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Subject: Social Justice

  • [30th July 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Bihar’s dark side — the hub of girl child trafficking

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2024] In dealing with socio-economic issues of development, what kind of collaboration between government, NGO’s and the private sector would be most productive?

    Linkage: This question is highly relevant because the article explicitly state that child trafficking in Bihar is a severe socio-economic issue rooted in “poverty” and “complete absence of regulatory oversight and social acceptance for girls being commodified.

     

    Mentor’s Comment: The trafficking and exploitation of minor girls in Bihar’s orchestra groups has sparked national concern after the rescue of over 270 girls this year alone—many of them subjected to sexual abuse and forced labour. Despite existing laws, trafficking networks thrive due to weak enforcement, poor inter-state coordination, and lack of regulation. The Patna High Court, responding to a plea by child rights groups, has recognized the issue as serious and directed the Bihar government to act urgently. This case highlights the systemic failures in preventing trafficking and calls for a comprehensive, prevention-based strategy to safeguard children from exploitation.

    Today’s editorial analyses trafficking and exploitation of minor girls. This topic is important for GS Paper III (Internal Security) in the UPSC mains exam.

    _

    Let’s learn!

    Why in the News?

    Recently, there has been national concern over the trafficking and abuse of young girls in Bihar’s orchestra groups, after more than 270 girls were rescued this year.  

    What factors make Bihar a hub for child trafficking ?

    • Geographical vulnerabilities: Bihar’s porous border with Nepal and seamless railway connectivity to trafficking-prone states like West Bengal, Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Assam, and Uttar Pradesh facilitate trafficking routes.
    • Economic desperation and social acceptance: Deep poverty, especially in rural areas, and a cultural normalisation of girls being commodified contribute to vulnerability.
    • Deceptive recruitment practices: Traffickers exploit aspirations for dance, employment, or marriage, luring families with false promises, especially in districts like Saran, Gopalganj, Muzaffarpur, and others in the ‘orchestra belt’.
    What are the existing laws to prevent child exploitation?

    • Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956 (ITPA): Main law targeting commercial sexual exploitation, penalising brothel-keeping, trafficking for prostitution, and soliciting.
    • Indian Penal Code (IPC), Sections 370 & 370A: Define and criminalise trafficking for exploitation (e.g., slavery, forced labour), with enhanced punishment for trafficking of women and children.
    • Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015: Provides for protection and rehabilitation of trafficked children as “children in need of care and protection.”
    • Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976: Prohibits bonded and forced labour, often linked with trafficking for labour exploitation, and provides for release and rehabilitation of victims.
    • Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986 (amended 2016): Prohibits employment of children below 14 in hazardous occupations, including those linked to trafficking networks.

    Why do existing laws fail to curb trafficking despite being comprehensive?

    • Legal Framework Undermined by Weak Implementation

    • Under-enforcement and misclassification: Despite laws like POCSO, JJ Act, and Immoral Traffic Prevention Act, many trafficking cases are filed under generic categories like kidnapping or missing persons, weakening legal accountability.

    • Low conviction rates: There’s a sharp disconnect between the number of rescues and successful prosecutions. Convictions remain low due to lack of evidence, procedural delays, and poor legal follow-through.

    • Weak Anti-Human Trafficking Units (AHTUs): Most AHTUs are under-resourced, lack dedicated staff, and suffer from poor inter-state coordination – limiting their effectiveness.

    2. Poor Local Vigilance and Community-Level Gaps

    • Community silence and normalisation: In many villages and schools, missing children aren’t reported – either due to fear of police or because migration is seen as normal.
       Eg: In Saran district, Bihar, girls trafficked to orchestras weren’t reported by villagers who assumed they had migrated for work.

    • Delayed or uninformed local response: Panchayats and Child Welfare Committees (CWCs) often lack awareness or training to respond promptly.
       Eg: In East Champaran, a CWC failed to stop a trafficker from taking custody of a minor using a false identity.
    1. Fragmented Inter-Agency Coordination
    • Lack of coordination between police forces: Investigations often stall because police from different states don’t share real-time data or work collaboratively.
       Eg: A girl trafficked from Gopalganj (Bihar) to Howrah (West Bengal) remained untraced for months due to poor inter-state coordination.

    • No unified tracking database: Absence of a centralised system makes it hard to identify trafficking patterns or repeat offenders.
       Eg: Multiple cases from Sitamarhi went undetected because FIRs weren’t cross-referenced.

    4. Surveillance and Monitoring Gaps at Transit Points

    • Neglected transport hubs: Unlike railways (monitored by the RPF), bus stands and private vehicles lack surveillance protocols.
       Eg: A trafficking ring used night buses from Muzaffarpur to Odisha, bypassing detection entirely.

    What role can technology play in prevention of  trafficking?

    • Real-time Data Sharing for Border Monitoring: Technology-enabled platforms like PICKET (Prevention, Investigation, and Combating of Human Trafficking for Enforcement Tracking) help law enforcement agencies share real-time intelligence at interstate checkpoints.
    • Predictive Analysis and Hotspot Mapping: AI and data analytics can identify trafficking-prone areas, track patterns in missing persons reports, and trigger early alerts.
    • Victim Identification and Case Tracking: Digital tools help maintain a centralised database of trafficked persons, FIRs, and case progress, ensuring follow-up and victim rehabilitation. Eg: A rescued child in Odisha was linked to an FIR in West Bengal using PICKET, allowing swift family reunification and prosecution.

    Way forward

    • Strengthen Local and Border Surveillance: Deploy trained staff at village, block, and border levels with access to real-time data for early detection of trafficking.
    • Scale Up Tech Platforms like PICKET: Expand AI-based tracking, digital case monitoring, and inter-state data sharing for coordinated, victim-focused action.

  • The medical boundaries for AYUSH practitioners

    Why in the News?

    A recent controversy on X (Twitter) between a hepatologist and an Indian chess Grandmaster has reignited the long-standing debate over whether practitioners of traditional medicine (such as Ayurveda and Unani) can legitimately claim the title of “doctor” and prescribe modern medicine.

    What are the concerns with Ayurvedic doctors prescribing modern drugs?

    • Lack of scientific training: Ayurvedic doctors often lack formal training in modern pharmacology and diagnostic methods, which may result in inappropriate prescriptions. For instance, there have been cases where Ayurvedic practitioners prescribed steroids or antibiotics without understanding their side effects or dosage.
    • Violation of legal norms: According to the Supreme Court judgment in Dr. Mukhtiar Chand case, non-MBBS practitioners are not permitted to prescribe allopathic medicines. However, several states have passed conflicting executive orders, creating legal ambiguity.
    • Consumer deception and litigation: When Ayurvedic doctors prescribe modern drugs, patients may assume they are consulting an MBBS-qualified doctor, leading to misrepresentation. This has led to consumer lawsuits, such as a case in Delhi where the doctor’s qualification was challenged in court.
    • Endangerment in critical care: Some private hospitals employ Ayurvedic doctors in emergency wards to cut costs, risking patient safety. There have been cases where treatment by BAMS doctors during emergencies led to worsened outcomes due to delayed or incorrect interventions.
    • Undermining rational drug use: The unregulated prescription of allopathic drugs by Ayurvedic doctors contributes to antibiotic resistance and irrational drug use. A Uttar Pradesh health audit found significant instances where AYUSH doctors prescribed modern medicines without oversight.

    How has traditional medicine regulation evolved in India?

    • Establishment of AYUSH systems: Post-independence, India formally recognized traditional systems like Ayurveda, Yoga, Unani, Siddha, and Homeopathy (AYUSH). The Department of Indian Systems of Medicine and Homeopathy (ISM&H) was established in 1995, later upgraded to the Ministry of AYUSH in 2014 to promote and regulate these practices.
    • Legal and institutional frameworks: The Indian Medicine Central Council Act, 1970 set up the Central Council of Indian Medicine (CCIM) to regulate education and professional standards. This was later replaced by the National Commission for Indian System of Medicine (NCISM) under the NCISM Act, 2020, to enhance transparency and accountability.
    • Integration with mainstream healthcare: Over time, traditional medicine has been increasingly integrated into public health policies, like the National Health Policy (2017), and programs such as AYUSH Health and Wellness Centresunder Ayushman Bharat. This reflects a shift toward pluralistic healthcare governance while ensuring regulation and quality control.

    Why is Rule 2(ee) of the Drugs and Cosmetics Rules debated?

    • Rule 2(ee) defines “registered medical practitioners” who may prescribe modern drugs. It allows State governments discretion to include non-MBBS practitioners under certain conditions. This loophole is used to let Ayurvedic and Unani doctors prescribe modern medicine.
    • The Supreme Court judgment (Dr. Mukhtiar Chand case) clarified this as unconstitutional, yet many states persist. The Indian Medical Association frequently contests such misuse in courts.

    What is the impact of AYUSH on public health insurance?

    • Inclusion in Ayushman Bharat: The AYUSH systems have been included under the Ayushman Bharat – Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (AB-PMJAY), allowing beneficiaries to access treatments in AYUSH hospitals. This expanded the coverage of services, particularly in rural and underserved areas where traditional medicine is widely trusted.
    • Cost-effective care delivery: Treatments under AYUSH are often less expensive than allopathic interventions. For instance, Panchakarma therapy for lifestyle disorders or Ayurvedic treatments for arthritis are cost-efficient, thus reducing the financial burden on insurance providers and the government.
    • Increased utilisation and trust: With AYUSH covered under insurance, more people are opting for traditional medicine. This has led to higher utilisation rates of AYUSH healthcare facilities and promoted medical pluralism, contributing to a broader public health reach in India.

    Way forward:

    • Strengthen Evidence-Based Integration: Establish an independent regulatory body for traditional medicine that ensures scientific validation, clinical trials, and safety monitoring before public endorsement or inclusion in health schemes. This helps maintain credibility and public trust.
    • Depoliticise Health Governance: Formulate traditional medicine policies through expert-driven committees with representation from all health systems, free from political interference. This ensures balanced development, equitable support, and harmonised integration into the national health framework.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2024] In a crucial domain like the public healthcare system, the Indian State should play a vital role to contain the adverse impact of marketisation of the system. Suggest some measures through which the State can enhance the reach of public healthcare at the grassroots level.

    Linakge: The article highlights the consequences for public health when state governments allow registered Ayurvedic and Unani practitioners to prescribe modern medicine or perform surgeries, leading to friction with modern medical associations. This question directly addresses the role of the state in the public healthcare system and enhancing its reach at the grassroots level.

  • Clean house: On India’s septic tank desludging

    Why in the News?

    Recently, a social audit tabled in Parliament revealed 150 hazardous cleaning deaths in 2022–23, exposing unsafe outsourcing, poor implementation of safety laws, and inadequate funding under schemes like NAMASTE. Despite Supreme Court orders and successful models in states like Odisha and Tamil Nadu, enforcement and mechanisation remain critically lacking nationwide.

    Why has manual scavenging persisted despite laws and schemes like NAMASTE?

    • Weak Enforcement of Legal Provisions and Court Orders: Despite the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013 and Supreme Court directions to cancel offending contracts and penalise principal employers, enforcement remains minimal. Eg: In 2024, Parliament revealed that 150 workers died in 2022–23 due to hazardous cleaning.
    • Poor Implementation and Underfunding of Schemes: Schemes like NAMASTE are hindered by insufficient financial support, poor outreach, and lack of protective equipment or training. Eg: Of the 57,758 workers involved in hazardous cleaning, only 16,791 received PPE kits, and a mere ₹14 crore had been released under NAMASTE—inadequate for mechanisation in even one major city.
    • Obscured Employer Liability through Subcontracting: The use of contractual and ‘loaned’ labour allows government and private employers to avoid responsibility for worker safety. Eg: A social audit tabled in Parliament found that out of 54 hazardous cleaning deaths, only five workers were on government payroll, while others were ‘loaned’ to private contractors, making accountability unclear.

    How have Odisha and Tamil Nadu offered viable alternatives to manual scavenging?

    • Odisha has ensured identified sanitation workers are equipped with PPE kits and have access to mechanised desludging vehicles, reducing the need for manual entry.
      Eg: Workers now use vacuum trucks for sewer cleaning instead of entering toxic manholes, improving safety and dignity.
    • Tamil Nadu has piloted robotic interventions to eliminate manual scavenging in urban areas.
      Eg: In Chennai, sewer robots have been deployed to clean over 5,000 manholes, showcasing how technology and political will can prevent hazardous practices.

    How does the lack of rural data hinder sanitation worker reforms?

    • Exclusion from Mechanisation Schemes: Without reliable data on rural sanitation workers, schemes like NAMASTE do not extend their benefits (e.g. robotic cleaning or desludging machines) to villages. Eg: In many gram panchayats of Bihar, manual pit cleaning is still done without equipment as workers remain unregistered and thus unaccounted for in policy rollouts.
    • No Health or Safety Monitoring: The lack of worker enumeration means occupational health risks go unnoticed, and safety training or PPE kitsare not distributed in rural regions. Eg: In Chhattisgarh’s rural blocks, no health cards or protective equipment have been distributed to sanitation workers, exposing them to toxic gases and infections.
    • Obstructs Legal Accountability and Compensation: If workers are not documented, accidental deaths are often unreported or misclassified, preventing compensation to families and accountability for employers. Eg: In a 2023 case in Madhya Pradesh, a worker died while cleaning a septic tank, but due to lack of registration, the case was recorded as a general accident, not as a violation of the Manual Scavenging Act.

    What are the steps taken by the Indian Government?

    • Legislation and Legal Ban: The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013 bans manual scavenging and mandates identification and rehabilitation of affected workers.
    • NAMASTE Scheme (2023): The National Action for Mechanised Sanitation Ecosystem (NAMASTE) scheme promotes mechanised cleaning, provides training, PPE kits, and financial support to sanitation workers.
    • Welfare and Skill Development Initiatives: The government has launched surveys, provided one-time cash assistance, health insurance under Ayushman Bharat, and livelihood loans to support entrepreneurship among workers.

    What reforms can ensure safety and rehabilitation for workers?

    • Mandatory Mechanisation and Licensing: Urban local bodies should mandate mechanised sewer cleaning, make it a licensed profession, and classify manual cleaning without valid certification as a cognisable offence. This will ensure accountability and eliminate unsafe practices.
    • Rehabilitation Through Financial and Social Support: Provide sanitation workers with housing, education scholarships, health cards, and loans to operate mechanised equipment. These should be linked to guaranteed municipal contracts, enabling long-term economic and social upliftment.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2024] Poverty and malnutrition create a vicious cycle, adversely affecting human capital formation. What steps can be taken to break the cycle?

    Linkage: Manual scavenging represents an extreme form of poverty and human capital degradation. This article mentions that “Two-thirds of validated workers are also Dalits, yet rehabilitation packages rarely include housing or scholarships that might help families exit contemptible occupations”. This question allows for a discussion of how ending such hazardous labor and providing meaningful rehabilitation can break this vicious cycle.

  • Safe havens no more: Sexual violence in workplaces and educational institutions is worrying

    Why in the News?

    Recently, a 20-year-old student in Odisha died after setting herself ablaze over ignored sexual harassment complaints, spotlighting the failure of redressal systems like Internal Complaint Committees (ICCs).

    Why are crimes against women still rising despite strict laws?

    • Inadequate Implementation of Legal Mechanisms: Institutions may not establish ICCs, or form them without independent or trained members, rendering them ineffective. Eg: The University Grants Commission (UGC) in 2022 reported that over 150 colleges across India had not constituted ICCs despite mandatory provisions under the 2013 POSH Act.
    • Institutional Apathy and Lack of Accountability: Internal Complaint Committees (ICCs), mandated under the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013, are either non-functional or reactive rather than preventive. Eg: Following the Odisha incident, the State government had to direct all colleges to form ICCs within 24 hours, a reactionary step rather than proactive enforcement.
    • Underreporting and Social Stigma: Many women do not report crimes due to fear of social backlash, victim-blaming, or lack of faith in the justice system. Eg: According to NCRB 2022, 4,45,256 crimes against women were registered, a 4% increase over 2021, with experts noting that many cases still go unreported, masking the real extent of violence.
    • Lack of Awareness and Sensitisation: Many students and staff are unaware of their rights or how to report harassment, leading to silence and inaction. Eg: A 2023 survey by the All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) found that over 60% of women students in rural colleges were unaware of the existence of Internal Complaint Committees (ICCs).

    How effective are Internal Complaint Committees?

    • Effectiveness Varies Across Institutions: While ICCs are mandated under the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013, their effectiveness depends on proper constitution, independence, and stakeholder awareness. In many cases, ICCs exist only on paper.
    • Lack of Training and Sensitisation Hampers Functioning: ICC members often lack training, legal knowledge, and sensitivity in handling cases, leading to mistrust and poor case resolution.

    What are the steps taken by the Indian Government? 

    • Legal Reforms: Enacted the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013 post-Nirbhaya case, which introduced stricter punishments for rape, stalking, acid attacks, and voyeurism.
    • Institutional Mechanisms: Made it mandatory to form Internal Complaint Committees (ICCs) under the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 in all workplaces and educational institutions.
    • Technology and Support Initiatives: Launched measures like the One Stop Centres, Women Helpline (181), and Nirbhaya Fund for setting up CCTV, panic buttons in public transport, and support for survivors of violence.

    What steps can improve institutional accountability? (Way forward)

    • Strict Enforcement of ICC Guidelines: Ensure timely formation, training, and functioning of Internal Complaint Committees (ICCs) with regular audits and penalties for non-compliance.
    • Transparent Grievance Redressal Systems: Establish time-bound complaint resolution mechanisms, publicly accessible reporting channels, and third-party oversight to reduce bias.
    • Protection and Support for Victims: Guarantee anonymity, non-retaliation, and access to counselling/legal aid for complainants to build trust in the system.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2017] Is the National Commission for Women able to strategize and tackle the problems that women face at both public and private spheres? Give reasons in support of your answer.

    Linkage: The articles highlights the worrying trend of sexual violence occurring in spaces often considered safe, such as school and college campuses or workplaces. This PYQ directly addresses the effectiveness of institutional mechanisms by asking about the ability of the National Commission for Women (NCW) to tackle “problems that women face at both public and private spheres.

     

  • ExplainSpeaking: Why govt claims on reducing inequality in India are being contested

    Why in the News?

    The Indian government recently claimed that India is among the world’s most equal societies, citing a Gini Index of 25.5 from the World Bank’s Poverty and Equity Brief, which would place India as the fourth most equal country globally. However, this claim has sparked debate and criticism from economists and inequality researchers.

    What is the Gini Index?

    The Gini Index (or Gini coefficient) is a statistical measure of inequality within a population. It is commonly used to measure income or wealth inequality, but can also be applied to consumption inequality.

    What are the flaws in using consumption-based Gini to measure inequality?

    • Underestimates Real Inequality: Consumption is usually smoother than income because high earners tend to save more rather than spend proportionately. This leads to an underestimation of inequality. Eg: A billionaire may consume modestly while saving most income, appearing similar to a middle-class consumer in surveys, but with vastly different wealth.
    • Poor Cross-Country Comparability: India uses consumption-based data while most other countries use income-based Gini, making international comparisons misleading. Eg: India’s Gini of 25.5 (consumption-based) appears more equal than OECD countries, but income-based Gini (62) shows much higher inequality.
    • Low survey participation: Surveys often miss the richest due to non-response or sampling issues, failing to reflect the real inequality they contribute to. Eg: The richest 1% earn disproportionately more, but their low survey participation leads to underreported inequality.

    Why is the World Inequality Database seen as more reliable?

    • Uses Income and Wealth Tax Data: Unlike consumption surveys, WID incorporates income tax and wealth tax data, which captures the top 1% of earners often missed in surveys. Eg: WID shows India’s income Gini Index rose from 52 in 2004 to 62 in 2023, revealing growing inequality missed by consumption-based metrics.
    • Captures Extreme Disparities: WID focuses on distributional national accounts, helping identify disparities between the top 10% and bottom 50%, which Gini often misses. Eg: In 2023-24, the top 10% in India earned 13 times more than the bottom 10%, a gap accurately captured by WID.
    • Global Comparability and Peer Review: WID data is transparent, methodologically standardised, and peer-reviewed by global economists, making it a trusted source for cross-country comparison. Eg: Countries like France and the US use WID for policy framing on progressive taxation and redistribution.

    What are the alternatives to the Gini Index that better reflect extreme disparities?

    • Palma Ratio: The Palma Ratio compares the income share of the top 10% to that of the bottom 40%, focusing directly on income inequality between the rich and poor. Eg: In countries like South Africa, the Palma Ratio highlights stark disparities that are often missed by the Gini Index.
    • Theil Index (Generalized Entropy Measures): The Theil Index allows for decomposition of inequality within and between population groups like rural vs urban. Eg: In Brazil, it has been used to analyze racial and regional disparities more precisely than the Gini Index.

    What are the policy risks of underestimating inequality?

    • Misguided Policy Design: When inequality is underestimated, governments may prioritize growth-focused policies without ensuring inclusive development. This can lead to insufficient investment in social protection, health, and education for marginalized groups.
    • Widening Socioeconomic Gaps: Underestimating inequality allows elite capture of resources and opportunities, worsening wealth concentration. This can deepen inter-generational poverty, especially for rural, low-caste, and female-led households.
    • Social and Political Instability: Failure to address real inequality can fuel public discontent, protests, and even extremism. It undermines trust in institutions and weakens democratic legitimacy over time.

    What are the policy risks of underestimating inequality?

    • Misguided Policy Priorities: Underestimating inequality leads to policies focused only on aggregate growth, neglecting equity. Eg: India’s high GDP growth often overshadowed poor social investment in rural health and education, worsening human development gaps.
    • Weak Targeting of Welfare Schemes: If inequality is not accurately measured, social protection may miss the truly needy. Eg: Exclusion errors in schemes like PDS or PM-KISAN arise because top income groups are not properly excluded due to lack of granular data.
    • Rising Social Unrest and Distrust: Ignoring inequality can result in resentment, protests, and political instability. Eg: Farmer protests in India reflected deeper rural-urban income divides and perceived neglect of smallholder concerns.

    Way forward: 

    • Improve Data Collection Methods: Strengthen surveys by combining consumption data with income tax records, and ensure better representation of top income groups to capture true inequality.
    • Adopt Comprehensive Inequality Metrics: Use alternative indicators like the Palma Ratio or income shares of top 10% vs bottom 50%, alongside the Gini Index, for a more accurate assessment.
    • Design Inclusive Policy Frameworks: Align fiscal policies, welfare schemes, and tax reforms with accurate inequality data to target marginalized groups effectively and reduce social and regional disparities.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2024] Despite comprehensive policies for equity and social justice, underprivileged sections are not yet getting the full benefits of affirmative action envisaged by the Constitution. Comment.

    Linkage: This question critically examines the effectiveness of current policies intended to reduce inequality and promote social justice. It suggests that, despite official claims or stated objectives, the intended benefits are not effectively reaching the marginalised groups, thereby raising doubts about the actual progress in reducing inequality. It reflects the broader issue of implementation challenges in governance.

  • [pib] Aspirational District Mineral Foundation (DMF) Programme

    Why in the News?

    The Union Coal and Mines Minister launched operational guidelines for the Aspirational DMF Programme to align DMF initiatives with the goals of the Aspirational District and Block Programmes.

    Back2Basics: District Mineral Foundation (DMF)

    • Establishment: DMF is a non-profit trust established under the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Act, 2015.
    • Main Objective: Its primary purpose is to work in the interest of persons and areas affected by mining-related operations, as determined by the respective state governments.
    • Funding Source: It is funded through contributions made by holders of mining leases for major and minor minerals, with the exact amount prescribed by central or state government rules.
    • Governance: The operation, governance, and functioning of the DMF fall under the jurisdiction of the state government, which defines its composition and implementation mechanisms.
    • Decentralized Utilization: DMF funds are collected and utilized at the district level, enabling decentralized and locally relevant developmental interventions.

    What is the Aspirational DMF Programme?

    • Launch: It was launched by the Ministry of Coal and Mines to align DMF planning and implementation with national development priorities.
    • Convergence with National Programs: It seeks to converge DMF activities with the Aspirational District Programme (ADP) and Aspirational Block Programme (ABP) for maximum social impact.
    • Operational Framework: It ensures that DMF funds are used to improve socio-economic indicators in the most underserved districts and blocks.
    • Collaboration: The programme encourages collaboration among central, state, and local authorities, improving the effectiveness and accountability of DMF investments.

    Back2Basics: Aspirational District/Block Programme

    Aspirational District Programme (ADP):

    • Launch: It was launched in January 2018 by the Government of India to uplift 117 underdeveloped districts across the country.
    • Key Principles: It is based on the principles of Convergence, Collaboration, and Competition, aiming to transform districts through coordinated efforts.
    • Positive Labeling: The word “Aspirational” was deliberately chosen to avoid labels like “backward” and to promote positive transformation and development-oriented thinking.
    • Selection Criteria: Districts were selected by NITI Aayog using a composite index based on 49 indicators across 5 sectors:
    1. Health and Nutrition (30%)
    2. Education (30%)
    3. Agriculture and Water Resources (20%)
    4. Financial Inclusion and Skill Development (10%)
    5. Basic Infrastructure (10%)
    • Real-Time Tracking: The ADP focuses on real-time data tracking, public disclosure of rankings, and building administrative capacity at the district level.
    • People’s Movement: The programme has become a Jan Andolan (people’s movement), actively involving citizens, NGOs, and local administration.

    Aspirational Block Programme (ABP):

    • Overview: It was introduced in the Union Budget 2022–23 as an extension of the ADP to the block level.
    • Rural Focus: It is aimed at ensuring that development reaches deep into rural areas, particularly those not fully covered under ADP.
    • Coverage: Initially, the programme covers 500 blocks across 31 states and Union Territories, with room for states to expand the list.
    • Geographical Concentration: A significant number of these blocks are concentrated in six states:
      • Uttar Pradesh (68 blocks)
      • Bihar (61 blocks)
      • Madhya Pradesh (42 blocks)
      • Jharkhand (34 blocks)
      • Odisha (29 blocks)
      • West Bengal (29 blocks)
    • Focus Areas: It focuses on improving indicators similar to ADP, with emphasis on health, education, livelihoods, and basic infrastructure.
    • Collaborative Governance: Like ADP, it promotes convergence of schemes, competitive spirit among blocks, and collaborative governance at all levels.

     

    [UPSC 2012] Which of the following can be said to be essentially the parts of ‘Inclusive Governance’?

    1. Permitting the Non-Banking Financial Companies to do banking 2. Establishing effective District Planning Committees in all the districts 3. Increasing the government spending on public health 4. Strengthening the Mid-day Meal Scheme

    Options: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 3 and 4 only (c) 2, 3 and 4 only* (d) 1, 2, 3 and 4

     

  • Eklavya Model Residential Schools (EMRS)

    Why in the News?

    Close to 600 tribal students from Eklavya Model Residential Schools (EMRS) have cleared IIT-JEE Mains, JEE Advanced, and NEET.

    What are Eklavya Model Residential Schools (EMRS)?

    • Overview: EMRS are a central government initiative launched in 1997–98 under the Ministry of Tribal Affairs to provide quality residential education to Scheduled Tribe (ST) students.
    • Core Objective: To ensure access to free, holistic education for ST children from Class VI to XII, particularly in remote and tribal-dominated areas.
    • Bridging the Gap: These schools are intended to bring ST students at par with the general population by offering academic, cultural, and skill-based education.
    • Implementing Agency: The National Education Society for Tribal Students (NESTS), an autonomous body under the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, has been tasked with implementing and managing EMRS across the country.
    • Expansion Target: EMRS are being established in every block with more than 50 percent ST population and at least 20,000 tribal residents, with a target of setting up 728 schools by 2026.
    • Staff Recruitment: Recruitment for teaching and non-teaching positions in EMRS is centralized under NESTS, which aims to fill over 38,000 posts to strengthen institutional capacity.

    Key Features of EMRS:

    • Residential Setup: EMRS schools are fully residential and co-educational, catering to students from Class VI to Class XII with free education, boarding, and lodging.
    • Student Capacity: Each EMRS school can accommodate 480 students, with equal representation of boys and girls.
    • CBSE Affiliation: The schools follow the CBSE curriculum to maintain consistency with national education standards and facilitate competitive academic performance.
    • Infrastructure: Infrastructure includes classrooms, science and computer laboratories, libraries, hostels for boys and girls, staff quarters, and sports facilities.
    • Cultural Preservation: EMRS institutions are designed not only for academic excellence but also to preserve and promote tribal culture, local art, and languages.
    • Skill and Sports Focus: Special emphasis is placed on skill development and sports training, with 20% seats reserved under the sports quota for deserving ST students.
    • Inclusive Policy: Up to 10% of total seats in each school can be allotted to non-ST students, enhancing diversity while maintaining tribal focus.
    • Free Services: Education, food, accommodation, and all related services are provided free of cost to ensure no economic barrier for tribal children.

    Also in news: TALASH (Tribal Aptitude, Life Skills and Self-Esteem Hub) Initiative:

    • NESTS and UNICEF India have launched the TALASH Initiative, focusing on the holistic development of tribal students in EMRSs.
    • It promotes self-awareness, emotional resilience, life skills, and career clarity, aligning with NEP 2020 goals.
    • It includes psychometric tests (inspired by NCERT’s Tamanna), career cards, life skills modules, and e-learning for teachers.
    • Over 1.38 lakh students across 28 States and 8 UTs will benefit, with full EMRS coverage targeted by 2025.
    [UPSC 2012] Which of the following provisions of the Constitution of India have a bearing on Education?

    1. Directive Principles of State Policy

    2. Rural and Urban Local Bodies

    3. Fifth Schedule

    4. Sixth Schedule

    5. Seventh Schedule

    Select the correct answer using the code given below:

    Options: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 3, 4 and 5 only (c) 1, 2 and 5 only (d) 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5*

     

  • [8th July 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Fostering a commitment to stop maternal deaths

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2020] In order to enhance the prospects of social development, sound and adequate health care policies are needed particularly in the fields of geriatric and maternal health care. Discuss.

    Linkage: The article on maternal mortality highlights various deficiencies in healthcare delivery and infrastructure (e.g., lack of specialists, blood banks, operation theatres, and trained personnel) that contribute to maternal deaths, indicating the critical need for sound policies. This question is most directly relevant as it specifically names “maternal health care” as a crucial area for sound and adequate healthcare policies to enhance social development.

     

    Mentor’s Comment:  Despite progress, India still loses 93 mothers for every 1,00,000 births due to problems that could be prevented during childbirth. Although the number has come down from 103 (2017–19) to 93 (2019–21), there are still huge differences between states. For example, Kerala has brought the number down to 20, but in states like Madhya Pradesh (175) and Assam (167), the numbers are very high.

    Today’s editorial analyses the issues related to India’s Maternal Mortality Ratio. This topic is important for GS Paper I (Women-related Issues) and GS Paper II (Social Justice and Health) in the UPSC mains exam.

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    Let’s learn!

    Why in the News?

    India’s Maternal Mortality Ratio is going down, but some states still need to work on solving basic problems and improving their healthcare systems.

    What do MMR trends reveal about regional disparities in India?

    • Declining National MMR: India’s MMR dropped from 103 (2017–19) to 93 (2019–21), showing slow but consistent improvement.
    • Kerala leads with an MMR of 20, indicating robust institutional care and maternal health awareness.
    • Southern States (like Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh) show better performance (MMR under 50–60), while EAG States such as Madhya Pradesh (175) and Assam (167) remain critical zones.
    • “Other” States: Maharashtra (38) and Gujarat (53) have made notable progress, while Punjab (98) and Haryana (106) still struggle.

     

    Why is India’s Maternal Mortality Ratio still high despite better healthcare access?

    • Regional Disparities in Healthcare Infrastructure: MMR is significantly higher in Empowered Action Group (EAG) states like Assam (167) and Madhya Pradesh (175), compared to Kerala (20). Eg: States like Bihar and UP face shortages in skilled staff and poor facility access, despite national programmes.
    • Inadequate Functioning of FRUs (First Referral Units): Many FRUs lack specialists, blood banks, and operating theatres. Over 66% of specialist posts remain vacant. Eg: In 2,856 designated FRUs, many lack anaesthetists or functional surgical units, risking lives in emergencies.
    • Three Delays in Maternal Care: Delays in seeking care, reaching hospitals, and receiving treatment result in avoidable deaths.  

    How are the three key delays contributing to maternal deaths?

    • Delay in Decision-Making at Home: Families often fail to recognise danger signs during pregnancy or childbirth and delay seeking medical help. Eg: A pregnant woman showing signs of excessive bleeding may not be taken to a hospital promptly due to family neglect, financial constraints, or the belief that delivery is natural.
    • Delay in Reaching a Healthcare Facility: Lack of timely transportation from remote or rural areas hinders access to skilled birth attendants or emergency care. Eg: A woman in a tribal village may take hours to reach a hospital due to poor roads or lack of ambulances, resulting in delivery en route.
    • Delay in Receiving Adequate Care at the Facility: Even after reaching a hospital, care may be delayed due to absence of doctors, operation theatres, or blood supply. Eg: A woman experiencing uterine rupture may not get immediate surgery because the anaesthetist is unavailable or the OT isn’t ready.
    What are First Referral Units (FRUs)?

    First Referral Units (FRUs) are designated health facilities equipped to provide comprehensive emergency obstetric and newborn care (CEmONC). These units serve as the first-level referral centres for maternal and child health emergencies, especially in rural and underserved areas.

     

    How can FRUs be made more effective in reducing maternal deaths?

    • Ensure Availability of Specialist Medical Staff: FRUs must be equipped with qualified obstetricians, anaesthetists, and paediatricians to handle maternal emergencies. Eg: In many districts, over 60% vacancies in specialist posts mean pregnant women cannot access timely surgeries like C-sections, leading to avoidable deaths.
    • Establish Fully Functional Emergency Infrastructure: FRUs must have operational operation theatres, blood banks, and 24×7 emergency care to address complications like postpartum haemorrhage. Eg: A woman suffering massive bleeding after childbirth can be saved if a blood transfusion and surgery are available within two hours.
    • Strengthen Referral and Transport Systems: Ensure robust ambulance networks and clear referral protocols to reduce delays in reaching FRUs from rural or remote areas. Eg: The 108 ambulance service, when linked efficiently with FRUs, can reduce deaths caused by obstructed labour during long-distance travel.

    What lessons does the Kerala model offer for reducing MMR nationwide?

    • Confidential Review of Maternal Deaths: Kerala uses a systematic review process to study every maternal death to identify medical and systemic gaps. Eg: Led by Dr. V.P. Paily, Kerala’s Confidential Review Committee analyses causes like hemorrhage, embolism, or surgical delay, enabling precise interventions.
    • High-Quality Emergency Obstetric Care: Kerala emphasizes emergency preparedness, with trained obstetricians, well-equipped operation theatres, and availability of blood banks.  
    • Holistic Maternal Health Approach: Kerala addresses not only physical but also mental health aspects of pregnancy, like antenatal depression and postpartum psychosis.  

    Way forward: 

    • Strengthen FRUs and Emergency Care Infrastructure: Ensure that all First Referral Units (FRUs) are fully staffed with specialists, equipped with blood banks, operation theatres, and essential medicines to manage obstetric emergencies swiftly.
    • Scale Up Kerala’s Model Nationwide: Implement confidential maternal death reviews, train healthcare personnel in advanced obstetric practices, and integrate mental health support into maternal care programs across all States.

  • Reserved faculty posts are still vacant and out of reach

    Why in the News?

    The low number of faculty members from Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), Other Backward Classes (OBCs), and Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) in central universities and top institutions like IITs, IIMs, and AIIMS goes against India’s constitutional promise of ensuring social justice.

    How significant is the problem of unfilled reserved posts in academia?

    • Large number of vacancies: As of 2021, over 2,389 SC, 1,199 ST, and 4,251 OBC faculty posts were vacant in 45 central universities.
    • High vacancy rates: A 2023 UGC report shows 30% of reserved posts are still unfilled, particularly at senior academic levels like associate professor and professor.
    • Public sector contrast: Group C and D jobs in railways and banks are more representative compared to A and B, indicating disparity at leadership levels in academia.

    What is the constitutional and policy framework for reservations in higher education?

    • Constitutional Provisions: Article 15(4) allows the State to make special provisions for socially and educationally backward classes(SEBCs), SCs, and STs. Article 15(5) extends this to admissions in educational institutions, including private unaided ones (except minority institutions). Article 16(4) allows reservation in public employment for backward classes. Eg: The 93rd Constitutional Amendment enabled the government to reserve seats for OBCs in centrally funded higher education institutions like IITs and IIMs.
    • Statutory Framework and UGC Regulations: The University Grants Commission (UGC) enforces reservation policies for faculty recruitment and student admissions in central universities. Mandated quotas: SC – 15%, ST – 7.5%, OBC – 27%, EWS – 10%.
    • Judicial and Policy Milestones: In Indra Sawhney v. Union of India (1992), the Supreme Court upheld reservations for OBCs and imposed a 50% cap. Later adjusted with the 10% EWS quota under 103rd Constitutional Amendment (2019) allowed reservation for EWS without touching existing SC/ST/OBC quotas.

    What are the main barriers to filling reserved faculty posts in central universities?

    • Institutional Autonomy and Weak Oversight: Central universities operate with high autonomy, often leading to non-compliance with UGC reservation norms due to lack of accountability.
    • Discriminatory Recruitment Practices: Selection committees, often lacking social diversity, may reject qualified SC/ST/OBC candidates citing subjective reasons like “not found suitable.” Eg: A 2022 study by Ambedkar University Faculty Association found 60% of reserved post vacancies resulted from discretionary rejections.
    • Flawed 13-point Roster System: The shift to a 13-point roster treats individual departments as the unit of recruitment, drastically reducing reserved seats, especially for STs. Eg: In departments with fewer than 14 posts, no seat is allotted to STs, leading to underrepresentation.
    • Underrepresentation at Senior Faculty Levels: Reserved category candidates are mainly recruited for junior roles, while senior positions (Professors, Directors, VCs) are dominated by unreserved groups. Eg: UGC data (2023) showed 30% of reserved teaching posts remain vacant, mostly at senior levels.
    • Political and Ideological Biases: Appointments are sometimes influenced by political affiliations or ideological alignment, marginalising qualified candidates from deprived backgrounds.

    What is the 13-point roster system?

    The 13-point roster system is a method introduced in 2018 by the University Grants Commission (UGC) for implementing reservation in faculty recruitment in higher educational institutions.

    Why is the 13-point roster system seen as a setback to social justice?

    • Fragmentation of Reservation Quotas: The 13-point roster treats individual departments as the unit of recruitment rather than the whole institution, limiting the total number of posts available for reservation. Eg: In a department with only 6 posts, there may be only one OBC post, and none for SCs or STs, delaying fair representation for years.
    • Exclusion of Marginalised Groups in Small Departments: Due to small faculty sizes, SC/ST reservations are often skipped altogether under this system, severely impacting their inclusion in higher education. Eg: ST candidates often get no opportunity unless 14 or more posts are available in the department, which is rare in most disciplines.
    • Violation of the Spirit of Social Justice Mandate: This system undermines constitutional goals of equitable representation by focusing on arithmetic rather than affirmative action principles. Eg: The 13-point roster was challenged in courts and led to protests by academic and Dalit organisations, citing erosion of diversity in faculty appointments.

    How does faculty underrepresentation impact inclusive education?

    • Lack of Representation and Role Models: Underrepresentation of faculty from SC/ST/OBC/EWS backgrounds deprives students of relatable mentors and role models, affecting confidence and belonging. Eg: A first-generation Dalit student may feel alienated in a classroom where no faculty share similar social experiences, discouraging them from pursuing higher studies or research.
    • Exclusion of Diverse Knowledge Systems: Faculty diversity enriches curricula by introducing marginalised perspectives, histories, and lived realities. Its absence leads to a narrow academic discourse.  
    • Weakening of Constitutional Mandates and NEP Goals: Faculty imbalance undermines the Constitutional vision of social justice and the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020’s focus on inclusive, multidisciplinary education.

    What steps should be taken by the Indian Government? (Way forward)

    • Strengthen Enforcement and Accountability Mechanisms: Ensure strict implementation of reservation policies through regular audits, public compliance reports, and penalties for non-compliance by central institutions. Eg: The Ministry of Education can mandate annual reporting of filled vs. vacant reserved posts and link funding to adherence.
    • Revise the 13-Point Roster System: Replace or reform the 13-point roster to treat the entire institution as the unit of reservation (like the older 200-point roster), ensuring better representation across departments. Eg: This would allow Scheduled Tribes or SCs to get opportunities in smaller departments that currently evade reservation quotas.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2024] Despite comprehensive policies for equity and social justice, underprivileged sections are not yet getting the full benefits of affirmative action envisaged by the Constitution. Comment.

    Linkage: The article explicitly states that India’s constitutional commitment to social justice mandates equitable representation, including specific quotas for Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). However, central universities and premier institutions consistently fail to fill these reserved faculty positions, with significant vacancies reported.

  • [1st July 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: How do unsafe cancer drugs reach patients?

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2014] While doctor’s prescription is a must to get drugs, many people buy them over the counter without prescription. Discuss the contributors to the emergence of drug-resistant diseases in India? What are the available mechanisms for monitoring and control? Critically discuss the various issues involved.

    Linkage: The wider discussion about checking drug quality and the difficulties in doing so is very important to stop unsafe drugs, like cancer medicines, from reaching patients. This question is relevant because it looks into how drugs are monitored and the problems faced in keeping them safe.

     

    Mentor’s Comment:  A major global investigation by the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, reported by The Hindu, has revealed that poor-quality and unsafe cancer drugs, many of them from India, have been sent to over 100 countries. These faulty medicines have caused serious health problems, including the deaths of children in Yemen, Colombia, and Saudi Arabia. The report highlights serious regulatory weaknesses in low- and middle-income countries, and shows that the WHO’s warning system only acts after harm is done. This is especially worrying because it affects cancer patients, one of the most vulnerable groups.

    Today’s editorial talks about the poor-quality and unsafe cancer drugs. This topic is important for GS Paper II (Health & Governance) in the UPSC mains exam.

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    Let’s learn!

    Why in the News?

    Recently, a major global investigation by the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, reported by The Hindu, found that low-quality and unsafe cancer drugs.

    The Bureau of Investigative Journalism (TBIJ) is an independent, non-profit news organization based in the United Kingdom. It was founded in 2010 with the aim of producing in-depth, public interest journalism that holds power to account.

    What are the major quality risks in cancer drug manufacturing and distribution?

    • Contamination during manufacturing: Risk of bacterial contamination from improper disinfection, untrained staff, or poor cleanroom discipline. Even small errors like air movement or touching non-sterile items can spread bacteria.
    • Poor quality control: Failure to test raw ingredients, clean equipment, or filter water properly can make life-saving drugs toxic or lethal.
    • Distribution chain vulnerabilities: Changes in temperature, humidity, or poor handling during transport can degrade drug quality. The complex journey from raw materials to patient requires strict monitoring at each stage.

    Why are poorer countries more exposed to unsafe cancer drugs?

    • Weak Regulatory Frameworks: Many low-income countries lack strong drug regulatory authorities and legal frameworks to ensure medicine quality. Eg: In Nepal, there is no effective testing or monitoring of imported drugs due to limited institutional capacity.
    • Lack of Testing Infrastructure and Experts: These countries often do not have certified laboratories or trained personnel to check for contamination, dosage accuracy, or manufacturing faults. Eg: Nepal and similar nations lack verified experts or facilities to evaluate drug safety before market entry.
    • Inability to Track Drugs Through Supply Chains: Poor digital and logistical infrastructure leads to ineffective drug tracking, making it easier for substandard or counterfeit drugs to infiltrate the system. Eg: In countries with porous borders and no tracking systems, drugs can be repackaged or sold without oversight.
    • Corruption and Weak Enforcement: Corruption in customs, licensing, and procurement processes allows unverified drugs to enter public hospitals and pharmacies unchecked. Eg: In some regions, low-cost cancer drugs without proper quality assurance enter due to bribery and lack of regulatory follow-up.
    • Dependence on Low-Cost Imports Without Verification: Due to budget constraints, poorer nations rely heavily on cheap generic imports without adequate checks for Good Manufacturing Practices (GMP) or source validation. Eg: In Yemen (2022), at least 10 children died after receiving contaminated methotrexate, highlighting the consequences of poor import verification.

    How does WHO ensure drug safety?

    • Rapid Alert System for Dangerous Drugs: WHO operates a global Rapid Alert System to identify and inform member countries about harmful or substandard medicines. Eg: If contaminated cancer drugs are reported in one country, WHO sends out a global alert so others can take preventive action.
    • Global Benchmarking and Certification Tools: WHO uses tools like the Global Benchmarking Tool to assess national regulatory systems and ranks them from Level 1 (weakest) to Level 4 (strongest). Eg: In 2023, 70% of member countries were rated at Level 1 or 2, showing limited capacity to regulate drug safety.
    • Prequalification, GMP, and CoPP Systems: WHO runs prequalification programs to approve safe drugs, ingredients, and labs; enforces Good Manufacturing Practices (GMP); and issues the Certificate of Pharmaceutical Product (CoPP) to confirm quality of exported drugs. Eg: A CoPP acts like a passport for medicines, verifying they are approved and safely made in the exporting country.

    What are the steps taken by the Indian Government?

    • Strengthening Drug Regulatory Framework: The government has empowered the Central Drugs Standard Control Organization (CDSCO) to regulate drug approval, quality checks, and enforcement across India. CDSCO conducts inspections and sampling under the Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940 to detect substandard medicines.
    • Track and Trace Mechanism: India has introduced a barcode-based Track and Trace system for export of pharmaceutical products to improve transparency and traceability. Eg: The system helps monitor supply chain integrity and detect counterfeit drugs, especially in exports.
    • The Production Linked Incentive (PLI) Scheme for pharmaceuticals promotes domestic manufacturing of quality drugs and APIs while reducing import dependence. Eg: Incentives are given to firms that meet Good Manufacturing Practices (GMP) and global export standards.

    Way forward: 

    • Establish a National Drug Quality Monitoring Authority: Create a centralised, independent regulatory body to oversee real-time quality audits, enforce uniform GMP standards, and ensure accountability across manufacturing units.
    • Invest in Testing Infrastructure and Skilled Workforce: Strengthen drug testing laboratories, equip them with modern technology, and train qualified professionals to carry out rigorous inspections and batch verifications at every stage.