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GS Paper: GS2

  • [2nd May 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: China’s strategic push — Asia ties amid tariff tensions

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2017] China is using its economic relations and positive trade surplus as tools to develop potential military power status in Asia’, In the light of this statement, discuss its impact on India as her neighbor.

    Linkage: China’s economic relations to its strategic power status in Asia and asks about the impact on India, which aligns with the broader implications of China’s growing regional influence discussed in the source.

     

    Mentor’s Comment:  Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to Vietnam, Malaysia, and Cambodia from April 14-18, 2025, aimed to present China as the most reliable partner in the region. With a 145% tariff on Chinese goods imposed by the Trump administration, China is rethinking its foreign trade strategies, particularly with countries in Southeast Asia where it has strong ties and supportive partners. This visit is not just regular diplomacy but a strategic move by China to ease economic pressure, show stability, and strengthen its leadership role in the Indo-Pacific region.

    The editorial today analyzes Chinese President Xi Jinping’s recent visit to Vietnam, Malaysia, and Cambodia. This analysis can help in understanding the broader dynamics of China’s foreign policy and its impact on international relations, which is relevant for GS Paper 2 in the UPSC exam.

    _

    Let’s learn!

    Why in the News?

    Beijing’s efforts to engage with Southeast Asia could make it harder for the U.S. to form a coalition aimed at isolating or limiting China economically.

    What was the aim of Xi Jinping’s Southeast Asia tour?

    • Counter U.S. Economic Pressure and Protectionism: In response to the 145% tariff on Chinese exports by the Trump administration, China used the tour to strengthen trade ties with receptive Southeast Asian partners like Vietnam, Malaysia, and Cambodia.
    • Position China as a Stable and Reliable Partner in the Indo-Pacific: Xi signed 45 agreements with Vietnam and over 30 with Malaysia, showcasing China’s willingness to invest in digital economy, AI, agriculture, and infrastructure — directly contrasting U.S. policies perceived as protectionist or security-centric.
    • Promote China’s Regional Leadership and Soft Power: Xi emphasized non-interference, cultural ties, and the Belt and Road Initiative, including major projects like the Funan Techo Canal in Cambodia, to build a “community with a shared future” and present China as the regional leader.

    Why is Southeast Asia key to China’s trade strategy?

    • Buffer Against U.S. Trade Pressures: As the U.S. imposes tariffs (e.g., 145% on Chinese exports under Trump), China needs trade partners less influenced by Washington. Eg: Cambodia, Vietnam, and Malaysia are not aligned with U.S. protectionism and offer alternate trade routes.
    • Alternative Manufacturing Base: Rising labor costs and export restrictions push China to shift low-cost manufacturing to nearby countries. Eg: Many Chinese firms are investing in Vietnamese and Malaysian industrial parks as part of their “China Plus One” strategy.
    • Gateway to Regional Supply Chains: Southeast Asia is integrated into global value chains and is a key node in East Asian manufacturing. Eg: The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) links China with ASEAN, allowing tariff-free trade on many goods.
    • Diplomatic and Economic Receptiveness: ASEAN countries are generally open to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and infrastructure investment. Eg: The Funan Techo Canal in Cambodia, funded by China, improves logistics and deepens economic ties.
    • Market Expansion and Political Influence: Growing middle classes and urbanization offer long-term markets for Chinese goods and services. Eg: Digital economy and AI agreements with Malaysia expand Chinese tech firms’ reach while strengthening bilateral ties.

    Which agreements were signed with Vietnam, Malaysia, and Cambodia?

    • Vietnam – Strategic and Economic Deepening: China and Vietnam signed 45 cooperation agreements covering infrastructure, trade, connectivity, and border management. Eg: Agreements included railway connectivity, digital economy initiatives, and boosting cross-border trade.
    • Malaysia – Tech and Economic Collaboration: Over 30 agreements were signed focusing on the digital economy, artificial intelligence, agriculture, and infrastructure. Eg: MoUs on AI cooperation, palm oil trade, and joint development of industrial parks were key highlights.
    • Cambodia – Investment and Infrastructure Expansion: China reaffirmed its role as Cambodia’s largest investor and trading partner, with a focus on large-scale infrastructure projects. Eg: The Funan Techo Canal project was a major outcome, seen as a symbol of deepened strategic and economic ties.

    How does China’s approach differ from the U.S. in the region?

    • Economic Diplomacy vs. Security-Centric Strategy: China emphasizes infrastructure, trade, and investment, while the U.S. often leads with security alliances and military cooperation. Eg: China’s Belt and Road projects (like the Funan Techo Canal in Cambodia) contrast with U.S.-led initiatives like AUKUS and the Quad.
    • Non-Interference vs. Value-Based Engagement: China promotes a policy of non-interference and economic cooperation without imposing political conditions. The U.S. ties engagement to democracy, human rights, and strategic alignment. Eg: China’s warm ties with Cambodia, despite its authoritarian governance, contrast with U.S. criticism of its human rights record.
    • Tangible Deliverables vs. Abstract Frameworks: China offers clear economic incentives (like market access and investments), while U.S. initiatives often lack concrete trade benefits. Eg: China signs dozens of bilateral agreements; the U.S.’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) has been criticized for lacking market access.

    What could be the impact on India? 

    • Strategic Space Shrinkage in Southeast Asia: As China deepens ties with ASEAN countries, India may find it harder to expand its influence in the region. Eg: Vietnam engaging with China despite maritime tensions may dilute India’s strategic partnership with Hanoi.
    • Competitive Pressure on Infrastructure and Trade Diplomacy: China’s aggressive investment through BRI challenges India’s outreach via initiatives like the Act East Policy or Mekong–Ganga Cooperation. Eg: China’s infrastructure push in Cambodia (e.g., Funan Techo Canal) may overshadow India’s developmental efforts in the region.
    • Risk of Regional Economic Isolation: Closer China-ASEAN integration may sideline India from key trade and supply chains unless it accelerates its economic engagement. Eg: India’s exit from RCEP and China’s expanding trade deals with ASEAN may reduce India’s leverage in setting regional economic norms.

    Way forward: 

    • Strengthen Economic and Infrastructure Diplomacy: India should deepen its engagement with Southeast Asia through large-scale infrastructure projects, trade agreements, and digital economy initiatives to compete with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Eg: Focusing on improving connectivity, like the India-Myanmar-Thailand trilateral highway, and enhancing regional supply chains could help.
    • Foster Strategic Partnerships and Multilateral Cooperation: India should prioritize strengthening its strategic ties with ASEAN countries through multilateral platforms like the East Asia Summit (EAS) and the Quad, focusing on security and regional stability. Eg: India must increase its participation in economic partnerships to counter China’s growing influence.

  • Turn and churn: On caste count and next Census 

    Why in the News?

    The Centre’s decision to include caste data in the next national Census is a significant change for the ruling BJP, as it goes against their earlier stance on the issue.

    What prompted the government to shift its stance and include caste enumeration in the next Census?

    • Electoral Setback Due to Perception of Anti-Reservation Agenda: Calls for constitutional overhaul and earlier statements questioning caste-based reservations created fear among backward communities about erosion of their rights. Eg: The lack of a clear electoral majority in the 2024 general elections was partly attributed to concerns among OBC and Dalit communities.
    • Rising Political Demand and Ground Realities in Key States: Increasing public support for caste enumeration, especially in socially diverse states, compelled the government to reconsider its position. Eg: With state elections approaching and widespread demand for a caste census, continuing opposition risked alienating a significant voter base.
    • Pressure from Social Justice Movements and Civil Society: Growing civil society activism and calls for greater transparency in the distribution of benefits made it difficult to ignore the demand for a caste count. Eg: Public discussions on expanding reservations and ensuring proportional representation intensified the push for a data-driven approach.

    Why is there growing concern about the political implications of a caste census, especially in Bihar?

    • Impact on OBC and Dalit Mobilization: A caste census could provide more accurate data on the representation of OBCs and Dalits, leading to demands for more targeted reservations and welfare programs. Eg: In Bihar, where caste-based politics has been historically influential, a caste census could alter the political calculus by intensifying demands for more affirmative action.
    • Electoral Strategy and Vote Bank Politics: Political parties in Bihar may try to exploit caste-based data to attract specific voter segments, resulting in increased polarization. Eg: In Bihar, caste-based mobilization has historically influenced election results, and any shift in data could be used to either strengthen or disrupt existing political alliances.
    • Social Tensions and Division: The caste census may exacerbate social divisions, particularly in a state like Bihar, where caste identities play a significant role in shaping societal relations and political behavior. Eg: Tensions may rise between communities if the census results challenge current power dynamics, leading to potential unrest and further fragmentation within society.

    How have national political parties historically approached caste-based policies?

    • Ambivalence and Opposition to Caste-Based Politics: Initially, national parties were reluctant to fully embrace caste-based policies, viewing them as divisive. This led to a more generic approach focused on broader social and economic justice. Eg: The Congress party, traditionally seen as the party of social justice, was hesitant to fully adopt caste-based policies until the 1990s, when it started advocating for the inclusion of OBCs and Dalits.
    • Shift Towards Inclusivity and Affirmative Action: Over time, national parties, particularly the Congress and BJP, began adopting affirmative action policies, such as reservations, to address caste-based inequities and broaden their electoral base. Eg: In the 1990s, after the Mandal Commission report, both Congress and BJP supported the implementation of OBC reservations to gain support from OBC communities, especially in states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.
    • Caste-Based Mobilization for Electoral Gains: National parties have increasingly used caste-based mobilization as a tool to win elections, though they often avoid explicitly acknowledging it, relying on coalition politics instead. Eg: The BJP, after initially distancing itself from caste politics, has adapted by incorporating OBCs into its fold, as seen in its strategy in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, leading to its dominance in the 2014 and 2019 general elections.

    When was the last comprehensive caste census conducted in India?

    • The Last Comprehensive Caste Census: The last detailed caste census in India was conducted in 1931 during British rule, which included data on various social groups, castes, and tribes.
    • Post-Independence Efforts: Since then, India has not conducted a comprehensive caste census. However, caste data has been collected through surveys like the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) in 2011, though it was not as detailed as the one in 1931.

    Way forward: 

    • Ensure Data Privacy and Equity in Implementation: A caste census should be conducted with strict guidelines to ensure data privacy and avoid misuse, ensuring that it is used only for policy planning and affirmative action rather than political exploitation.
    • Strengthen Social Welfare Mechanisms Based on Census Data: The government should leverage the caste census data to create targeted social welfare programs that address the needs of backward communities without exacerbating social divisions.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2024] Despite comprehensive policies for equity and social justice, underprivileged sections are not yet getting the full benefits of affirmative action envisaged by the Constitution. Comment.

    Linkage: The core issue that a caste census, as discussed in the article, aims to potentially improve: ensuring that underprivileged sections receive the intended benefits of affirmative action and social justice policies.

  • Reviving a far-sighted but forgotten Bill mechanism

    Why in the News?

    Private Member’s Bills (PMBs) allow Members of Parliament (MPs) who are not ministers to suggest their own laws. In India, most laws are brought by the government and are prepared by different ministries.

    What are Private Member’s Bills (PMBs)?

    • PMBs are legislative proposals introduced by Members of Parliament who are not Ministers (i.e., private members). These bills reflect the individual MP’s views or address constituency needs rather than the government’s official stance.
    • In 2019, Supriya Sule (NCP) introduced the Right to Disconnect Bill in the Lok Sabha, which aimed to give employees the legal right to not engage in work-related communication after office hours. Though not passed, it sparked national debate on work-life balance and mental health.

    How do they differ from government bills in the Indian parliamentary system?

    Feature Private Member’s Bill (PMB) Government Bill
    Introduced by Any MP who is not a minister Introduced by a Minister
    Drafted by Individual MP or external inputs Concerned Ministry
    Schedule Usually taken up on Fridays Prioritized in regular business hours
    Chances of passing Very low; often symbolic High; backed by ruling party
    Party mandate MPs have greater freedom Ministers follow cabinet decisions

    Why has the significance of Private Member’s Bills declined in recent Lok Sabha sessions?

    • Frequent Disruptions and Adjournments: Parliamentary proceedings are often disrupted, especially on Fridays (earmarked for PMBs), reducing the time available for meaningful discussion. Eg: In the winter session, two Fridays were lost to disruptions.
    • Government Business Prioritised: The government frequently uses Fridays for its own legislative agenda, sidelining private members’ time. Eg: In the Budget Session, the first Friday was used for discussion on the Union Budget instead of PMBs.
    • Low Discussion Rate: Despite hundreds of PMBs being introduced, only a handful are ever discussed or debated in the House. Eg: Of the 729 PMBs introduced in the 17th Lok Sabha, only two were discussed.
    • Symbolic Rather than Substantive: PMBs are increasingly viewed as symbolic acts with little legislative impact, deterring MPs from actively pursuing them.
    • Lack of Institutional Support: No dedicated mechanism exists to screen, prioritise, or fast-track relevant PMBs, unlike government bills which have bureaucratic and legal backing. Eg: The ‘Right to Disconnect’ Bill by Supriya Sule sparked debate but saw no legislative progress due to lack of structured support.

    How can reforms strengthen the PMB process?

    • Protect Time for PMBs as Sacrosanct: Amend rules to ensure that Fridays (or designated hours) reserved for PMBs cannot be overridden, except during national emergencies. Eg: Ensuring uninterrupted PMB discussion time would prevent situations like the Budget Session, where government business took over private members’ time.
    • Introduce a Review and Prioritisation Mechanism: Create a dedicated committee to screen PMBs for quality, relevance, and constitutionality, and prioritise those with cross-party or public support. Eg: A fast-track mechanism could have helped advance Tiruchi Siva’s ‘Rights of Transgender Persons’ Bill, which ultimately influenced the 2019 law.
    • Adopt the UK’s Ten-Minute Rule Model: Allow MPs to introduce and explain PMBs in brief speeches, increasing visibility and legislative input without demanding long debate time. Eg: This could help bring forward more unconventional yet important ideas like the ‘Right to Disconnect’ Bill by Supriya Sule.

    Way forward: 

    • Institutionalise Support Mechanisms: Establish a dedicated PMB committee and research support system to assist MPs in drafting robust, impactful bills.
    • Ensure Legislative Space and Time: Legally safeguard specific hours or days for PMB discussions to encourage meaningful debate and democratic participation.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2014] The role of individual MPs (Members of Parliament) has diminished over the years and as a result healthy constructive debates on policy issues are not usually witnessed. How far can this be attributed to the anti-defection law, which was legislated but with a different intention?

    Linkage: This explicitly states that Private Member’s Bills are one of the few remaining avenues for individual MPs to suggest constructive policy alternatives, and that the effectiveness of such mechanisms for independent legislative action by MPs has been curtailed, partly due to the unintended effects of the Anti-Defection Law.

  • Digital Access a FR under Right to Life and Liberty: Supreme Court

    Why in the News?

    The Supreme Court has ruled that inclusive and meaningful Digital Access to e-governance and welfare systems is a part of the Fundamental Right to Life and Liberty under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution.

    Key Highlights of the Judgment:

    • Inclusive Digital Access: The Court ruled on April 30, 2025, that access to e-governance and welfare systems is a fundamental right under Article 21, requiring inclusive digital ecosystems, especially for marginalised groups.
    • Focus on KYC Processes: It issued 20 directions to make digital KYC processes more accessible for acid attack survivors and the visually impaired.
    • Digital Divide: It recognised the digital divide as a constitutional issue, emphasising the need for equal access to digital platforms for essential services and opportunities.

    About Article 21 of the Indian Constitution and its Scope:

    • Article 21 reads: “No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.”
    • Initially focused on protecting life from arbitrary state action, it has been expanded to include living with dignity.
    • Key Judicial Expansions:
      • Maneka Gandhi vs. Union of India (1978): Right to live with dignity, requiring a fair, just, and reasonable procedure.
      • Sunil Batra vs. Delhi Administration (1978): Right to live a healthy life and preserve cultural heritage.
      • Bandhua Mukti Morcha vs. Union of India (1984): Linking Article 21 with the Directive Principles of State Policy, ensuring abolition of forced labour.
      • Subramaniam Swamy vs. Union of India (2016): Recognized right to reputation as part of Article 21.
      • Olga Tellis vs. Bombay Municipal Corporation (1985): Recognized right to livelihood as part of Article 21.
      • Aruna Shanbaug case (2011): Recognized the right to die with dignity as part of Article 21.
      • K.S. Puttaswamy vs. Union of India (2017): Right to privacy recognized as an essential part of Article 21.

    Other Judgments Related to Digital Empowerment

    • Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978): Laid the foundation for inclusive digital rights, stating that procedures restricting fundamental rights must be fair, just, and reasonable.
    • Faheema Shirin RK v. State of Kerala (2019): Recognized right to access the internet as part of Article 21 and Article 21A (Right to Education). Denying students internet access in hostels was held unconstitutional.
    • Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020): SC held that Article 19(1)(a) protects the freedom of speech and expression via the internet, and Article 19(1)(g) safeguards the right to trade online. Restrictions on these rights must meet the tests of reasonableness and proportionality.

     

    [UPSC 2024] Under which of the following Articles of the Constitution of India, has the Supreme Court of India placed the Right to Privacy?

    Options: (a) Article 15 (b) Article 16 (c) Article 19 (d) Article 21*

     

  • [1st May 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: The impact of suspending a water treaty

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2016]  Present an account of the Indus Water Treaty and examine its ecological, economic and political implications in the context of changing bilateral relations.

    Linkage:  India’s action regarding the IWT due to strained bilateral relations stemming from terrorism and outlines potential economic impacts on Pakistan and political/diplomatic implications for India.

     

    Mentor’s Comment:  In response to the terrorist attack by The Resistance Front that killed 26 tourists in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, India’s Cabinet Committee on Security decided to suspend the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) of 1960 immediately. This suspension will remain in place until Pakistan completely stops supporting cross-border terrorism. The decision essentially means ending the water treaty, which was signed in 1960, but there is no clause in the treaty that allows for it to be cancelled unilaterally.

    Today’s editorial looks at the recent halt of the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) after a terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir. This topic is useful for GS Paper II (International Relations).

    _

    Let’s learn!

    Why in the News?

    India may defend its decision to suspend the Indus Waters Treaty, but this could affect its relationships with neighbouring countries.

    Why did India suspend the Indus Waters Treaty?

    • Response to Cross-Border Terrorism: India suspended the IWT as a strong retaliatory measure after The Resistance Front, a Pakistan-backed terrorist group, killed 26 tourists in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir. Eg: The Cabinet Committee on Security declared the suspension until Pakistan “credibly and irrevocably abjures its support for cross-border terrorism.”
    • Strategic Leverage Against Pakistan: India views the IWT as a tool of strategic pressure, given that Pakistan’s agriculture and hydropower heavily rely on water from the Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab rivers. Eg: By suspending water-sharing obligations and planning to increase storage and diversion, India aims to weaken Pakistan’s water security.

    What legal challenges arise from this suspension under international law?

    • Lack of Exit Clause in the IWT: The IWT does not have a provision for unilateral termination or suspension by either party. Article XII (4) specifies that the treaty shall continue unless a duly ratified treaty for termination is concluded. Eg: India’s suspension of the treaty violates this provision, as there is no formal exit mechanism within the IWT itself.
    • Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT) Challenges: India’s use of VCLT provisions, particularly Article 62 on treaty modification or termination due to a fundamental change in circumstances, is problematic. India is not a party to the VCLT, and Pakistan has signed but not ratified it, making its application complex. Eg: Using VCLT to justify the suspension may face legal challenges since it doesn’t apply directly in the context of the IWT.
    • Violation of International Legal Norms: Unilateral suspension of the IWT without mutual consent may be viewed as a violation of customary international law, which favors the continuation of treaties unless both parties agree to their termination. Eg: Legal experts argue that India’s actions undermine the principle of pacta sunt servanda (agreements must be kept), which is a core tenet of international law.
    • Possible Retaliation and Legal Action by Pakistan: Pakistan has legal recourse to challenge India’s suspension, including bringing the issue to international forums such as the ICJ, UN Security Council, or the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Eg: Pakistan could argue that India’s suspension violates the VCLT or raises a dispute regarding the treaty’s interpretation, seeking a legal ruling on the matter.

    How could the move impact water disputes within Pakistan?

    • Intensification of Inter-Provincial Water Conflicts: Pakistan’s provinces, particularly Punjab and Sindh, already face longstanding water disputes. India’s suspension of the IWT could exacerbate these internal conflicts, especially as the western rivers are critical to both agriculture and hydroelectric power in Pakistan. Eg: Punjab and Sindh have previously clashed over water allocations, and a reduction in water flow from India could heighten tensions, particularly over the allocation of Indus river waters.
    • Increased Political Instability: A reduction in the water flow from India could lead to widespread agricultural damage and water shortages, particularly in Punjab, which is the country’s agricultural heartland. This could spark public protests and political instability within Pakistan. Eg: The ongoing disputes over projects like the Cholistan Canal between provinces may intensify if Pakistan faces reduced water availability, leading to political pressures on the federal government to resolve these disputes.

    Which infrastructure projects support India’s water strategy?

    • Hydroelectric Projects: Projects like Kishanganga Hydroelectric Project and Ratle Dam utilize water from the western rivers for power generation, in line with India’s share under the Indus Waters Treaty.
    • Run-of-the-River Dams: Baglihar Dam and Salal Dam regulate river flows for electricity generation, without significant water storage, supporting India’s strategy to manage water resources.
    • Irrigation and Flood Control: Infrastructure like the Srinagar flood control project and irrigation systems in Jammu and Kashmir helps manage water for agricultural use and regional stability.

    What are the regional diplomatic consequences of India’s decision?

    • Strained Relations with Pakistan: Suspending the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) may worsen India-Pakistan relations, particularly over water access, potentially leading to diplomatic protests. Eg: Pakistan could raise the issue at international platforms like the UN or the International Court of Justice.
    • Impact on India-China Relations: China, as an upper riparian of India’s rivers, may use India’s suspension to justify withholding hydro data on rivers like the Brahmaputra. Eg: During the 2017 Doklam crisis, China did not share hydro data with India but did with Bangladesh.
    • Influence on India-Bangladesh Ties: India’s suspension could affect the renewal of the Ganga Water Treaty with Bangladesh in 2026. Eg: Bangladesh could be concerned about water-sharing agreements, given the geopolitical tensions.

    Way forward:

    • Engage in Diplomatic Dialogue: India should initiate diplomatic discussions with Pakistan, China, and Bangladesh to mitigate tensions and seek mutually beneficial water-sharing agreements, ensuring regional stability.
    • Strengthen Water Infrastructure: India must invest in enhancing its water storage and management infrastructure to maximize its treaty entitlements and reduce reliance on fluctuating water flows.

  • From a rules-based world to shambolic disorder

    Why in the News?

    Even before Donald Trump’s time in office, there were clear signs that the world was becoming more uncertain in many areas. This was a warning of trouble in different parts of the world, and leaders in government, business, and strategy had already started getting ready for tougher times.

    What are the main global disruptions contributing to geopolitical and economic instability?

    • Leader-led Disruption and Geopolitical Tensions: Authoritarian leaders such as Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin, and Donald Trump are reshaping global politics. Eg: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and U.S. trade wars under Trump have strained international alliances.
    • Rise of Protectionism and Trade Wars: Economic nationalism and tariff barriers have disrupted global trade. Eg: Trump’s tariff war with China reduced U.S. GDP growth and disrupted global supply chains.
    • Technological Disruption and Cyber Threats: Rapid tech changes and cyber warfare are causing instability in national security and job markets. Eg: Growing reliance on disruptive technologies without governance frameworks leads to digital vulnerabilities.
    • Regional Conflicts and Expanding Military Influence: Conflicts in West Asia, increasing military presence, and border tensions are destabilizing regions. Eg: Israel’s offensive in Gaza, tensions in Syria, and China’s naval expansion in the Indian Ocean.
    • Resurgence of Terrorism and Non-State Actors: Groups like ISIS are re-emerging in Africa and South Asia, causing fresh security challenges. Eg: Recent terror attacks in Kashmir and IS activity in Mozambique and Congo signal renewed threats.

    Why is the United States, once a model of democratic stability, now perceived as a deeply divided nation?

    • Deepening Political Polarization: Internal divisions between conservative and liberal ideologies have intensified, weakening national unity. Eg: Sharp divide over Trump’s policies and Capitol Hill riots in January 2021 reflect erosion of democratic consensus.
    • Transactional Foreign Policy Approach: U.S. foreign relations have become self-serving, leading to fractured alliances. Eg: Trump’s tariff wars and criticism of NATO allies strained transatlantic relations.
    • Targeting of Educational and Immigration Systems: Policies against foreign students and elite institutions hurt America’s soft power and economy. Eg: Restrictions on student visas under Trump threatened $40 billion in economic contribution.
    • Economic Protectionism and Declining Global Trade Role: Shift from free trade to protectionist policies reduced U.S. leadership in global economic governance. Eg: Imposition of tariffs led to decline in U.S. GDP growth and disrupted global supply chains.

    How is China capitalising on the shifting geopolitical landscape in Asia?

    • Expanding Influence through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI): China is using infrastructure projects to create economic dependencies and increase political leverage across Asia. Eg: China’s investment in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) strengthens its hold in South Asia and secures a vital trade route.
    • Exploiting U.S. Retreat and Growing Global Uncertainty: As the U.S. retreats from global leadership, China has stepped in as a key player, especially in the Indo-Pacific. Eg: China’s leadership in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the world’s largest free trade bloc, contrasts with U.S. absence under Trump.
    • Enhancing Military and Naval Presence in Key Regions: China is expanding its military presence, particularly in maritime zones crucial for trade and regional security. Eg: China’s aggressive stance in the South China Sea, including artificial island building and military installations, asserts control over disputed waters.
    • Strengthening Bilateral and Multilateral Ties with Neighboring Countries: China is forging strategic alliances with neighboring countries to offset U.S. influence and enhance regional dominance. Eg: China’s growing ties with Southeast Asian countries like Cambodia and Laos, as well as influence in Sri Lanka through infrastructure projects like the Hambantota Port.
    • Leveraging the China-India Rivalry to Expand Influence: China is exploiting tensions between India and its neighbors to increase its regional influence. Eg: China’s increasing influence over Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh, alongside tensions at the India-China border, shifts regional power dynamics in China’s favour

    What implications could this have for India?

    • Strategic Encirclement and Security Concerns: China’s increasing presence in India’s neighborhood (Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka) creates strategic pressure and challenges India’s regional dominance.Eg: The development of the Hambantota Port in Sri Lanka under China’s BRI is seen as part of a “String of Pearls” strategy encircling India.
    • Economic Competition and Trade Imbalance: China’s dominance in Asian trade frameworks like RCEP and its export power pose risks to Indian manufacturing and trade sovereignty. Eg: India opted out of RCEP over concerns that cheap Chinese imports would harm Indian MSMEs.
    • Border Tensions and Military Confrontation: Persistent border disputes, particularly along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), escalate military spending and diplomatic tensions. Eg: The 2020 Galwan Valley clash led to casualties on both sides and worsened India-China relations..

    Way forward: 

    • Strengthen Strategic Partnerships: India should deepen ties with like-minded nations through forums like Quad and ASEAN to counterbalance China’s regional dominance. Eg: Enhanced defense and technology cooperation with Japan, Australia, and the U.S.
    • Boost Domestic Capabilities and Connectivity: Accelerate infrastructure development, self-reliant manufacturing (Atmanirbhar Bharat), and regional connectivity with neighbors to reduce Chinese influence. Eg: Development of the Chabahar Port to bypass China-influenced trade routes.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2021] The USA is facing an existential threat in the form of a China, that is much more challenging than the erstwhile Soviet Union.” Explain.

    Linkage: Major shift in the global power balance and a challenge to the established international order (historically dominated by the US post-Cold War).

  • The post of Deputy Speaker is not symbolic or optional

    Why in the News?

    The Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha is not just a symbolic position but an important role required by the Constitution.

    What is the role of the Deputy Speaker under Article 93?

    • Presiding Over the Lok Sabha in the Speaker’s Absence: The Deputy Speaker steps in to chair the sessions of the Lok Sabha when the Speaker is unavailable, ensuring that legislative proceedings continue smoothly. Eg: If the Speaker is unwell or on an official visit abroad, the Deputy Speaker takes over the chair to maintain the functioning of the House, as happened during various occasions when the Speaker had to travel.
    • Ensuring Impartiality in Debates and Proceedings: The Deputy Speaker, like the Speaker, must remain impartial and ensure that debates are conducted fairly, without any bias towards any party or individual. Eg: During debates on sensitive issues such as the passing of a crucial bill, the Deputy Speaker ensures that all parties have an opportunity to speak and that the debate remains orderly, as seen in past sessions when contentious issues were discussed.
    • Chairing Parliamentary Committees: The Deputy Speaker presides over important parliamentary committees, which play a crucial role in managing legislative work and business. Eg: The Deputy Speaker has chaired committees such as the Business Advisory Committee, where decisions are made regarding the scheduling of bills and other parliamentary matters, helping to streamline the legislative process.

    Why is the continued vacancy of the post a constitutional concern?

    • Violation of Constitutional Mandate (Article 93): The Constitution directs that the House shall elect a Deputy Speaker “as soon as may be”, implying urgency, not discretion. Eg: The 17th Lok Sabha (2019–2024) functioned its entire term without appointing a Deputy Speaker, disregarding this mandate.
    • Absence of Institutional Safeguard in Emergencies: The Deputy Speaker acts as a constitutional backup in case the Speaker resigns, is removed, or is incapacitated. Eg: In 1956, when Speaker G.V. Mavalankar died, Deputy Speaker M.A. Ayyangar stepped in immediately to prevent disruption.
    • Undermining Legislative Continuity and Stability: Without a Deputy Speaker, the House lacks redundancy in leadership, risking procedural breakdown during key sessions. Eg: If a crisis arises during budget discussions and the Speaker is absent, proceedings could face delays or legal challenges.
    • Erosion of Democratic Norms and Bipartisanship: Traditionally, the post is offered to the Opposition to maintain balance, promote inclusivity, and uphold impartiality. Eg: Earlier Lok Sabhas saw the Deputy Speaker from the Opposition, fostering cooperative legislative functioning.
    • Centralisation of Power and Partisan Control: Leaving the post vacant gives unchecked control to the ruling party through the Speaker alone, weakening internal checks. Eg: In the absence of a Deputy Speaker, all procedural authority remains concentrated in one office, reducing scope for dissent or moderation.

    When and how did the Deputy Speaker’s position originate? 

    • Origin in Colonial Legislative Framework: The post of Deputy Speaker evolved from the position of Deputy President in the Central Legislative Assembly during British rule. Eg: Sachidanand Sinha became the first Deputy President (equivalent to Deputy Speaker) in 1921 under colonial administration.
    • Continuity Through the Constituent Assembly (Legislative): Even before the Constitution was adopted in 1950, the Constituent Assembly retained the role of Deputy Speaker to maintain legislative function. Eg: The Assembly recognized the practical need for a second presiding officer during debates and discussions on the Constitution.
    • Institutionalisation in Post-Independence India: The office was formally incorporated under Article 93 of the Constitution, emphasising its necessity in democratic governance. Eg: M.A. Ayyangar became the first elected Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha in 1952 and later served as acting Speaker after G.V. Mavalankar’s death.

    How can reforms ensure timely appointment of the Deputy Speaker? (Way forward)

    • Introducing a Fixed Timeline in the Constitution: Amend Article 93 to mandate election of the Deputy Speaker within a specific period (e.g., 60 days) after the first sitting of a new Lok Sabha. Eg: Similar to the time-bound requirement for forming a government after elections, a clear deadline would prevent indefinite delays.
    • Statutory Mechanism Empowering the President: Create a law allowing the President to direct the House to elect a Deputy Speaker if the position remains vacant beyond the stipulated time. Eg: On the advice of the Prime Minister or Speaker, the President could initiate proceedings to avoid constitutional anomalies.
    • Strengthening Parliamentary Conventions: Reinforce the long-standing practice of offering the Deputy Speaker’s post to the Opposition through formal House resolutions. Eg: Restoring this tradition would ensure bipartisan respect and encourage prompt consensus in electing the Deputy Speaker.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2020] ‘Once a Speaker, Always a Speaker’! Do you think this practice should be adopted to impart objectivity to the office of the Speaker of Lok Sabha? What could be its implications for the robust functioning of parliamentary business in India?

    Linkage: While focusing on the Speaker, the question is relevant because the Deputy Speaker’s role is intrinsically linked to the robust functioning of parliamentary business and the need for impartiality or objectivity within the presiding officers’ roles.

  • Indians fear fake news but are less concerned about press freedom

    Why in the News?

    In India, although many people are worried about fake news and misinformation, they don’t mostly blame the government for it. Instead, many people are okay with the government having more control over the media, according to a recent survey by the Pew Research Centre.

    What does the Pew survey reveal about misinformation and government control in India?

    • High concern about fake news: 65% of Indian respondents said made-up news and information is a “very big problem,” placing India among the top 10 countries with the highest concern.
    • Low emphasis on need for free media: Only 68% said it is very or somewhat important for the media to report news without government censorship, the second-lowest among 35 countries surveyed.
    • Belief in media freedom: 80% of respondents believe that the Indian media is currently “somewhat” or “completely” free from state intervention, among the highest in the survey.
    • Misinformation seen as non-governmental: Citizens largely attribute fake news to sources like social media and WhatsApp, rather than to state action or censorship.

    Why is there a contradiction between concern for fake news and support for state control?

    • Misinformation blamed on non-state actors: Many Indians see fake news as stemming from social media platforms like WhatsApp or Facebook, not from government channels. Eg: Viral misinformation during elections is often attributed to private forwards, not official news broadcasts.
    • Trust in government regulation over systemic reforms: There is greater public belief that the state can control misinformation better than a free and independent press. Eg: Support for internet bans during riots or unrest, viewed as a way to stop rumors, even if it limits press freedom.
    • Low awareness of press freedom deterioration: Despite India’s declining World Press Freedom Index ranking, most respondents think the media is already free. Eg: 80% of Indians believe media is free, while only 68% think freedom from state censorship is important.

    How does India’s World Press Freedom Index ranking reflect on media freedom?

    • Deteriorating Position Globally: India ranked 159 out of 180 countries in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders, reflecting a serious decline in media independence and journalist safety. Eg: India has consistently ranked below 100 since 2003, showing a long-term concern.
    • Gap Between Perception and Reality: While 80% of Indians believe media is free, global rankings suggest significant censorship, legal pressure, and harassment of journalists. Eg: Arrests and raids on independent news portals contradict the public’s belief in press freedom.
    • Impact of State Influence and Surveillance: The low ranking indicates increasing state influence, with reports of surveillance, restrictions on digital media, and pressure on newsrooms. Eg: Pegasus spyware allegations against journalists in India highlight these issues.
    • Legal and Political Threats to Journalists: India’s ranking reflects how stringent laws (like UAPA and sedition) are used against journalists, creating a chilling effect on independent reporting. Eg: The arrest of journalist Siddique Kappan under UAPA demonstrates misuse of laws.
    • Public Support for Control vs. Press Freedom Standards: Despite the low press freedom score, a large section of Indians supports state control over the media, showing a disconnect between democratic ideals and citizen expectations. Eg: Only 68% Indians see uncensored reporting as important—the second-lowest globally.

    Where is the “press freedom gap” reversed according to the survey?

    • India and Kenya Show Reversal: Unlike most countries, India and Kenya are the only two where more people believe the media is free than believe media freedom is important. Eg: In India, 80% say the media is free, but only 68% feel uncensored reporting is important.
    • Contrary to Global Trend: In 33 out of 35 countries, the importance of media freedom is rated higher than the belief that it actually exists, but India and Kenya show the opposite. Eg: In Greece, a higher number want free media but few believe it actually exists, unlike India.
    • High Confidence Despite Global Ranking: Even though India’s global press freedom ranking is poor (159/180), public confidence in existing media freedom remains oddly high. Eg: 80% Indians feel the media is free despite evidence of censorship and harassment.
    • Low Awareness of Press Challenges: The reversed gap suggests a lack of public awareness about the extent of media control, censorship, or intimidation. Eg: Many Indians attribute misinformation to social media platforms rather than government control.
    • Potential for Justifying State Control: Since many believe the media is already free, there is less pressure on governments to ensure genuine press freedom, and greater acceptance of censorship. Eg: High public tolerance allows laws and actions against journalists to go unchallenged.

    Way forward: 

    • Enhance Media Literacy and Public Awareness: Launch nationwide campaigns to educate citizens about the role of a free press, the risks of censorship, and the importance of independent journalism. Eg: School curricula and public broadcasts can include modules on identifying misinformation and understanding media freedom.
    • Strengthen Institutional Safeguards for Press Freedom: Enact legal and institutional reforms to protect journalists from harassment, ensure transparency in state actions, and promote accountability in media regulation. Eg: Independent media commissions and judicial safeguards against misuse of laws like UAPA.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2014] What do you understand by the concept “freedom of speech and expression”? Does it cover hate speech also? Why do the films in India stand on a slightly different plane from other forms of expression? Discuss.

    Linkage: “Freedom of speech and expression”, which is guaranteed by Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution and forms the fundamental basis for press freedom in India. 

  • [28th April 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: The ‘political trilemma’ and the crisis in the West

    PYQ Relevance:

    [UPSC 2019] Are we losing our local identity for the global identity? Discuss

    Linkage: The tension between globalising forces and national or local identities, which is at the heart of the debate surrounding the political trilemma, particularly the interplay between international economic integration and national sovereignty/popular democracy.

     

    Mentor’s Comment:  Democracies in the West are facing a crisis marked by increasing polarization, mistrust in institutions, and rising populism, leading to more insular policies. Economist Dani Rodrik’s “political trilemma” suggests countries can only have two of three things: global economic integration, national sovereignty, and popular democracy. Despite globalization, nations have imposed trade barriers, limiting its benefits.

    Today’s editorial examines the growing polarization, distrust in institutions, and the rise of populism, which are driving countries towards more insular policies despite globalization. This topic is relevant for GS Paper 1 on Society and GS Paper 2 on Polity in the Mains exam.

    _

    Let’s learn!

    Why in the News?

    What was once just a concept in academic studies is now happening around the world, with its effects being more noticeable in Western countries than in others.

    How has globalization impacted sectors and populations in Western countries, fueling populism?

    • Job Losses in Manufacturing: Outsourcing of jobs to lower-cost countries has led to job losses in traditional sectors like steel and textiles, especially in regions like the U.S. Rust Belt, fueling populist sentiments. Eg: The U.S. steel industry decline and its role in Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign.
    • Economic Inequality: Globalization has widened the gap between prosperous urban elites and struggling rural populations, contributing to resentment and populist support. Eg: The Brexit vote, with economically disadvantaged areas pushing for leave due to perceived inequality.
    • Cultural and Identity Concerns: The movement of people and ideas has raised fears of cultural dilution, driving anti-globalization and nationalist rhetoric. Eg: The rise of far-right parties in Europe, like the National Rally and AfD, focusing on immigration and national identity.

    What are the three choices in balancing democracy, sovereignty, and globalization, according to Rodrik’s trilemma?

    • Democracy + Globalization, but Ceding Sovereignty: Countries embrace democratic participation and global economic integration but surrender some national sovereignty. Eg: The European Union (EU), where countries gave up control over key areas like trade and migration for economic benefits, leading to nationalist backlash, such as Brexit.
    • Globalization + Sovereignty, but Restricting Democracy: Countries maintain sovereignty and integrate into the global economy but limit democratic influence on economic decisions, often relying on technocratic governance. Eg: IMF-imposed austerity measures in countries like Kenya, which prioritized fiscal stability over popular democracy, leading to public dissatisfaction.
    • Democracy + Sovereignty, but Limiting Globalization: Countries preserve both sovereignty and democracy but restrict the extent of globalization, often through protectionist policies. Eg: India’s approach of using protectionism and selective foreign investment to balance globalization with domestic control, ensuring political stability and sovereignty.

    How have China and India managed their economies through selective globalisation?

    • Controlled Foreign Investment: Both countries selectively allow foreign investments in specific sectors while restricting or limiting them in others to protect strategic industries. Eg: China has encouraged foreign investments in manufacturing but tightly controls foreign ownership in sectors like media, telecom, and finance. India has similarly promoted foreign direct investment (FDI) in industries like technology but has been cautious in sectors like retail and defense.
    • Export-Oriented Growth: Both nations have prioritized export-led growth, using globalization to access international markets while maintaining strong domestic industrial policies. Eg: China’s “Made in China” strategy focused on becoming the global manufacturing hub, while India’s “Make in India” initiative aims to boost domestic manufacturing for export.
    • Government Control Over Key Sectors: Both countries retain significant government control over critical sectors, such as banking, energy, and infrastructure, to safeguard national interests. Eg: China’s state-owned enterprises (SOEs) dominate key industries like energy and finance, while India has state-run companies in sectors like oil, railways, and defense.
    • Selective Trade Agreements: China and India have negotiated trade agreements that protect domestic industries while opening up others for global competition. Eg: China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001 but protected its agricultural sector with subsidies. India has been cautious in committing to trade agreements that might undermine its domestic sectors, like agriculture.
    • Managing Political and Economic Sovereignty: Both nations maintain tight political control, limiting the influence of external forces on domestic governance and policy-making. Eg: China tightly controls its political landscape and restricts foreign influence through measures like the “Great Firewall,” while India enforces its sovereignty by regulating foreign content in media and restricting foreign NGOs in sensitive areas.

    What consequences have Western democracies faced from balancing free trade, self-determination, and democracy?

    • Economic Inequality and Job Losses: Free trade has led to the outsourcing of manufacturing jobs to lower-cost countries, resulting in job losses and economic insecurity for certain segments of the population. Eg: In the U.S. and the U.K., industrial regions like the Rust Belt have seen significant declines in manufacturing jobs due to globalization, contributing to growing economic disparities.
    • Rise of Populism and Nationalism: As global competition increased, many voters felt left behind by globalization, leading to the rise of populist and nationalist political movements that prioritize national sovereignty over international cooperation. Eg: Brexit in the U.K. and the election of populist leaders like Donald Trump in the U.S. were fueled by sentiments of reclaiming national sovereignty and resisting the perceived negative impacts of globalization.
    • Erosion of Trust in Democratic Institutions: The challenges of balancing democracy with the pressures of globalization have caused frustration among citizens, leading to diminished trust in democratic institutions and the political establishment. Eg: In France, protests like the “Yellow Vest” movement reflect public dissatisfaction with economic policies seen as favoring global markets over local welfare, questioning the legitimacy of institutions and their responsiveness to the people’s needs.

    Way forward: 

    • Balancing Globalization with Domestic Welfare: India must ensure that globalization benefits are equitably distributed, addressing economic insecurity and preventing resentment. Eg: Support local industries and vulnerable sectors through skill development and welfare programs.
    • Strengthening Democratic Institutions: India should make democratic institutions more responsive to public concerns, ensuring inclusivity and addressing inequality. Eg: Engage citizens in policymaking to ensure economic policies benefit all.

  • The real Indian arbitrator needs to stand up

    Why in the News?

    India’s growing economy has sparked discussions on using arbitration to handle increasing commercial disputes. The overburdened court system makes arbitration a popular choice, but questions remain about its effectiveness.

    What are the two key parameters that define the credibility and legitimacy of Indian arbitration?

    • Efficient Conduct of Arbitral Proceedings: Arbitrators must manage timelines, procedures, and hearings to avoid unnecessary delays and ensure speedy resolution. Eg: In a construction contract dispute, an arbitrator who ensures hearings happen on schedule and avoids multiple adjournments boosts arbitration credibility.
    • Quality of Arbitral Awards: Arbitral awards must be factually accurate, well-reasoned, and legally sound so they can withstand court scrutiny. Eg: In a technology dispute, an arbitrator who carefully analyses technical evidence and explains compensation calculation clearly ensures the award is respected and upheld.

    Why has the identification of elite Indian arbitrators primarily with retired judges been seen as a limitation?

    • Over-Reliance on Judicial Experience: Assumes judicial skills alone are enough for arbitration, without adapting to arbitration’s flexible needs. Eg: A retired judge may strictly follow civil procedure rules, causing unnecessary delays in arbitration.
    • Court-like Procedures in Arbitration: Arbitrations tend to mimic lengthy court processes, losing their speed and efficiency advantage. Eg: Instead of quick hearings, a retired judge-arbitrator may insist on prolonged cross-examinations like a courtroom trial.
    • Poorly Reasoned Awards: Awards by some retired judges may lack commercial understanding and detailed reasoning, leading to challenges and setting-aside in courts. Eg: In a business valuation dispute, an arbitrator may issue an award without deeply analysing financial reports, making it vulnerable to appeal.
    • Lack of Soft Skills and International Best Practices: Many retired judges are unfamiliar with global arbitration practices and soft skills like consensus-building within a tribunal. Eg: In an international arbitration panel, an Indian retired judge might struggle to navigate cultural differences or informal deliberations.
    • Limited Diversity of Expertise: Arbitration needs experts from various fields (engineering, finance, tech), not just law, to handle complex technical disputes. Eg: In a complex infrastructure project dispute, a technical expert-arbitrator could resolve issues faster than a purely legal expert.

    Who plays the most decisive role in ensuring the efficiency and quality of arbitral proceedings in India?

    • Arbitrators Set the Procedural Framework: They design and enforce the timelines, hearing schedules, and procedural rules to keep the arbitration efficient. Eg: An arbitrator can fix strict deadlines for filing evidence to avoid unnecessary extensions.
    • Arbitrators Manage Disputes and Party Conduct: They resolve procedural disputes, manage party behavior, and can impose sanctions for delays or misconduct. Eg: If a party repeatedly seeks adjournments, the arbitrator can impose a cost penalty to maintain discipline.
    • Arbitrators Deliver Final, Reasoned Awards: They are responsible for writing high-quality, logical, and well-supported awards that stand strong in judicial review. Eg: In a financial fraud arbitration, a well-reasoned award citing expert evidence and quantifying losses strengthens the award’s credibility.

    What are the steps taken by the Indian government? 

    • Legislative Reforms: Passed the Arbitration and Conciliation (Amendment) Acts (2015, 2019, 2021) to reduce court interference, set strict timelines, and promote institutional arbitration. Eg: Introduction of a 12-month time limit to complete arbitration proceedings.
    • Establishment of Institutions: Set up the India International Arbitration Centre (IIAC) in New Delhi to promote institutional arbitration at par with global standards. Eg: IIAC aims to handle both domestic and international arbitrations efficiently.
    • Promoting Training and Accreditation: Government encouraged specialized training programs and certifications for arbitrators, including support for professional bodies like the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators (CIArb) India branch. Eg: Collaboration with global arbitration bodies to train Indian arbitrators in international best practices.

    How can the Indian arbitration ecosystem diversify and improve the quality of its arbitrators? (Way forward)

    • Diversify the Pool of Arbitrators: Include not just retired judges and advocates, but also trained professionals from fields like engineering, finance, and technology. Eg: Appointing a financial expert as arbitrator in a complex banking dispute can lead to faster and better-informed decisions.
    • Mandatory Training and Accreditation: Every arbitrator, regardless of background, must undergo rigorous training through specialized certificate courses and workshops. Eg: A retired judge attending an international arbitration course learns modern practices like fast-track arbitration and efficient evidence management.
    • Promote a Culture of Professional Arbitration: Build an ecosystem where arbitration is seen as a specialized profession, not as a secondary option to court litigation. Eg: Creating prestigious professional associations and ranking systems for arbitrators can motivate continuous learning and excellence.

    Mains PYQ:

    [UPSC 2024] Explain and distinguish between Lok Adalats and Arbitration Tribunals. Whether they entertain civil as well as criminal cases ?

    Linkage: Arbitration Tribunals, requiring an understanding of their nature and function as a form of dispute resolution, which is the central theme of the Article.