đŸ’„Join UPSC 2027,2028 Mentorship (July Batch) + XFactor Notes & Microthemes PDF
Talk to Mentor

Civilsdaily

Login

GS Paper: GS2

  • “The growth of cabinet system has practically resulted in the marginalisation of the parliamentary supremacy.” Elucidate.

    The Cabinet system, a legacy of the British parliamentary model, is based on the principle of collective responsibility of the executive to the Legislature. However, the growth of the Cabinet system has concentrated power in the hands of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers.

    Cabinet System Marginalising Parliamentary Supremacy

    Party Whip curtails independence of MPs, limiting free deliberation.

    Ordinance Power (Articles 123 & 213) bypasses legislative scrutiny.

    Prime Ministerial Supremacy due to centralisation of authority in PMO.

    Decline of Private Members’ Bills – The last such Bill was passed in 1970.

    Weak Legislative Scrutiny – Increasing absenteeism, fewer sittings, and guillotining of Demands for Grants.

    Decline of parliamentary Committees have weakened executive accountability.

    Coalition Politics results in bargaining politics instead of genuine legislative oversight.

    However, parliamentary control over executive can also be seen

    Executive Accountability – collective responsibility to Parliament under Article 75(3).

    Financial Oversight – Finance committees scrutinise government expenditure. Eg- PAC review of GST framework

    Budgetary Control (Art. 112) through Demands for Grants, and Appropriation Acts.

    Opposition’s Role – Eg- Farm Laws withdrawal.

    Role in Foreign Policy – Eg- debate on Civil Nuclear Deal with the US.

    Way Forward

    Publish Annual Parliamentary Calendar (NCRWC)

    Adopt Shadow Cabinet Model of UK, to institutionalise constructive opposition oversight.

    Allocate fixed time for Private Members’ Bills and Questions.

    Mandatory referral of Bill to Committees (UK system)

    “Parliament is the keystone of the democratic arch.” – Harold Laski

    For a resilient democracy, Parliament must function as the centre of deliberation and control, not as a department of the executive.

  • Civil Society Organizations are often perceived as being anti-State actors rather than non-State actors. Do you agree? Justify.

    CSOs are non-state, non-profit entities that represent citizens’ interests and act as intermediaries between the state and the people. However, their role oscillates between cooperation (as development partners) and confrontation (as watchdogs).

    Civil Society Organizations as Anti-State Actors – Arguments in Favour

    CSOs frequently expose corruption, inefficiency, and rights violations by state institutions. Governments perceive such actions as hostile scrutiny.

    Opposition to Government Policies and Projects – Eg- Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) opposed Sardar Sarovar dam project

    National Security Concerns – Eg- 2014 Intelligence Bureau Report claimed foreign-funded NGOs caused a “2-3% GDP slowdown” by delaying energy and mining projects.

    Mobilisation of Protests – CSOs lead agitations and mass movements that directly confront state authority. Eg- Anti-AFSPA protests in Manipur led by Irom Sharmila.

    Foreign Funding Suspicions – Eg- FCRA action against Greenpeace India for alleged anti-development activities.

    Use of PILs and Social Media Activism is perceived as obstruction. Eg- Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) filed petitions challenging the CAA and NRC.

    Civil Society Organizations as Non-State but Not Anti-State Actors – Arguments Against

    Complementing the State in Service Delivery – CSOs fill governance gaps in education, health, and rural development. Eg- Azim Premji Foundation Trust runs 3500+ schools

    Policy Advocacy – Eg- MKSS inspired the Right to Information Act (2005)

    CSOs empower citizens by promoting political awareness and participatory governance. Eg- ADR enhances electoral transparency through candidate data publication.

    Humanitarian and Relief Support – Eg- Akshaya Patra Foundation distributed 200 million meals during COVID-19; Goonj provided relief materials during Kerala floods.

    Promoting Inclusive Development – CSOs advance the goals of equity, gender justice, and social inclusion. Eg- Sakhi Resource Centre (Kerala)

    CSOs help India align with SDGs and climate commitments, enhancing India’s global standing. Eg- WWF-India and TERI partner with MoEFCC for biodiversity programs.

    Way Forward

    Vijay Kumar Committee Recommendations: ‘Light regulation’ of NGO

    2nd ARC: enact a law to set up an independent National Accreditation Council

    Create formal government-NGO platforms (as in Kerala’s Kudumbashree).

    Encourage Social Accountability Tools like Jan Sunwai, Community Scorecards, and Participatory Planning.

    Shift from Confrontation to Collaboration – seeing CSOs as governance partners, not adversaries

    NGOs are “integral cogs in the wheel of good governance”. A balanced partnership between genuine NGOs and the government is crucial for India’s progress.

  • “Energy security constitutes the dominant kingpin of India’s foreign policy, and is linked with India’s overarching influence in Middle Eastern countries.” How would you integrate energy security with India’s foreign policy trajectories in the coming years?

    India is the world’s 3rd largest energy consumer, importing over 85% of its crude oil and 55% of natural gas. The Middle East accounts for nearly 60% of India’s crude imports.

    Energy Security is dominant kingpin of India’s foreign policy due to

    India’s energy demand is projected to double by 2040 (IEA). Energy diplomacy is central to India’s economic growth and geopolitical outreach.

    Geopolitical Risks – Instability in West Asia (Iran-Israel tensions, Strait of Hormuz) threatens supply chains.

    Price Volatility – Fluctuating global oil prices widen India’s current account deficit.

    US sanctions on Iran, Venezuela, Russia limit India’s diversification options

    China’s aggressive investments in overseas oilfields and LNG projects crowd out India. Eg- in Africa

    Infrastructure Gaps – Limited strategic petroleum reserves, LNG terminals, and pipelines.

    Integrating Energy Security with India’s Foreign Policy

    A. Short-Term Measures (2025-2030)

    Diversification of Suppliers- Expand sourcing from US, Russia, Africa, and Latin America.

    Expand Strategic Petroleum Reserves capacity from 5.3 MMT to 10 MMT.

    Chabahar & INSTC Connectivity- Use Iran-Central Asia corridor to secure overland energy routes and bypass chokepoints.

    Maritime and Energy Diplomacy- Strengthen cooperation with UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Oman for logistics bases and secure sea lines of communication.

    Financial Resilience- Develop Rupee-based oil trade and local currency settlements to cushion against dollar volatility and sanctions.

    B. Long-Term Measures (2030-2050)

    “Nearshoring” energy supplies and greening the Indian grid under Neighbourhood First policy. Eg- hydropower projects in Nepal

    Review of Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act and Atomic Energy Act for FDI in civil nuclear power.

    Green Energy Partnerships-

    Collaborate with Gulf nations on green hydrogen, solar parks, and carbon capture (India-UAE Green Energy Corridor).

    Promote India as a global hub for renewable technology and green financing.

    Energy Investments Abroad-

    Scale ONGC Videsh and IOCL investments in upstream oil and gas fields in Iraq, UAE, Mozambique, and Russia.

    Establish a Sovereign Energy Investment Fund for strategic acquisitions.

    Critical Minerals Diplomacy- Partner with CAR and African nations for lithium, nickel, and cobalt supply chains.

    Institutional Integration- Create an Energy Diplomacy Wing within MEA for coherent foreign policy alignment.

    “Energy security is not just about fuel, it is about strategic autonomy, and India’s foreign policy must secure both.” – M.K.Narayanan

  • Examine the evolving pattern of Centre-State financial relations in the context of planned development in India. How far have the recent reforms impacted the fiscal federalism in India?

    Fiscal federalism refers to the financial relations between centre and states, covering the division of taxation powers, expenditure responsibilities, and transfer mechanisms. Article 268 – 293 deal with Fiscal Federalism in India.

    Evolving Pattern of Centre-State Financial Relations in Planned Development

    1950-1990- Centralised Planning Era

    The Planning Commission controlled transfers through discretionary plan grants.

    The Finance Commission played a limited role in fiscal transfers.

    The Centre shaped State priorities through proliferation of CSS.

    1991-2014- Reform & Decentralisation Phase

    Economic liberalisation gave States more fiscal autonomy in revenue and expenditure.

    Introduction of VAT (2005) boosted State revenues through a buoyant tax base.

    CSS were rationalised but tied funds still constrained State flexibility.

    2015 onwards- New Federalism Phase

    The 14th Finance Commission raised devolution to 42%, enhancing fiscal space for States.

    NITI Aayog replaced the Planning Commission and adopted a consultative approach.

    GST (2017) introduced pooled sovereignty and created a shared tax regime.

    The 15th Finance Commission continued 41% devolution but increased performance-linked grants.

    Impact of Recent Reforms on Fiscal Federalism

    Positive Impacts

    Institutionalised Cooperative Federalism – GST Council as joint decision-making forum.

    Economic Efficiency – GST reduced cascading taxes, transport time cut by 33%, tax base expanded from 66 lakh (2017) to 1.5 crore+ (2024), collections near .

    Strengthened Development Role – States’ developmental expenditure rose from 8.8% of GDP (2004-05) to 12.5% (2021-22).

    Negative Impacts

    The Centre retains major taxation powers (income tax, CGST, natural resources), while States restricted to SGST.

    Cesses & surcharges grew, shrinking States’ effective share from 35% (2015-20) to ~31% (2020-24).

    Delayed GST compensation, especially during COVID, undermined States’ trust.

    Borrowing capped at 3% of GSDP, with enhanced limits tied to reform conditions (e.g., power sector).

    The 15th FC’s 45% income distance weight penalised better-performing States (TN, Kerala, Karnataka).

    Grants-in-aid declined from to , reducing States’ fiscal flexibility.

    CSS burden increased as States finance a larger share but have little role in design.

    Way Forward

    Equity in devolution – Use HDI as a parameter in horizontal tax distribution.

    Off-budget borrowings – Scrutinise and report to ensure transparency and accountability.

    Horizontal imbalance – Guarantee minimum share for rich States and set a ceiling for poorer States.

    Increase Devolution to 50% under 16th FC.

    Include Cess/Surcharge in divisible pool

    Restructure CSS – Consolidate into fewer umbrella schemes

    For India’s fiscal federalism to be effective, it must rest on the principles of autonomy, adequacy, and elasticity.

  • Women’s social capital complements in advancing empowerment and gender equity. Explain.

    Social capital refers to networks, relationships, and norms that enable collective action for mutual benefit. For women, social capital is built through Self-Help Groups (SHGs), PRIs, and grassroots networks.

    Women’s Social Capital Advancing Empowerment

    Strengthening Collective Voice in governance and community decision-making.

    Economic Empowerment – Social capital facilitates microfinance, entrepreneurship, and livelihood diversification. Eg- Kudumbashree (Kerala) and Jeevika (Bihar)

    Promoting Information and Knowledge Sharing – Eg- Mahila Kisan Sashaktikaran Pariyojana (MKSP) enables peer learning in sustainable agriculture and technology use.

    Building Social Solidarity and Mutual Support – Women’s collectives provide psychosocial and emotional support against domestic violence, exclusion, and crises.

    Expanding Political Participation- Women constitute 46% of Panchayati Raj representatives (MoPR, 2024), many emerging from SHG or NGO networks.

    Improving Social Accountability – act as watchdogs, ensuring transparency in welfare programs. Eg- SHG federations in Andhra Pradesh monitor PDS.

    Women’s Social Capital Promoting Gender Equity

    Challenging Patriarchal Norms -Collective action enables women to question gender stereotypes and claim public space.

    Redistributing Power -women influence policy and community priorities.

    Inclusive Development -Strengthens intersectional representation (Dalit, tribal, minority women).

    Bridging Social Divides -Networks connect women across caste, class, and regional boundaries, fostering shared identity and solidarity.

    Challenges

    The enduring Devī-Dāsī dichotomy-idolizing women as sacred yet accepting their subjugation-reveals deep-rooted cultural norms that legitimize gender inequality.

    Tokenism in representation: Eg-“Sarpanch Pati” culture undermines effective female leadership

    “Missing Middle” finance trap – SHGs they outgrow microcredit but cannot access medium-scale loans.

    Regional Imbalance: Concentration of SHGs in southern states (71%); weak in the north and northeast.

    Way Forward

    Gender Sensitisation in Governance: Mandatory training for bureaucrats and police.

    Implementation of Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (2023): Ensure 33% reservation in legislatures.

    Integrate unpaid domestic work into GDP measurement and social protection systems.

    Adopting ILO’s 5Rs (recognition, reduction, redistribution, reward, representation) can help in realising Nari Shakti and SDG 5.

    Human Resources

  • Inequality in the ownership pattern of resources is one of the major causes of poverty. Discuss in the context of ‘paradox of poverty’.

    The “paradox of poverty” refers to the coexistence of abundant resources and persistent poverty. This paradox arises primarily due to inequality in the ownership and control of resources.

    Paradox of poverty

    Growth with Poverty – India is the 5th largest economy, yet 16.4% population lives in multidimensional poverty (NITI Aayog, 2023).

    Urban Prosperity vs Slums – Cities contribute over 60% of GDP, but 65 million people live in urban slums.

    Link Between Resource Inequality and Poverty

    Land Ownership Inequality

    According to NSSO 77th Round (2019), the top 10% of landowners control over 50% of agricultural land, while landless households form nearly 55% of the rural poor.

    Small and marginal farmers face low productivity, credit exclusion, and income insecurity, perpetuating poverty.

    Capital and Wealth Concentration

    The Oxfam Inequality Report (2024) notes that the top 1% of Indians own over 40% of national wealth, while the bottom 50% own only 3%.

    This leads to unequal access to investment, employment, and enterprise opportunities, reinforcing poverty among asset-poor households.

    Unequal Access to Education and Skills – Poor families cannot invest in quality schooling, health, or digital access, resulting in low productivity and employability. This inequality in knowledge resources leads to income disparity.

    Gender and Social Inequality

    Only 13% of agricultural landholders in India are women (Agriculture Census 2021).

    These groups remain disproportionately poor, illustrating how resource inequality and social hierarchy reinforce each other.

    Regional Disparities

    States rich in natural resources (e.g., Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh) also show high poverty and low human development — a clear manifestation of the resource paradox.

    Extraction without equitable sharing of benefits creates “resource curse” poverty.

    Other Causes of Poverty

    Colonial Legacy: deindustrialization of the economy and exploitation of agricultural resources. Eg- India’s GDP share fell from 24.4% in 1700 to 4.2% in 1950

    Jobless Growth: Despite 7%+ GDP growth, unemployment among youth remains 17.3% (PLFS 2022-23).

    Governance and Policy Failures due to high centralization, corruption, and overlapping. Eg- 30% of NREGA payments are delayed beyond the 15-day limit.

    Populism rather than capacity building: Eg: Free Power Scheme in Punjab.

    Polycrisis – multiple crises of slow economic growth, increased fragility, climate risks, and heightened uncertainty have come together at the same time. (WB)

    Way Forward

    Social Determinants Approach: Integrate health with nutrition, sanitation (Swachh Bharat), and clean energy (Ujjwala Yojana). Eg- Gati Shakti Mission Model

    Expand MGNREGA and link with climate-resilient livelihoods (water conservation, afforestation).

    Women Empowerment by adopting best practices like Kerala’s Kudumbshree Model

    Adopt data-driven local interventions under Aspirational Districts Programme to target high-burden regions.

    Adopt Brazil’s Bolsa Família conditional cash transfer scheme

    Land and Asset Redistribution: Promote tenancy rights and women’s joint land ownership.

    Inclusive Financial Access: Strengthen PM Jan Dhan-Aadhaar-Mobile (JAM) and MUDRA loans for micro-entrepreneurs.

    As Amartya Sen observed, poverty is not merely lack of income but lack of capabilities. Bridging resource inequality is key to achieving inclusive growth and social justice (Article 39 (b) & (c)).

    International Relations

  • Compare and contrast the President’s power to pardon in India and in the USA. Are there any limits to it in both the countries? What are ‘preemptive pardons’?

    The power to pardon is an essential sovereign function, allowing the Head of State to grant clemency and show mercy, in the interest of justice, humanity, or public welfare.

    Difference

    However, there are a few similarities

    Preemptive Pardons

    Pardons granted before conviction or even before formal charges are filed, protecting from future prosecution.

    Eg- President Gerald Ford’s 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon in the Watergate scandal.

    While the power to pardon is vital as a safety valve of justice, it must be exercised with restraint, transparency, and caution.

  • E-governance projects have a built-in bias towards technology and back-end integration than user-centric designs. Examine.

    The World Bank defines e-governance as the use by government agencies of information technologies that can transform relations with citizens, businesses, and other arms of government.

    E-governance Projects

    Government to Citizen (G2C) – UMANG, DigiLocker

    Government to Business (G2B) – MCA21, GSTN, GeM Portal

    Government to Government (G2G) – PRAGATI, e-Office

    Government to Employee (G2E) – SPARROW, iGOT-Karmayogi

    Built-in Bias Towards Technology and Back-End Integration

    Infrastructure-Centric Approach: Focus on servers, networks, and databases rather than citizen interface.

    Neglect of ease of access for end-users. Eg- complexity in GSTN and MCA 21 portals.

    Exclusion Errors: Aadhaar authentication failures lead to denial of benefits. Eg- Jharkhand PDS (2017) saw 10-15% exclusion (NITI Aayog).

    Technology Outpacing Capacity: Rapid adoption of AI, blockchain, and analytics without adequate digital literacy or institutional capacity at the local level.

    Lack of User-Centric Designs

    Language and Accessibility Barriers: Most portals available only in English, excluding non-English users.

    Complex Interfaces and Poorly designed websites discourage participation. Eg- multiple logins and verification steps.

    Digital Divide and Exclusion: Only 43% of rural households have internet (NFHS-5, 2021).

    Most systems lack built-in feedback loops or grievance redressal.

    Absence of Design Thinking: Systems designed from administrative, not citizen, perspective

    One-Size-Fits-All Approach: Uniform design ignores regional, gender, and social diversity, affecting inclusivity.

    However, there are few Achievements

    UMANG App: Unified access to 2,300+ government services in 23 languages

    MyGov Platform: Enables citizen consultation and idea crowdsourcing.

    Jan Soochna Portal (Rajasthan): Promotes proactive disclosure of welfare data.

    eSanjeevani Telemedicine Platform: Over 18 crore consultations, with simple, accessible interface for rural users.

    BHASHINI: Supports 35+ Indian languages, breaking language barriers and enhancing inclusivity.

    PMGDISHA: Over 6.3 crore citizens trained in digital literacy.

    Way Forward

    Adopt Design Thinking: Involve citizens in service design and usability testing.

    Local Language Interfaces: Scale BHASHINI integration across all digital services.

    Social Audits and Human Interface: Combine digital governance with local institutions for last-mile trust.

    Strengthen Digital Infrastructure: Accelerate BharatNet Phase-II to connect all Gram Panchayats

    India must move toward “Technology with Inclusion” – ensuring no beneficiary is left behind.

    Civil Society Organisations

  • Comment on the need for administrative tribunals as compared to the court system. Assess the impact of the recent tribal reforms through rationalisation of tribunals made in 2021.

    The 42nd Constitutional Amendment (1976) inserted Article 323A & 323B, enabling the establishment of administrative tribunals.

    Need of Administrative Tribunals

    Specialized Expertise – Handle technical issues in areas like taxation, environment, telecom, competition, service matters requiring domain knowledge. Eg- National Green Tribunal (NGT) combines legal and scientific expertise.

    Speedy Justice – Simplified procedures ensure faster disposal compared to lengthy court litigation. Eg- Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) resolves service disputes faster than High Courts.

    Reducing Burden on Courts – By transferring specialized disputes, tribunals ease the case load of High Courts and Supreme Court.

    Cost-effective and Accessible – Flexible procedures and lower costs improve access to justice, especially for citizens and government employees.

    Quasi-Judicial Role – Act as a bridge between executive actions and judicial review, combining policy interpretation with dispute resolution. Eg- Telecom Disputes Settlement and Appellate Tribunal (TDSAT).

    Consistency and Uniformity – Ensure predictable and uniform rulings in specialized sectors. Eg- Securities Appellate Tribunal (SAT) promotes consistency in investor protection cases.

    Citizen-Centric Justice – Designed to make justice less formal, quicker, and more stakeholder-friendly in sensitive domains.

    Tribunal Reforms Act, 2021

    Provisions

    Abolition/Merger of Tribunals– Transferred functions of several appellate tribunals (e.g., Film Certification Appellate Tribunal, Airport Appellate Tribunal) to High Courts.

    Appointment and Tenure– Members appointed by the government from panels prepared by a selection committee; tenure fixed at 4 years with maximum age of 50 years (Chairperson) and 67 years (others).

    Rationalization Objective– Reduce multiplicity of tribunals, improve efficiency, and strengthen judicial oversight.

    Positive Impacts

    Rationalization of Tribunals – Abolition/merger of smaller tribunals avoided fragmentation and duplication. Eg- Film Certification Appellate Tribunal’s functions shifted to High Courts.

    Judicial Oversight Strengthened – Transfer of jurisdiction back to High Courts and Supreme Court enhances consistency of judgments and constitutional accountability.

    Resource Optimization – Reduced expenditure on maintaining multiple tribunals with low caseloads.

    Efficiency in Case Management – Consolidation brought clarity in jurisdiction and procedures, reducing confusion among litigants.

    Concerns and Challenges

    Increased Burden on High Courts – High Courts already face 60+ lakh pending cases (2023); transfer of tribunal matters may worsen delays.

    Loss of Specialized Expertise – High Courts may lack technical knowledge in fields like environment, telecom, or competition law, undermining quality of justice.

    Access to Justice Issues – Litigants in remote areas lose proximity of tribunals; approaching High Courts can be costly and time-consuming.

    Independence Questioned – Provisions on short tenure (4 years) and government dominance in appointments raised concerns, criticized in Madras Bar Association v. Union of India (2021).

    Dilution of Objective – The original vision of tribunals under 42nd Constitutional Amendment (Articles 323A & 323B) was to provide specialized, speedy justice-this stands weakened.

    Way Forward

    Retain Domain Expertise – Where technical issues dominate (like NGT, TDSAT, SAT), maintain specialized tribunals instead of shifting cases to High Courts.

    Capacity Building of High Courts – Provide technical benches, expert advisors, digital case management to handle transferred tribunal functions effectively.

    Accessibility for Citizens – Establish regional benches and adopt e-filing, virtual hearings to reduce distance and costs for litigants.

    Periodic Review of Tribunal Performance – Independent audits to assess caseload, efficiency, pendency reduction, and decide which tribunals to retain/merge.

    Harmonization of Laws – Avoid overlapping jurisdiction by clear statutory allocation of cases between tribunals and courts.

    Tribunal reforms must balance judicial efficiency with specialized expertise and independence, ensuring tribunals remain accessible, credible, and effective instruments of justice.

    Local Government

  • “The reform process in the United Nations remains unresolved, because of the delicate imbalance of East and West and entanglement of the USA vs. Russo-Chinese alliance.” Examine and critically evaluate the East-West policy confrontations in this regard.

    “The UN was not created to take mankind to heaven, but to save humanity from hell.” – 2nd Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld. However, in the 21st century, the reform process-particularly of the Security Council-remains stalled, leading to a crisis of confidence in the UN.

    Major reforms needed in the UN

    Security Council expansion to reflect 21st-century realities

    Veto-restraint or limitation – Eg- code of conduct.

    Greater regional representation – Eg- African Union and Latin America.

    Strengthening General Assembly role with clear mandate and resources.

    Peacekeeping reform – mandates, rules of engagement, training and rapid deployment.

    Financial autonomy for agencies like UNDP

    Secretariat reform – streamline bureaucracy and merit-based senior appointments.

    Transparency & accountability – stronger oversight and audit for agencies and peace operations.

    Reasons the reform process remains unresolved

    A. Delicate East-West imbalance

    Historic institutional lock-in – UNSC P5 structure reflects 1945 power distribution.

    The West (US, UK, France) advocates “value-based liberal multilateralism,” emphasizing democracy, human rights, and rule-based order.

    The East (Russia, China) emphasizes “sovereign equality, non-interference, and multipolarity.” Eg- criticism of “Responsibility to Protect (R2P)” as neo-interventionism

    Regional rivalries – rival claims (Japan vs. China, India vs. Pakistan) block consensus on new permanent seats.

    B. Entanglement: USA vs. Russo-Chinese alignment

    P3 vs P2 divide over veto and reforms. Eg- Syria, Ukraine.

    P5 members resist reforms that could reduce their leverage.

    Security dilemmas and Great-power rivalry turns UN reform into a question of strategic advantage rather than institutional efficiency.

    C. Other decisive factors

    Charter rigidity – amendments need 2/3 members + P5 ratification.

    Bloc fragmentation – G4, African Union (Ezulwini), Uniting for Consensus dilute consensus

    Resource dependence – Eg- UN budget has been slashed by 15% in 2026 (from USD 3.7 billion to USD 3.2 billion) as the US, China, Russia failed to complete their payments.

    Proliferation of parallel forums like BRICS, G20, SCO provide alternative platforms, reducing political pressure for UN reform.

    Way Forward

    Reforming the UN Security Council by increasing permanent membership and addressing the under-representation of Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

    Adopt a “two-tier” membership model (permanent without veto) as an interim compromise (Kofi Annan’s proposal, 2005).

    Empower the UNGA to act when the Security Council is paralyzed – via the Uniting for Peace Resolution (1950).

    Rationalization of the Veto System

    France-Mexico Initiative (2015): Voluntary veto restraint during mass atrocities.

    Accountability Proposal by ACT Group (27 countries): P5 must justify veto use before the General Assembly.

    Financial and Bureaucratic Reforms

    Diversify funding base to reduce donor dominance.

    Introduce independent audit mechanisms for UN agencies for transparency.

    Rationalize overlapping agencies (UNDP, UNEP, WHO) to ensure resource efficiency.

    Establish a UN Accountability Commission to monitor performance and corruption within UN bodies.

    As UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres put it, we can’t create a future fit for our grandchildren with systems built for our grandparents. Thus, “reformed multilateralism” with the UN at its core is essential.