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GS Paper: GS2

  • The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 remains inadequate in promoting incentive-based system for children’s education without generating awareness about the importance of schooling. Analyse.

    Enacted under Article 21A, the RTE Act (2009) aims to provide free and compulsory elementary education to all children aged 6-14 years.

    Key Features of RTE Act

    Fundamental Right: Makes eight years of quality elementary education a justiciable right.

    25% Reservation: Mandates private unaided schools to reserve seats for disadvantaged groups.

    Infrastructure Norms: Sets binding standards for Pupil-Teacher Ratio, buildings, and toilets.

    No-Detention Policy: Prohibits failing or expelling students until Class 8 (subject to later state-level amendments).

    Zero Screening: Bans capitation fees and interview-based admissions for children or parents.

    Teacher Standards: Mandates minimum professional qualifications and clearing of the Teacher Eligibility Test (TET).

    Major Incentives Provided

    Mid-Day Meals: Ensures nutritional support to improve attendance and concentration.

    Free Uniforms and Textbooks: Eliminates the direct out-of-pocket costs of schooling.

    Transport Allowances: Provided to children in remote areas lacking a neighborhood school.

    Special Training: Bridge courses for out-of-school children to join age-appropriate classes.

    Infrastructure Grants: Funding for functional girls’ toilets and drinking water facilities.

    Scholarships: Target-based financial aid for SC, ST, and minority students.

    Major Issues in Promoting Incentive-Based System

    Prevalence of Child Labour and lack of awareness about Education importance – Eg- High seasonal dropouts in agriculture-heavy districts of Bihar/UP in 2025. (ASER 2025)

    Marginalized families remain unaware of the 25% EWS quota and online application portals.

    Perverse Incentives: Focus on attendance for meals/books rather than actual learning engagement or outcomes.

    The “Class 9” Cliff: Incentives stop at Class 8, leading to massive dropouts once fees are introduced.

    Learning Poverty Paradox: ASER 2024 reports that only ~43% of Class V students can read a Class II-level text.

    Geographical Exclusion: Over 8.1 million children from urban slums remained out of school in early 2026. (NAC Implementation Report)

    Stigmatization: EWS children in elite schools face social alienation

    Way Forward

    Awareness Campaigns: Use “Nukkad Nataks” and local influencers to explain the “value” of education beyond meals. Eg- “Vidyanjali 2.0” community volunteer programs.

    Extension of Mandate: Extend free education up to Class 12 to prevent the “Class 9 dropout” crisis. (NEP 2020)

    Outcome-Based Incentives: Transition from “enrollment incentives” to “outcome-linked” benefits for schools and students. Eg- NIPUN Bharat performance-linked grants

    Documentation Camps: Organize “on-the-spot” certificate camps in schools for EWS/Caste certificate verification.

    Social Integration Training: Sensitize private school teachers to prevent the stigmatization of EWS students in classrooms.

    Strengthening SMCs: Empower School Management Committees to conduct local social audits of learning quality.

    Public School Revamp: Elevate government school quality (PM SHRI) to make them the “first choice” for parents.

    RTE must shift from a “Right to Enrollment” to a “Right to Learning” by prioritizing awareness over mere fiscal incentives.

  • Critically examine the procedures through which the Presidents of India and France are elected.

    The President of India serves as the constitutional head of the State and the symbol of national unity within a parliamentary democracy.
    The President of France, under the Fifth Republic (1958), is both the head of State and a key executive authority in a semi-presidential system, sharing power with the Prime Minister.
    Their election procedures reflect the differing nature of their political systems.

    Procedure for Election of the President of India

    Constitutional Basis: Articles 54 of the Constitution.

    Electoral College:

    Elected members of Parliament (Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha).

    Elected members of State Legislative Assemblies (including Delhi and Puducherry).

    Voting System:

    Proportional representation by single transferable vote (STV) and secret ballot (Article 55).

    Vote value of MLAs and MPs ensures federal balance.

    Eligibility: Indian citizen, 35 years or above, qualified for Lok Sabha membership.

    Term: Five years, eligible for re-election.

    Significance

    Indirect election is relevant as president is nominal head

    Federal Balance maintained

    Only elected members participate in elections

    Procedure for Election of the President of France

    Constitutional Basis: Article 6 of the French Constitution (1958).

    Mode: Direct universal suffrage since 1962, following de Gaulle’s reform.

    Voting System: Two-round majority system: A candidate must secure 50%+ votes in the first round; otherwise, a runoff between top two in the second round.

    Term: Five years (reduced from seven in 2000).

    Eligibility: French citizen, 18 years or above, meeting civic and nomination requirements.

    Significance

    Accountability – Direct election is in line with executive powers of president

    President enjoys absolute majority

    Stability due to security of tenure

    Criticism of Procedure for Election of the President of India

    Indirect election limits popular legitimacy.

    Value of votes of state legislators differs as it is based on population

    Symbolic authority-President’s office often reduced to formality under parliamentary control.

    Criticism of Procedure for Election of the President of France

    Personality-based campaigns overshadow policy debates.

    Cohabitation risk-President and Prime Minister from different parties may create policy deadlock.

    Over-centralization of power in the executive, especially under strong presidents.

    The Indian procedure ensures federal balance and political neutrality through indirect election, while the French model ensures democratic legitimacy through direct popular choice.

  • Discuss the role of the Election Commission of India in the light of the evolution of the Model Code of Conduct.

    Model Code of Conduct is the guidelines set by Election Commission of India for political entities during campaigns to ensure decorum. Though not legally enforceable, it has become an indispensable moral instrument for ensuring free, fair, and level-playing elections in India.

    Evolution of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC)

    1960 – First voluntary code introduced during the Kerala Assembly elections.

    1962 – First Nationwide Use in the Lok Sabha elections

    1991 – ECI under T.N. Seshan formalised and reissued MCC with 7 comprehensive parts

    2013 – Supreme Court Recognition in S. Subramaniam Balaji v. Tamil Nadu

    2018-Present – MCC expanded to cover social media, fake news, and online campaigning.

    Role of the Election Commission of India in MCC Implementation

    Acts under Constitutional Authority (Art. 324)- Exercises residual powers to enforce MCC even in the absence of explicit statutory provisions.

    Ensures Free and Fair Elections- ECI enforces MCC to maintain a level playing field among all political parties.

    Restricts the ruling party from announcing new schemes, transferring officials, or using public resources for campaigns.

    Monitors Campaign Conduct- Prohibits hate speech, communal appeals, caste-based propaganda, and personal attacks in campaigns.

    Acts Against MCC Violations- Issues warnings, censures, derecognition, or suspension of political leaders and parties for violations.

    Uses Media Certification and Monitoring Committees (MCMC) to monitor paid news and political advertisements.

    Controls Government Communication- Prohibits use of official media or public funds for election-related publicity.

    Deploys observers and flying squads to detect and address MCC violations promptly.

    Engages Citizens in Monitoring- Introduced the cVIGIL mobile app allowing citizens to report MCC violations in real time.

    Coordinates with Law Enforcement- Works with district magistrates, police, and election observers to ensure compliance on the ground.

    Challenges before the Election Commission in Enforcing MCC

    Legal and Institutional Challenges

    Lack of Statutory Backing- enforcement depends on moral authority, not legal sanction.

    Delay in Judicial Remedies on MCC violations, reduce deterrent effect.

    Administrative Challenges

    Monitoring compliance across 10+ lakh polling stations and multiple states is logistically difficult.

    Limited Human Resources- reliance on district officials who are part of state bureaucracy reduces independence.

    Political Challenges

    Allegations of Bias, especially against opposition leaders.

    Non-cooperation by Political Parties- ignore advisories or delay compliance with MCC orders.

    Freebies and Populism- Lack of clear guidelines to differentiate welfare schemes from electoral freebies (as seen in Tamil Nadu & Telangana cases).

    Technological and Media Challenges – Difficulty tracking fake news, hate campaigns, and paid promotions on digital platforms.

    Way Forward

    Give Statutory Backing to MCC under Representation of the People Act, 1951

    Regulate Freebies and Populism – Implement Supreme Court’s advice in S. Subramaniam Balaji (2013)

    Establish a digital MCC framework in collaboration with social media platforms to tackle misinformation, hate speech, and paid content.

    Enhance Transparency and Accountability – Publish all MCC violations, ECI actions, and outcomes on a public dashboard.

    Set time limits for inquiry and punishment in MCC violation cases.

    Electoral reforms is considered as ‘Mother of all Reforms’. Giving statutory backing to MCC can ensure the trinity of Ethics, Accountability and Fairness of electoral process.

  • Besides the welfare schemes, India needs deft management of inflation and unemployment to serve the poor and the underprivileged sections of the society. Discuss.

    The Indian Constitution envisions a Welfare State under the DPSP (Articles 36-51), mandating the State to ensure social, economic, and political justice through equitable development. However, impact is undermined by macroeconomic instability, particularly high inflation (8%) and unemployment (6-8%).

    Welfare Schemes

    Financial Inclusion

    PM Jan Dhan Yojana -55 Cr accounts opened

    Aadhaar -1.35 Billion generated

    Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) -minimizes leakages.

    Social Security Nets

    Atal Pension Yojana for unorganised sector workers.

    PM Maan Dhan Yojana -old-age income security

    Food Security

    Atal Kalyan Yojana / PMGKAY – 67% population covered

    Mid-Day Meal (PM Poshan)

    Support for Vulnerable Sections

    PM Matru Vandana Yojana

    Ayushman Bharat

    Skills and Training

    PM Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY)

    ‘Earn While You Learn’ Scheme

    Social Infrastructure

    Swachh Bharat Mission

    Ujjwala Yojana -10 Cr LPG connections

    Gram Sadak Yojana

    Women and SC-ST empowerment

    PM Mudra Yojana

    Stand-Up India

    The Impact of Inflation on the Poor

    Erosion of Real Income: Inflation disproportionately affects low-income households as food and fuel form over 50% of their consumption basket.

    Reduced Effectiveness of Welfare Schemes: High prices diminish the real value of cash transfers under DBT or PM-Kisan.

    Rural Distress: Inflation widens the rural-urban gap, as agricultural incomes lag behind input costs (fertilizer, diesel).

    Fiscal Stress: Rising subsidy bills due to inflation crowd out developmental spending.

    Unemployment and Its Consequences for the Poor

    Jobless Growth: Despite 7%+ GDP growth, unemployment among youth remains 17.3% (PLFS 2022-23).

    Informalisation: Around 90% of India’s workforce remains in the informal sector, lacking job security or social protection.

    Poverty Persists12.9% Indians still multidimensionally poor (NITI Aayog, 2023).

    Gender Disparity: Female LFPR, though improved to 41% (2022-23), still trails male LFPR (78%) and Global Average (48%)

    Welfare Dependency: Lack of stable income pushes people to rely on welfare transfers, which creates fiscal burden and undermines self-reliance.

    Policy Measures for Deft Management

    Inflation Management:

    Strengthen Monetary-Fiscal Coordination between RBI and Ministry of Finance.

    Build food supply buffers via eNAM and cold chain networks.

    Promote energy transition to reduce import-driven inflation.

    Employment Generation:

    Expand PM Vishwakarma, PMEGP, and Start-Up India for entrepreneurship.

    Promote labour-intensive sectors – textiles, food processing, tourism. (Economic Survey)

    Urban MGNREGA to reduce urban poverty

    Invest in green and digital jobs through the IndiaAI Mission and National Green Hydrogen Mission.

    Integrate Skill India with industry demand mapping.

    Capability Approach: increase expenditure on Health (2.5% of GDP) and Education (6% of GDP)

    Only by aligning macro-economic management with social justice objectives can India realise the vision of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas”

  • India is an age-old friend of Sri Lanka.’ Discuss India’s role in the recent crisis in Sri Lanka the light of the preceding statement.

    India and Sri Lanka share civilizational, cultural, and economic linkages dating back over 2,500 years, rooted in Buddhist ties, maritime trade, and shared colonial history.

    Financial Assistance

    India extended over USD 4 billion in assistance through credit lines, currency swaps, and grants

    Provided a USD 1 billion credit line for essentials such as food, medicines, and fuel.

    Supplied over 400,000 MT of fuel, life-saving drugs, and rice consignments

    USD 400 million currency swap under the SAARC framework and deferred USD 515 million in ACU payments, easing liquidity pressure.

    Support for Debt Restructuring and IMF Assistance

    India became the first country to provide written assurance to the IMF supporting Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring plan, crucial for securing the USD 2.9 billion IMF bailout.

    Advocated for equitable debt treatment among all creditors.

    Trade, Connectivity, and Energy Cooperation

    Advanced the India-Sri Lanka Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) and Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) for economic revival.

    Revived strategic projects such as the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm modernization and proposed India-Sri Lanka power grid interconnection.

    Symbol of Age-Old Friendship

    Non Reciprocity (Neighbourhood First Policy) – India’s assistance came without strategic strings.

    Embodied the ethos of “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam”, upholding regional solidarity and stability.

    Reaffirmed India’s role as a trustworthy regional leader and first responder in crises.

    India’s response reflected its “humanitarian diplomacy”-guided by empathy, not conditionality.

  • Do you think that BIMSTEC is a parallel organisation like the SAARC? What are the similarities and dissimilarities between the two? How are Indian foreign policy objectives realized by forming this new organisation?

    According to S. Jaishankar, SAARC has become a dead horse. In this context, BIMSTEC, established in 1997, to promote regional cooperation among South and Southeast Asian countries has emerged as a pragmatic alternative to SAARC.

    BIMSTEC as a Parallel Organisation like the SAARC – Similarities

    Regional Cooperation Objective to promote economic, technical, and social cooperation. Eg- SAFTA and BIMSTEC FTA negotiations

    Developmental Focus: Emphasis on poverty reduction, trade, connectivity, and sustainable growth. Eg- BIMSTEC Transport Connectivity Master Plan

    Consensus-Based Decision-Making: Eg- BIMSTEC Charter, 2022 was adopted only after all members’ approval

    Institutional Mechanisms: Function through summits, ministerial meetings, and working groups. Eg- BIMSTEC Leaders’ Summit

    Multi-sectoral Agenda: Cooperation in transport, energy, agriculture, health, environment, and security. Eg- SAARC 11 priority sectors and BIMSTEC 14 priority areas

    Differences

    BIMSTEC connects South and Southeast Asia, while SAARC is confined to South Asia.

    SAARC includes Pakistan, leading to frequent political blockages. BIMSTEC is ‘SAARC-Pakistan’

    SAARC is primarily a political and developmental forum, whereas BIMSTEC focuses on sectoral partnerships in economy, connectivity, and technology.

    SAARC functioning is largely stalled, whereas BIMSTEC is expanding sectoral cooperation, adopted its Charter in 2022 and established a permanent Secretariat in Dhaka

    SAARC has limited security cooperation, whereas BIMSTEC actively engages in counter-terrorism, cyber security, maritime security, and disaster management. Eg- BIMSTEC National Security Advisers’ Meetings

    SAARC maintains Permanent Observer Status at the UN whereas BIMSTEC does not.

    BIMSTEC Fulfilling India’s Foreign Policy Objectives

    Regional Integration – Provides a Pakistan-free alternative to pursue regional cooperation and development.

    Bridge to Southeast Asia: advances India’s Act East Policy. Eg- IMT Trilateral Highway.

    Neighbourhood First and Indo-Pacific strategies – Increased connectivity, humanitarian cooperation, and development projects project India as a responsible power.

    SAGAR Vision: Reinforces India’s role as a “Net Security Provider” in the Indian Ocean through cooperation in maritime security, disaster management, and coastal resilience.

    Tapping Trade Potential in the Bay of Bengal through blue economy initiatives and port-led development.

    Group’s cohesion and sustainability is key to realise ‘Vision 2030’ adopted in the recent 6th BIMSTEC summit.

  • Discuss the procedures to decide the disputes arising out of the election of a Member of the Parliament or State Legislature under The Representation of the People Act, 1951. What are the grounds on which the election of any returned candidate may be declared void? What remedy is available to the aggrieved party against the decision? Refer to the case laws.

    Article 329(b) bars judicial intervention in elections except through an election petition under the Representation of People Act, 1951. Part VI (Sections 80-122) governs adjudication of election disputes

    Procedure to decide election disputes

    Election Petition (Section 80) – No civil suit; only election petition can challenge an election.

    Who Can File (Section 81) – Any candidate or elector of the constituency may file petition.

    Time Limit (Section 81) – Filed within 45 days from date of declaration of result.

    Jurisdiction (Section 80A) – Heard by single judge of the High Court designated by Chief Justice.

    Time-Bound Disposal (Section 86(7)) – Petition to be disposed of within 6 months as far as practicable.

    Grounds for declaring election void (section 100)

    Disqualification of Returned Candidate (Section 100(1)(a)) – Candidate not qualified or disqualified under Constitution/RPA on election date.

    Corrupt Practices (Section 100(1)(b)) – Bribery, undue influence, religious appeals, false statements, booth capturing, expenditure violations (Section 123).

    Improper Rejection of Nomination: If a nomination was wrongfully rejected.

    The result was “materially affected” by:

    Improper acceptance of any nomination.

    Improper reception, refusal, or rejection of any vote.

    Non-compliance with the provisions of the Constitution or the RPA, 1951.

    Remedy against decision

    Direct Appeal to Supreme Court (Section 116A) within 30 days.

    Supreme Court may stay High Court’s order under stringent conditions.

    Landmark case laws

    Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain (1975) – Allahabad HC set aside PM’s election for corrupt practices; led to Emergency.

    N.P. Ponnuswami v. Returning Officer (1952) – Established Article 329(b) as absolute bar; election petition is sole remedy.

    Mohinder Singh Gill v. CEC (1978) – Justice Krishna Iyer: Free and fair elections part of basic structure.

    Lily Thomas v. UoI (2013) – Struck down Section 8(4) RPA; automatic disqualification on conviction with 2+ years.

    Abhiram Singh v. C.D. Commachen (2017) – Constitution Bench broadened Section 123(3) – appeal to religion, caste, race by any party is corrupt practice.

    Thus, the disqualification provisions ensure the trinity of Ethics, Accountability and Fairness of electoral process.

  • Discuss the essential conditions for exercise of the legislative powers by the Governor. Discuss the legality of re-promulgation of ordinances by the Governor without placing them before the Legislature.

    Articles 153-167 (Part VI) deal with the State Executive, and the Governor acts as the Chief Executive Head of the State. Under Article 213, the Governor has the power to promulgate ordinances.

    Legislative Powers-

    Summoning and Proroguing Houses (Article 174)

    Article 200 – Giving assent to the Bills

    Article 175- Addresses the first session of the State Legislature after each general election.

    Appoints the Speaker of the House

    Reservation of Bills for President’s Consideration (Article 201)

    Nominates one-sixth members of the Legislative Council (if it exists).

    Ordinance-Making Power (Article 213)

    Essential Conditions for Exercise of Legislative Powers by the Governor

    Legislature Not in Session – Ordinance can be issued only when both Houses (or the sole House) of the State Legislature are not in session.

    Immediate Need – The Governor must be satisfied that circumstances exist which render it necessary to take immediate legislative action.

    Legislative Competence – The ordinance can only be issued on a subject within the State Legislature’s competence under State or Concurrent Lists.

    Presidential Assent (Proviso to Article 213(1)) – Required if-

    The Bill would need the President’s previous sanction; or

    The law conflicts with any Parliamentary law; or

    It covers subjects where Parliament has overriding powers.

    Temporary Nature – The ordinance must be laid before the Legislature and will cease to operate six weeks after its reassembly, unless replaced by an Act.

    Legality of Re-promulgation of Ordinances

    Judicial Precedents

    D.C. Wadhwa v. State of Bihar (1987) – Re-promulgation of ordinances without legislative approval was termed as a “fraud on the Constitution”. SC has held that, An ordinance can be challenged if it-

    Constitutes colorable legislation;

    Violates Fundamental Rights;

    Contravenes constitutional provisions (e.g., Article 301); or

    Has unconstitutional retrospective effect.

    Krishna Kumar Singh v. State of Bihar (2017)Placing an ordinance before the Legislature is mandatory. Re-promulgation without fresh justification is invalid and violates legislative supremacy.

    R.C. Cooper case (1970) – Judicial review permissible if there is no genuine requirement of immediate action.

    A.K. Roy v. Union of India (1982)- The Supreme Court held that an ordinance cannot substitute parliamentary legislation and must be used only in cases of extreme urgency or unforeseen emergency.

    Constitutional and Democratic Implications

    Re-promulgation violates the “3D principle” – Debate, Discussion, Deliberation.

    It converts an emergency power into a routine legislative tool, eroding separation of powers.

    Failure to place an ordinance before the Legislature constitutes an “abuse of power” and fraud on the Constitution.

    Way Forward

    Mandatory Legislative Review within a fixed timeframe.

    Transparency in Justification – The Governor’s satisfaction for issuing an ordinance should be recorded in writing and made public.

    Adherence to Constitutional Morality – Governors must act within the spirit of the Constitution, using ordinance powers only in genuine emergencies.

    The ordinance power of the Governor is a tool of urgency, not convenience. As Soli Sorabjee observed, Governors can be a “driving force for democracy” only when they respect the principles of separation of powers and constitutional propriety.

  • While the national political parties in India favour centralisation, the regional parties are in favour of State autonomy. Comment.

    According to Edmund Burke, “Political parties are a group of people sharing common ideology and coming together for the pursuit of common interest.” In India’s quasi-federal system, political orientation of parties influences the federal balance.

    National Political Parties – Tilt Towards Centralisation

    Political Reasons

    Ideological focus on unity and integrity – Eg- Emphasis on “One Nation” narrative

    National security concerns – Strong Centre seen as vital for sovereignty. Eg- AFSPA

    High-command party culture – Central leaders dominate over state units.

    Uniform electoral strategy – Centralised messaging ensures consistency.

    Institutional Reasons

    Constitutional centralism – Support for Centre’s powers under Articles 249, 356, and 352.

    Governor’s role – Used as a central instrument in state politics.

    Economic Reasons

    Fiscal centralisation – Centre controls major taxes and revenue flows.

    Centralised planning legacy – Planning Commission model favoured top-down control.

    Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) – Used for visibility and control (e.g., PM-KISAN).

    Uniform economic policy – Eg- GST.

    Social & Cultural Reasons

    Nation-building agenda – Eg- Ek Bharat, Sreshtha Bharat

    Integration of diversity – Central schemes for social cohesion and inclusion. Eg- One Nation, One Ration Card

    Promotion of national language/symbols – Eg- Three Language Formula

    Regional Political Parties – Favour State Autonomy

    Political Reasons

    Rooted in regional identity movements- Eg – DMK (Tamil identity), TMC (Bengal pride).

    Opposition to central interference- Resist misuse of Article 356 and Governor’s powers.

    Institutional Reasons

    Representation in central bodies- Seek stronger role for states in institutions like Finance Commission and NITI Aayog.

    Push for cooperative federalism- Eg- Anandpur Sahib Resolution on centre-state relations

    Economic Reasons

    Fiscal autonomy- Demand greater tax devolution and freedom in fund usage.

    Resource control- Want more authority over natural resources and industries.

    Discontent over CSS- Oppose Centrally Sponsored Schemes that restrict flexibility.

    Social & Cultural Reasons

    Language and cultural protection- Eg – DMK’s anti-Hindi protests.

    Address local inequalities- Focus on state-specific social justice and caste realities.

    “Federalism is not a monolith; it is a dialogue between self-rule and shared rule.” It must rest on the principles of autonomy, adequacy, and elasticity.

    Constitutional and Statutory Bodies

  • To what extent, in your opinion, has the decentralisation of power in India changed the governance landscape at the grassroots ?

    73rd and 74th CAA are the embodiment of grass-root democracy and democratic decentralization in India. They are inspired by Gandhiji’s concept of “Oceanic Circles of Power” and “Swaraj”.

    Positive Transformations in Governance Landscape

    Rajni Kothari described local bodies as “schools of democracy” where political awareness and participation are cultivated at the grassroots level.

    Democratic Deepening with over 32 lakh elected representatives across 2.6 lakh Panchayats and 4,000+ urban bodies.

    Social Inclusion and Equity – Reservation for SCs, STs, and women enhanced representation of marginalised groups in decision-making. Eg- Women’s Representation at 46.44%

    Panchayats manage programmes like MGNREGA, PMAY-G, Jal Jeevan Mission, bringing last-mile efficiency.

    Participatory Planning – Gram Sabhas and Ward Committees have improved local accountability and need-based development. Eg- Social Audits of MGNREGA

    Strengthened Disaster Response – Eg- during COVID-19 and Kerala floods.

    Efficient Resource Management- Eg- Hiware Bazar in Maharashtra effectively managed water resources through watershed development.

    Conflict Resolution- Reports indicate a 30% reduction in petty disputes reaching district courts due to effective Panchayat mediation.

    Challenges

    “PRIs exist as over-structured but underpowered organisations.” (2nd ARC)

    No decentralisation of power, rather decentralisation of corruption – Mani Shankar Iyer Committee

    Dependence on higher tiers- Around 95% of Panchayat funds come from Central/State transfers, limiting fiscal autonomy.

    Limited own-source revenue- Poor tax collection efficiency (>1% own tax).

    Barriers to Local Taxation- Freebie culture and fear of losing popularity discourage local taxation.

    Incomplete devolution- less than 20% of States have transferred all 29 subjects under 11th Schedule (MoPR, 2022). (​​overall Panchayat Devolution Index is only 43.89% (2021-22))

    Centralised Welfare via Cash Transfers – The welfare state now relies on DBT through JAM, bypassing panchayats and reducing local accountability and participatory governance

    Shortage of staff- Average 0.67 Panchayat Secretaries per Gram Panchayat, as low as 0.33 in Uttar Pradesh.

    Weak Gram Sabhas- Low participation, elite domination, and token meetings.

    Gender and social barriers leading to proxy control. (Sarpanch Pati)

    Manishankar Aiyar Committee recommendations.

    Establish National Commission for Panchayati Raj.

    Create Panchayat Ombudsman for grievance redressal.

    Set up a separate cadre of Panchayat bureaucracy with a code of conduct.

    Adopt activity mapping for clear delineation of 3Fs – Funds, Functions, Functionaries.

    To realise the vision of “Gram Uday se Bharat Uday”, India needs second-generation Panchayati Raj reforms