, a shift of emphasis from inter-religious to intra-religious issues.
    • Such focus on intra-relisious issues may allow deeper introspection within, multiple dissenting voices to resurface, create conditions to root out intra-religious injustices, and make its members free and equal.
    • 3) Europe’s secularism provided a principle to fight intra-religious oppressions. 
    • In India, secularism was not only a project of civic friendship among religious communities but also of opposition to religion-based caste and gender oppressions.
    • A collective push from young men and women  may help strengthen the social struggle of emancipation from intra-religious injustices.
    • 4) Inter-religious issues also should not be ignored.
    • Distance, freedom from mutual obsession, give communities breathing space.
    • Each can now explore resources within to construct new ways of living together.

    Consider the question “How populism in the politics thretens the idea of secularim in India? Suggest the ways to deal with it.”

    Conclusion

    Needed today are new forms of socio-religious reciprocity, crucial for the business of everyday life and novel ways of reducing the political alienation of citizens, a democratic deficit whose ramifications go beyond the ambit of secularism.

  • Clause 6 of the Assam Accord

    In February, a government-appointed committee had submitted its recommendations for implementation of Clause 6 of the Assam Accord, a key provision that has been contentious for decades.

    Must read:

    https://www.civilsdaily.com/burning-issue-assam-nrc/

    What is Clause 6?

    • It is a part of the Assam Accord which came at the culmination of a movement against immigration from Bangladesh.
    • It reads: “Constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards, as may be appropriate, shall be provided to protect, preserve and promote the cultural, social, linguistic identity and heritage of the Assamese people.”
    • For recognition as citizens, the Accord sets March 24, 1971, as the cutoff.
    • As immigrants up to the cutoff date would get all rights as Indian citizens, so Clause 6 was inserted to safeguard the socio-political rights and culture of the “indigenous people of Assam”.

    What has happened since?

    • Several committees have been set up over the years to make recommendations on the implementation of Clause 6.
    • None of them made headway on the provision’s contentious issues, however, until the latest CAA move.
    • Following widespread protests against the CAA, the government gave an urgent push to Clause 6 to pacify the Assamese community.

    Recommendations of the recent report

    • Headed by retired High Court judge Biplab Kumar Sarma the committee was asked to fast-track its report.
    • It submitted its report in Feb but the government did not make its contents public.
    • But some Assamese activists independently made the contents public.
    • Its brief was to define the “Assamese people” and suggest measures for the safeguard of their rights. The definition of “Assamese people” has been a subject of discussion for decades.

    Key propositions

    The committee has proposed that the following be considered Assamese people for the purpose of Clause 6. All citizens of India who are part of:

    • Assamese community, residing in the Territory of Assam on or before January 1, 1951; or
    • Any indigenous tribal community of Assam residing in the territory of Assam on or before January 1, 1951; or
    • Any other indigenous community of Assam residing in the territory of Assam on or before January 1, 1951; or
    • All other citizens of India residing in the territory of Assam on or before January 1, 1951; and
    • Descendants of the above categories

    Why 1951?

    • During the Assam agitation, the demand was for detection and deportation of migrants who had illegally entered Assam after 1951.
    • The Assam Accord, however, set the cutoff on March 24, 1971. The National Register of Citizens (NRC) was updated based on this cutoff.
    • Clause 6 is meant to give the Assamese people certain safeguards, which would not be available to migrants between 1951 and 1971.
    • If the recommendation is accepted, those who migrated between 1951 and 1971 would be Indian citizens, but they won’t be eligible for safeguards meant for Assamese people”.

    What are these safeguards?

    Among various recommendations, the key is the reservation of seats in Parliament, Assembly and local bodies; reservation in jobs; and land rights. The panel recommends the Assamese people be given:

    • 80 to 100% reservation in the parliamentary seats of Assam, Assembly seats and local body seats be reserved for the “Assamese people”.
    • 80 to 100% of Group C and D level posts (in Assam) in central government/semi-central government/central PSUs/private sector
    • 80 to 100% of jobs under Government of Assam and state government undertakings; and 70 to 100% of vacancies arising in private partnerships
    • Land rights, with restrictions imposed on transferring land by any means to persons other than “Assamese people”.

    Several other recommendations deal with language and cultural and social rights. On language, it recommends:

    • Assamese language shall continue to be official language throughout the state with provisions for use of local languages in Barak Valley, Hill Districts and the Bodoland Territorial Area Districts.
    • Mandatory provision of an Assamese language paper for recruitment in state government services with alternatives for Barak Valley districts, BTAD and Hills Districts.
    • To set up Academies for all-round development of each of the indigenous tribal languages including, Bodo, Mishing, Karbi, Dimasa, Koch-Rajbongshi, Rabha, Deuri, Tiwa, Tai and other indigenous languages.
  • [pib] Appointment of the UPSC Chairman

    The President of India has appointed Pradeep Kumar Joshi as Chairman of Union Public Service Commission (UPSC).

    Try this PYQ:

    Q.Consider the following statements:

    1. The Executive Power of the Union of India is vested in the Prime Minister.
    2. The Prime Minister is the ex-officio Chairman of the Civil Services Board.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct? (CSP 2015)

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

    Backgrounder: UPSC

    • Established on 1 October 1926 as Public Service Commission, it was later reconstituted as Federal Public Service Commission by the GoI Act 1935; only to be renamed as today’s UPSC after the independence.
    • The UPSC is India’s premier central recruiting agency responsible for appointments to and examinations for All India services and group A & group B of Central services.
    • The Department of Personnel and Training is the central personnel agency in India.
    • It is also required to be consulted by the Government in matters relating to the appointment, transfer, promotion and disciplinary matters.

    Appointments to the UPSC

    • As per Article 316 of the constitution, the Chairman and other members of UPSC shall be appointed by the President.
    • In case the office of the Chairman becomes vacant his duties shall be performed by one of the other members of the Commission as the President may appoint for the purpose.
    • Under Art. 318, the President is empowered to determine the number of members of the Commission and their conditions of service.
    • As per Art 319, a person who holds office as Chairman shall, on the expiration of his term of office, be ineligible for re-appointment to that office.
    • But, a member other than the Chairman shall be eligible for appointment as the Chairman of the UPSC.
    • Also, the Chairman of a State PSC shall be eligible for appointment as the Chairman or any other member of the UPSC.

    Removal of members/chairman

    • As per Art. 317, the Chairman or any other member of a UPSC shall only be removed from their office by order of the President on the ground of “misbehaviour” after the Supreme Court inquiry report.
    • The President may suspend the Chairman or other member of the Commission until a report of the Supreme Court is received.

    Distinguishing features

    • The commission reports directly to the President and can advise the Government through him.
    • Although, such advice is not binding on the Government.
    • Being a constitutional authority, UPSC is amongst the few institutions which function with both autonomy and freedom, along with the country’s higher judiciary and lately the Election Commission.
  • Issue of contempt of court

    The concept of contempt of court has been in the news recently. This article analyses the issue and draws on the approach adopted by the British judiciary.

    Issues with the concept of contempt

    • The concept of contempt is a centuries-old British law abolished in 2013.
    • At the time the British Law Commission said that one of the intentions for contempt of court was to hide judicial corruption.
    • The concept, therefore, clashed with the need for transparency but also freedom of speech.

    Let’s look into some comment’s from judges

    • In1968, a British judge, had this to say of the Law of Contempt “We will not use it to suppress those who speak against us. We do not fear criticism, nor do we resent it. For there is something far more important at stake. It is no less than freedom of speech itself. “
    • In a 2008 lecture by Justice Markandey Katju noted that “The test to determine whether an act amounts to contempt of court or not is this: Does it make the functioning of judges impossible or extremely difficult? If it does not, then it does not amount to contempt of court even if it’s harsh criticism”.

    Way forward

    • Whilst justice is important, judges must not take themselves too seriously.
    • Even if their amour propre is offended, it does not mean the institution has been questioned or justice brought into disrepute.
    • Judges deliver justice, they do not embody it.
    • They should never forget their Court is supreme because it’s final not because it’s infallible.
    • When they lapse they can be criticised, but of course, politely and fairly.

    Conclusion

    Indian Supreme Court hopefully pay attention to this aspect while delivering the judgement on the contempt cases.

  • Back in news: EWS quota law

    The Supreme Court has referred to a five-judge Constitution Bench a batch of petitions challenging the 103rd Constitution Amendment of 2019 that provides 10% reservation for Economically Backward Section (EWS).

    Try this question for mains:

    Q.What are the various constitutional challenges posed by the 103rd Constitutional Amendment Act?

    What does the reference mean?

    • A reference to a larger Bench means that the legal challenge is an important one.
    • As per Article 145(3) of the Constitution, “the minimum number of Judges who are to sit for the purpose of deciding any case involving a substantial question of law as to the interpretation of this Constitution” shall be five.
    • The Supreme Court rules of 2013 also say that writ petitions that allege a violation of fundamental rights will generally be heard by a bench of two judges unless it raises substantial questions of law.
    • In that case, a five-judge bench would hear the case.
    • Laws made by Parliament are presumed to be constitutional until proven otherwise in court.
    • The SC had refused to stay the 103rd Amendment. A reference will make no difference to the operation of the EWS quota.

    What is the 103rd amendment about?

    • It provides for 10% reservation in government jobs and educational institutions for EWS, by amending Articles 15 and 16 that deal with the fundamental right to equality.
    • While Article 15 prohibits discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth, Article 16 guarantees equal opportunity in matters of public employment.
    • An additional clause was added to both provisions, giving Parliament the power to make special laws for EWS as it does for SCs, STs and OBCs.
    • The states are to notify who constitute EWS to be eligible for reservation.

    Issues with the law

    The SC agreed that the case involved at least three substantial questions of law, whether:

    • First, it violates the Basic Structure of the Constitution. This argument stems from the view that the special protections guaranteed to socially disadvantaged groups is part of the Basic Structure and that the 103rd Amendment departs from this by promising special protections on the sole basis of economic status.
    • Second, it violates the SC’s 1992 ruling in Indra Sawhney Case, which upheld the Mandal Report and capped reservations at 50%. In the ruling, the court held that economic backwardness cannot be the sole criterion for identifying backward class.
    • The third challenge has been of private, unaided educational institutions. They have argued that their fundamental right to practise a trade/profession is violated when the state compels them to implement its reservation policy and admit students on any criteria other than merit.

    What are the government’s arguments?

    • The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment filed counter-affidavits to defend the amendment.
    • When a law is challenged, the burden of proving it unconstitutional lies on the petitioners.
    • The government argued that under Article 46 of the Constitution, part of DPSP, it has a duty to protect the interests of economically weaker sections.

    1) The very identity of the Constitution has not been altered.

    2) Countering the claims about Indra Sawhney principle, the government relied on a 2008 ruling— Ashok Kumar Thakur v Union of India, in which the SC upheld the 27% quota for OBCs. Here, the court accepted that the definition of OBCs was not made on the sole criterion of caste but a mix of caste and economic factors, to prove that there need not a sole criterion for according reservation.

    3) For the unaided institutions, the government argued that the Constitution allows the Parliament to place “reasonable restrictions” on the right to carry on trade.

    B2BASICS

    What are the significances of the EWS quota?

    • Address economic inequality: Currently, the economically weaker sections of citizens have remained excluded from attending higher educational institutions and public employment due to their financial incapacity. Therefore, the 10% quota is progressive and could address the issues of educational and income inequality in India.
    • Constitutional recognition:The proposed reservation through a constitutional amendment would give constitutional recognition to the poor from the upper castes.
    • Remove stigma associated with Reservation: It will gradually remove the stigma associated with reservation because reservation has historically been related with caste and most often the upper caste look down upon those who come through the reservation.

    What are the challenges before the EWS quota?

    1.Eligibility criteria:

    • Critics claim that the 8 lakh income threshold is very high and will practically cover nearly all population not already covered by reservations.
    • Notably, NSSO and IT department data shows that at least 95% of Indian families will fall within this limit.
    • Other eligibility criteria have also claimed to be flawed.

    2.Sole economic criteria:

    • The Supreme Court in Indra Sawhney judgement has maintained that a backward class cannot be determined mainly with respect to the economic criterion.
    • Hence introducing reservation based on economic criteria would invite judicial scrutiny.

    3.50 percent limit:

    The SC has put a cap for reservations at 50% – the current proposal will exceed the limit and hence could be legally challenged.

    4.Determining economic backwardness:

    This is a  major challenge as there are concerns regarding the inclusion and exclusion of persons under the criteria.

    5.Enforcement:

    The implementation of the legislation would also be a great challenge since the states do not have the finances to enforce even the present and constitutionally mandated reservations.

    Shrinking jobs:

    When the government is trying to restrict its public services through the advancement of technology in the government system, providing quota in jobs will be a useless move.

    6.Encouraging reservations: 

    The intent of constitutional makers as originally manifested via Article 15 and 16 was to be reviewed after 10 years. However, instead of restricting the policy of positive discrimination, the government is pushing it in some or other forms.

    7.Populist initiative:

    When elections are near, many populists’ measures are put forward by political parties such as loan waiver, reservations, etc. Considering the low levels of political literacy and awareness among masses, political parties take leverage of the same thus impacting the socio-economic and political structure at large.

    8.Lack of proofs to back the outcomes:

    Even after years of reservation policy, there are no considerable pieces of evidence to support the achievements of the original intent of affirmative action. For instance, only about 4 percent each of rural Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste households have a member in a government job.

    9.Lack of Level Playing Field:

    It has to be noted that the Upper ladder in the reserved category are mainly benefitted from the policy whereas the benefits do not reach the marginalized. It may also happen with respect to reservation based on economic criteria as well.

    What is the way forward?

    • One-time usage: Make sure that beneficiaries use their reserved category status only once in their lifetime. For example, a person shall not be allowed to use the reservation for jobs if he/she has already used it for college admissions. Aadhaar can be utilized for this purpose in order to prohibit the second usage.
    • Quality of education: The government should focus on quality in addition to access. For instance, it is no use to give reservation to the poor people in college admission if the quality of the education is low = they get no job. Hence, the quality of education should be given due attention from the primary school stage itself.
    • Vocational education: should be promoted with the necessary skills and knowledge to make them industry ready.
    • Entrepreneurship: Create a spirit of entrepreneurship and make them job giver instead of a job seeker.
    • Social upliftment measures: Alternative as well as effective social upliftment measures should be adopted instead of just focussing on reservation aspect.

     

  • Appointment of new Lt. Governor of the UT of J&K

    A veteran politician has been appointed as Lieutenant Governor of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.

    Try this PYQ:

    Q.Which one of the following suggested that the Governor should be an eminent person from outside the State and should be a detached figure without intense political links or should not have taken part in politics in the recent past? (CSP 2019)

    (a) First Administrative Reforms Commission (1966)

    (b) Rajamannar Committee (1969)

    (c) Sarkaria Commission (1983)

    (d) National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (2000)

    Office of the Lt. Governor

    • A Lt. Governor is the constitutional head of the union territories in India.
    • She/he is appointed by the President of India for a term of five years and holds office at the President’s pleasure.
    • Since the union territories of Delhi, J&K and Puducherry have a measure of self-government with an elected legislature and council of ministers, the role of the lieutenant governor there is mostly a ceremonial one, akin to that of a state’s governor.
    • In Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Ladakh however, the lieutenant governor holds more power, being both the head of state and head of government.
    • The other three UTs—Chandigarh; Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu; and Lakshadweep—are governed by an administrator.

    Some related facts

    • Unlike the lieutenant governors of other territories, they are usually drawn from the IAS or IPS.
    • Lieutenant governors do not hold the same rank as a governor of a state in the list of precedence.
    • Since 1985 the Governor of Punjab has also been the ex-officio Administrator of Chandigarh.
  • Mythmaking and Article 370

    The articles talk about various myths that have been building around the issues of Jammu and Kashmir. Not only does these myths affect the political outlook towards the state but is also responsible for people’s perspective on this whole story. Go on and read to understand further..

    The myths

    Kashmir has been a favourite site of our national mythmaking; myths that have over the years assumed larger-than-life manifestations in our collective psyche.

    #Myth1

    • Article 370 is considered as the root cause of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir.
    • But there is a little material basis to it — neither Article 370 can be considered as responsible for terrorism in the Valley nor has its removal ensured a reduction in terrorism.

    #Myth2

    • Article 370 is also held responsible for ruining J&K, stalling its development, preventing proper health care and blocking industries. Once again, these arguments also lack merit and evidence.
    • J&K, as a matter of fact, has been doing much better than most other Indian States and one of the reasons for this was the land reforms carried out in the State in the early 1950s which was possible precisely because of the presence of Article 370.
    • Also, private investors do not set up shop in Kashmir due to militancy which is a product of an existing conflict; not because of Articles 370 or 35A.

    #Myth3

    • If J&K is doing better than the other Indian States, it is because of the massive amounts of funds provided by New Delhi.
    • The real argument here is not whether Kashmir received funding from New Delhi but massive funding as it is often made out to be.
    • Funds from the center can be divided as:
    • Funds to take care of J&K government’s revenue deficit: J&K, for historical reasons, has had a bloated bureaucracy in comparison to other States and their salaries and pensions have been financed by the central government. But these funds do little for the State’s economy or the general population.
    • Then there are routine transfers of funds from the Centre to J&K just as transfers take place from New Delhi to other States.
    • Finally, J&K also received funds due to its special category State status which again is a case with several other Indian States.
    • Put differently, J&K’s better performance in comparison to most other Indian States is at least partly because of Article 370, and its well-being is not necessarily a result of New Delhi’s economic packages.

    #Myth4

    • Development can defeat militancy and insurgency.
    • The reality is that development may not lead to the pacification of the conflict in Kashmir.
    • The Kashmir conflict is a function of complex historical grievances, politico-ethnic demands, increasing religious radicalisation, and Pakistan’s unrelenting interference in the Kashmir Valley.
    • It would be simplistic to imagine that such a multi-layered and complex conflict can be resolved by development alone.
    The deep impact of mythmaking
    • Changed the way how common people understand and treat Kashmir and Kashmiris.
    • Ideas like “Kashmir needs to be reunited with the rest of India” have become a powerful claim made by such representations and political articulations.
    • Yet another popular perception about ‘Kashmiris as troublemakers and sympathisers of terror’ has led to a noticeable increase in the mistreatment of Kashmiri Muslims in the rest of the country.
    Conclusion

    The way forward here is not in celebrating the scrapping of Article 370. It lies in critically examining various outcomes of this process. It is essential that New Delhi work the local people and leaders to reduce the trust and legitimacy deficit that we see today.

  • Explained: What is Contempt of Court?

    Contempt of court, as a concept is back in the news after the proceeding by the Supreme Court of India, on its own motion, against a senior Delhi-based advocate-activist.

    Try this question for mains:

    Q.What is Contempt of Court? Discuss, how free speech can lead to the contempt of courts?

    What is Contempt of Court?

    • It seeks to protect judicial institutions from motivated attacks and unwarranted criticism, and as a legal mechanism to punish those who lower its authority.

    How did the concept of contempt come into being?

    • The concept of contempt of court is several centuries old.
    • In England, it is a common law principle that seeks to protect the judicial power of the king, initially exercised by him, and later by a panel of judges who acted in his name.
    • Violation of the judges’ orders was considered an affront to the king himself.
    • Over time, any kind of disobedience to judges, or obstruction of the implementation of their directives, or comments and actions that showed disrespect towards them came to be punishable.

    What is the statutory basis for contempt of court?

    • There were pre-Independence laws of contempt in India. Besides the early High Courts, the courts of some princely states also had such laws.
    • When the Constitution was adopted, contempt of court was made one of the restrictions on freedom of speech and expression.
    • Separately, Article 129 of the Constitution conferred on the Supreme Court the power to punish contempt of itself.
    • Article 215 conferred a corresponding power on the High Courts.
    • The Contempt of Courts Act, 1971, gives statutory backing to the idea.

    What are the kinds of contempt of court?

    The law codifying contempt classifies it as civil and criminal.

    • Civil contempt is fairly simple. It is committed when someone willfully disobeys a court order or wilfully breaches an undertaking given to the court. However, Criminal contempt is more complex.
    • It consists of three forms: (a) words, written or spoken, signs and actions that “scandalise” or “tend to scandalise” or “lower” or “tends to lower” the authority of any court (b) prejudices or interferes with any judicial proceeding and (c) interferes with or obstructs the administration of justice.
    • The rationale for this provision is that courts must be protected from tendentious attacks that lower its authority, defame its public image and make the public lose faith in its impartiality.
    • The punishment for contempt of court is simple imprisonment for a term up to six months and/or a fine of up to â‚č. 2,000.

    What does not account to contempt?

    • Fair and accurate reporting of judicial proceedings will not amount to contempt of court.
    • Nor is any fair criticism on the merits of a judicial order after a case is heard and disposed of.

    Is truth a defence against a contempt charge?

    • For many years, the truth was seldom considered a defence against a charge of contempt.
    • There was an impression that the judiciary tended to hide any misconduct among its individual members in the name of protecting the image of the institution.
    • The Act was amended in 2006 to introduce truth as a valid defence if it was in the public interest and was invoked in a bonafide