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GS Paper: GS2

  • Explained: Sub-categorizing OBCs

    The Centre has extended the tenure of The Commission to Examine Sub-categorisation of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) headed by Justice G Rohini, former Chief Justice of Delhi High Court.

    Why in news?

    • The Commission, constituted nearly five years ago, has got 10 extensions so far.
    • It now has a deadline until January 31 next year to submit its report.

    Who are the OBCs?

    • Other Backward Class is a collective term used to classify castes which are educationally or socially disadvantaged.
    • It is one of several official classifications of the population of India, along with General Class, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs).
    • The OBCs were found to comprise 55% of the country’s population by the Mandal Commission report of 1980, and were determined to be 41% in 2006.

    What is the Sub-Categorization of OBCs?

    • The idea is to create sub-categories within the larger group of OBCs for the purpose of reservation.
    • OBCs are granted 27% reservation in jobs and education under the central government.
    • This has been a legal debate for other reservation categories too.
    • In September last year, a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court reopened the debate on sub-categorization of SCs and STs for reservations.

    Establishment of Rohini Commission

    • Only a few affluent communities among the over 2,600 included in the Central List of OBCs have secured a major part of the reservation.
    • Sub-categories within OBCs would ensure “equitable distribution” of representation among all OBC communities.
    • It was to examine this that the Rohini Commission was constituted on October 2, 2017.

    What is the Commission’s brief?

    It was originally set up with three terms of reference:

    1. To examine the extent of inequitable distribution of benefits of reservation among the castes or communities included in the broad category of OBCs
    2. To work out for a scientific approach for sub-categorization within such OBCs
    3. To take up the exercise of identifying the respective castes or communities or sub-castes or synonyms in the Central List of OBCs
    4. To study the various entries in the Central List of OBCs and recommend correction of any repetitions, ambiguities, inconsistencies and errors of spelling or transcription.

    When was it meant to submit its report?

    • At the time it was set up, the Commission was given 12 weeks to submit its report, but has since been given 10 extensions.
    • There is a lot of work to be done.
    • The NCBC until December 2020, over Rs 1.92 crore had been spent on the Commission including salary, consultant fees and other expenses.

    What progress has it made so far?

    • The Commission is ready with the draft report on sub-categorization.
    • Among the challenges it has faced, one has been the absence of data for the population of various communities to compare with their representation in jobs and admissions.
    • The Commission proposed for a all-India survey to estimate caste-wise population of OBCs.
    • Since then the government has been silent on this, whereas groups of OBCs have been demanding enumeration of OBCs in the Census.

    What have its findings been so far?

    • In 2018, the Commission analysed the data of 1.3 lakh central jobs given under OBC quota over the preceding five years.
    • It examined OBC admissions to central higher education institutions, including universities, IITs, NITs, IIMs and AIIMS, over the preceding three years.

    The findings were:

    1. 97% of all jobs and educational seats have gone to just 25% of all sub-castes classified as OBCs;
    2. 95% of these jobs and seats have gone to just 10 OBC communities;
    3. 983 OBC communities — 37% of the total — have zero representation in jobs and educational institutions;
    4. 994 OBC sub-castes have a total representation of only 2.68% in recruitment and admissions.

    Conclusion

    • Thus it is visible that a small chunk of communities is enjoying almost the entire OBC reservation.
    • Hence it is a cause of worry and needs due cognizance at a larger level.

     

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  • A ‘no’ to pharma freebies

    Context

    The judgment by a two-judge Bench of the Supreme Court dismissed the Special Leave Petition by Apex Laboratories to claim deduction on freebies given to doctors.

    About the case

    •  In the said case, the company was giving out freebies to doctors in order for them to create awareness about a health supplement it was manufacturing called Zincovit.
    • Prohibited by the law: Upholding a decision by the Madras High Court, the Bench said that the act of pharmaceutical companies giving freebies to doctors is clearly ‘prohibited by the law’.
    • Further, it cannot be claimed as a deduction under Section 37(1) of the Income Tax Act, 1961.
    • The judge said that in the process of interpretation of the law, it is the responsibility of the court to discern the social purpose which the specific provision subserves.
    •  Invoking the principle of implied condition, the Court relied on the precedents in the case of P.V. Narasimha Rao (1998) 4 SCC 626 under the Prevention of Corruption Act, and Jamal Uddin Ahmad (2003) 4 SCC 257 under the Representation of the People Act.

    Immoral practice

    • Breach of trust: Laying emphasis on the fiduciary relationship between doctor and patient, the Court noted that a doctor’s prescription is considered as the final word on medication by the patient even if the cost of such medication is unaffordable.
    • In a situation where such trust is reposed in doctors, having prescriptions manipulated by the lure of freebies is immoral.
    • Driving up the cost of medicine: The Court was conscious that the cost of such freebies is factored in the cost of medicines sold, in turn driving up their prices and perpetuating a publicly injurious cycle.
    • This fact was taken note of by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Health and Family Welfare in its 45th report, dated August 4, 2010.
    • Report from the US: In its elaborate judgment, the Supreme Court bench also took note of a report issued by the United States Department of Health and Human Services Office called “Savings Available Under Full Generic Substitution of Multiple Source Brand Drugs in Medicare Part D”.
    • Here, it was stated that the beneficiaries could have saved over $600 million in out-of-pocket payments had they been dispensed generic equivalent drugs.
    •  In the U.S., by the reason of the Physician Payments Sunshine Act 2010 also known as Section 6002 of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) of 2010, the law compels the manufacturers of drugs, devices, biologic and medical supplies to report to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, on three broad categories of payments or transfers of value.

    Way forward

    • Keeping the price under control: Even though the Drug Price Control Order and Drugs and Cosmetics Act are there on the statute book, there is hardly any action to keep the sale price of medicines under control with due and proper investigation into their so-called research and development costs and keeping their profit margins within a prescribed limit.
    • The law should be amended to compel the manufacturer of drugs to sell at the verified genuine cost, that also factors in a reasonable profit margin for each product by bringing manufacturers, both foreign or domestic, under the control of the MCI or any other equivalent body.
    • This must be at a uniform rate throughout the country; further, classified life saving drugs should be sold at cost only or even at subsidised rates.

    Conclusion

    This judgment can also go far. It should be debated and applied to other unethical practices and expenditure out of public funds.

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  • Asia seeking to diversify its security partnerships

    Context

    For the first time, the prime ministers of Australia, Japan, and New Zealand as well as the president of South Korea participated in a NATO summit.

    How Ukraine war revived NATO

    • More than a decade ago — in 2010 — when NATO agreed on a strategic doctrine, it was discussing it with its Russian partners.
    • There was no reference to China in the 2010 strategic concept.
    • At that time, the West was trying to deepen ties with Russia and build expansive economic cooperation with China
    • In unveiling a new strategic conception for the alliance in the wake of the war in Ukraine, NATO has declared Russia “the most significant and direct threat to Allies’ security and to peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area”.
    • Not ignoring the threat from China: NATO has declared that China’s “stated ambitions and coercive policies challenge our interests, security and values.”
    • The last few months have seen a closing of ranks in NATO that is now determined to cope with the Russian threat.
    • Germany — which has long sought good political and commercial relations with Russia — has agreed to raise its defence spending and do more for European security.
    • Sweden and Finland have ended their historic neutrality and decided to join NATO.
    • The US is doubling down on its military commitments to Europe.
    • The last few decades of peace and prosperity in Europe and Asia had enormously increased the influence of Russia and China in their neighbourhoods.
    • But the imperial ambitions of both — rooted in a profound misreading of their leverage — have produced a massive geopolitical backlash.
    • Consolidation of old alliances: Rather than sharpen the contradiction between the US and its regional allies, Russian and Chinese actions have helped consolidate old alliances and gave birth to new security coalitions.

    Why small  European countries seek alliances and how it applies to Asia as well

    • Small countries seek alliances when their fears of more powerful neighbours become acute.
    • Russia’s invasion has sent countries on Moscow’s western flank looking for NATO cover.
    • Most Central European states don’t want to rely purely on a European response to the Russian challenge.
    • They suspect France and Germany are more likely to accommodate Moscow at their expense than stand up to Russia.
    • For the Central Europeans, it is the US that offers a real balance against Russia.
    • It should not be too difficult for India to understand why some Asian countries are turning to NATO.
    • After all, India’s own turn to the Quad was a direct consequence of Chinese actions on the disputed bilateral frontier.

    How China’s expansionist policies are reshaping Asian security landscape

    • Way back in 2007 — when India conducted a mere joint naval exercise with the US, Japan, Australia and Singapore — Beijing called it a precursor to an “Asian NATO”. 
    • Australia and New Zealand are a bit further away but are deeply tied to the Chinese economy.
    • For those like Japan, who face a direct threat from China, “Ukraine could well be about the future of Asian security”.
    • What has happened in case of Ukraine created fear in Asian, at a moment when China has become so much more powerful than its neighbours.
    • Improving national capability: Creation of more sophisticated national military capabilities has been the first priority of some of Beijing’s neighbours.
    • Resolution of differences: Resolving mutual differences and strengthening security cooperation — for example between Japan and South Korea — has been another.
    • Alliance with US: Boosting bilateral alliances with the US is yet another.
    • Diversification of security partnership: Even as nations in the region reboot ties with the US, Asia is also seeking to diversify its security partnerships.
    • Engagement with Europe: This has led to greater Asian engagement with Europe as well as the creation of new Indo-Pacific regional institutions – including the Quad, and the AUKUS.

    Conclusion

    Thanks to the egregious expansionism of Russia and China, the strategic integration of the Asian and European geopolitical theatres has now begun. Whether they like it or not, all countries in Europe and Asia will have to deal with the consequences.

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  • Ukraine crisis is shaping future world order, India needs balanced outlook to its strategic policy

    Context

    Three back-to-back summits in the past fortnight have helped settle the dust on who stands where on the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

    Background of the summits

    • The BRICS summit took place on June 23-24, followed by the G-7 summit (June 26 and 27), and then the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Summit in Madrid (June 29).
    • In order to understand what they portend for the future global world order, it is necessary to study the messages sent out by each of these groupings against the backdrop of the situation in Ukraine.
    • Most importantly, how can India, that has hitherto managed a careful balancing act between all the groupings, build a movement out of this moment of deep polarisation in the world?

    Why outcomes of BRICS Summit throws some challenges for the West

    • The fact that India agreed to join the summit showed India’s commitment to BRICS as an alternate grouping of economies spotlighted India’s refusal to shun Russia, and agreement to set aside the two-year stand-off with China in favour of multilateral meetings such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).
    • The BRICS Beijing Declaration was a consensus document, as each member cited differing “National Positions” on the Ukraine issue.
    • Economic initiatives: BRICS’s New Development Bank (NDB), has approved about 17 loans totalling $5 billion for Russian energy and infrastructure projects, the “Contingent Reserve Arrangement” (CRA).
    • A BRICS Payments Task Force (BPTF) for coordination between their central banks for an alternative to the SWIFT payments system, was proposed.
    • Mr. Putin also proposed building a global reserve currency based on a “basket of currencies” and trading in local currencies.
    • Challenges to western sanctions: The BRICS economic initiatives contain several challenges to the western-led sanctions regime against Russia
    • Russia also committed to providing more oil and coal supplies to BRICS countries, which will no doubt raise red flags in the West.
    • The possible admission of countries such as Argentina and Iran that have applied to the BRICS mechanism will also sound alarm in the West.

    G7 Summit and India’s flexibility

    • A day after BRICS, Mr. Modi left for the G-7 Summit in Germany, proof of India’s flexibility in dealing with both sides of the conflict.
    • In a number of statements, the G-7 targetted Russia’s war in Ukraine and China’s economic aggression.
    • Its outreach documents — on “Resilient Democracies” and “Clean and Just Transitions towards Climate Neutrality” — the only ones that India and other invitees signed on to, were devoid of any mentions of either.

    Key takeaways from NATO Summit

    • Reference to China: NATO for the first time, made a reference to “systemic competition” from China as a challenge to NATO “interests, security and values”.
    • Presence of US allies: The presence of the U.S.’s trans-Atlantic and trans-Pacific military allies at one conference sent out a clear message against a perceived Russia-China alliance.
    • US’s growing focus: The launch of another Indo-Pacific coalition — of “Partners in the Blue Pacific” (PBP), i.e., the U.S., the U.K., Australia, New Zealand and Japan, in addition to last year’s Australia-U.K.-U.S. (AUKUS), is another signal of the U.S.’s growing focus on countries that it has military alliances with, against its adversaries.
    • No consideration of Russian sensitivities: Apart from the Indo-Pacific partners at the summit, there were leaders of the five countries that have applied to join NATO.
    • The direct message was that NATO would no longer consider Russian sensitivities on the subject of NATO expansion.

    What is the strategy adopted by India?

    • The outcome of all three summits points to a growing polarisation, even battle lines being drawn, between the Western Atlantic-Pacific axis and the Russia-China combine.
    • Neutral stand on Ukraine crisis: India has adopted a singular strategy, albeit a defensive one, that does not condone Russia for its attacks on Ukraine, but one that does not criticise it either.
    • India has joined China as global economies that have most increased their intake of Russian oil, and where India continues to source fertilizer, cement and other commodities from Russia.
    • Strategic tilt towards the U.S. India is working to diversify its defence purchases from Russia, hostilities with China are high, and a strategic tilt towards the U.S. and Quad partners in the Indo-Pacific is growing.
    • Balancing Act: On the multilateral stage, too, India remains a balancing voice in the room: along with Brazil and South Africa, India ensured that the BRICS Beijing declaration did not carry the Russian position on the Ukraine war or any criticism of the West.
    • While making certain with other partners of the global South that the G-7 outreach documents carried no criticism of Russia and China.

    Way forward for India

    • It is time for New Delhi to seize the moment for leadership in a world that is becoming increasingly uncomfortable with the growing polarisation and the disruption due to the Ukraine war.
    • India is not alone.
    • At the United Nations General Assembly, for example, a majority of 141 countries voted to castigate Russia for its invasion of Ukraine, but much fewer, only 93, voted to oust Russia from the Human Rights Council.
    • This represents a large pool of independently-minded countries that do not see it in their own national interest to blandly choose one side over another.
    • India’s national interests would be better served by building a community of those like-minded countries (from South America to Africa, the Gulf to South Asia and to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations), who cannot afford the hostilities, and want to avoid the possibility of a global war at all costs.
    • In 1955, it was in such a similar moment that India took leadership along with countries such as Indonesia and Egypt at the Asian-African Conference of 29 newly independent nations, at Bandung that eventually led to the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).

    Conclusion

    This is the time to rethink India’s role in reducing the polarisation and bringing the objective and balanced outlook Nehru spoke of, to the forefront of India’s strategic policy.

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  • Nominated Members in Rajya Sabha

    Olympic sprinter PT Usha and music composer Ilaiyaraaja among others have been nominated to the Rajya Sabha in the category of eminent persons nominated by the President.

    Nominated Members in RS

    • Twelve members are nominated to the RS by the President of India for six-year term.
    • This is for their contributions towards arts, literature, sciences, and social services.
    • This right has been bestowed upon the President according to the Fourth Schedule under Articles 4(1) and 80(2) of the Constitution of India.

    Normal composition

    • The present strength is 245 members of whom 233 are representatives of the states and UTs and 12 are nominated by the President.
    • The Rajya Sabha is not subject to dissolution; one-third of its members retire every second year.

    Constitutional provisions for nominated members

    • 80(1)(a) of Constitution of India makes provision for the nomination of 12 members to the Rajya Sabha by the President of India in accordance with provisions of Arts.80(3).
    • 80(3) says that the persons to be nominated as members must be possessing special knowledge or practical experience in respect of such matters as the following namely: Literature, science, art and social service.

    Powers and privileges of such members

    • A nominated member enjoys all the powers and privileges and immunities available to an elected Member of Parliament.
    • They take part in the proceedings of the House as any other member.
    • Nominated members are however not entitled to vote in an election of the President of India.
    • They however have rights to vote in the vice presidential election.
    • As per Article 99 of the Constitution, a nominated member is allowed six months’ time should he join a political party.

    Try this PYQ:

    Consider the following statements:

    1. The Chairman and the Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha are not the members of that House.
    2. While the nominated members of the two Houses of the Parliament have no voting right in the presidential election, they have the right to vote in the election of the Vice President.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) Both 1 and 2

    (d) Neither 1 nor 2

     

    [wpdiscuz-feedback id=”9wzxa97091″ question=”Please leave a feedback on this” opened=”1″]Post your answers here.[/wpdiscuz-feedback]

     

    Also read:

    [Sansad TV] Perspective – Rajya Sabha: The Upper House

     

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  • New Rules to keep Advertisements in Check

    The Central Consumer Protection Authority (CCPA) recently issued guidelines to prevent false or misleading advertisements.

    Guidelines on Prevention of Misleading Advertisements and Endorsements for Misleading Advertisements, 2022: Key takeaways

    (1) Conditions for non-misleading and valid advertisement

    An advertisement shall be considered to be valid and not misleading:

    • If it contains truthful and honest representation;
    • Does not mislead consumers by exaggerating the accuracy,
    • Scientific validity or practical usefulness or capability or performance or service of the goods or product;
    • Does not present rights conferred on consumers by any law as a distinctive feature of advertiser’s offer.

     (2) Bait Advertisement

    • A bait advertisement shall not seek to entice consumers to purchase goods, products or services without a reasonable prospect of selling such advertised goods, products or services at the price offered.
    • The advertiser shall ensure that there is an adequate supply of goods, products or services to meet foreseeable demand generated by such advertisement.

    (3) Prohibition of surrogate advertising

    • No surrogate advertisement or indirect advertisement shall be made for goods or services whose advertising is otherwise prohibited or restricted by law.
    • No circumventing of such prohibition or restriction and portraying it to be an advertisement for other goods or services shall be allowed.

    (4) Free claims advertisements

    • A free claims advertisement shall not describe any goods, product or service to be ‘free’, ‘without charge’ or use such other terms if the consumer has to pay anything other than the unavoidable costs.
    • Seller must make clear the extent of commitment that a consumer shall make to take advantage of a free offer.

    (5) Children targeted advertisements

    • An advertisement that addresses or targets or uses children shall not condone, encourage, inspire or unreasonably emulate behaviour that could be dangerous for children or take advantage of children’s inexperience, credulity or sense of loyalty.

    (6) Limitations on Celebrity Endorsers

    • The government has tightened norms for endorsers, including celebrities and sportspersons.
    • They are now required to make material connection disclosures and undertake due diligence while doing advertisements.
    • Endorsements must reflect the honest opinions, belief or experience of the endorsers.
    • The endorsers have to make material connection disclosures and failing to do so will attract penalty under the Consumer Protection Act (CPA).
    • Material disclosures mean any relationship that materially affects the weight or credibility of any endorsement which a reasonable consumer would not expect.
    • Violation of these guidelines will attract a penalty of ₹10 lakh for the first offence and ₹50 lakh for the subsequent offence, under the CPA.

    (7) ASCI rules

    • The latest guidelines will also apply to government advertisements.
    • Moreover, the advertising guidelines for self-regulation issued by the Advertising Standards Council of India (ASCI) will also be in place in a parallel manner.

    Back2Basics:

    Explained: Central Consumer Protection Authority (CCPA)

     

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  • Odisha tops first-ever NFSA State Ranking Index

    Odisha has topped the list of 34 states and Union territories (UTs) in the first-ever NFSA State Ranking Index. Ladakh was ranked last on the index.

    NFSA State Ranking Index

    • The GoI has come up with a first-ever state ranking index to capture the implementation of the Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS) under the National Food Security Act (NFSA).
    • The states and UTs were ranked for 2022 on the basis of three parameters:
    1. NFSA coverage, rightful targeting and implementation of all provisions under the Act
    2. The delivery platform while considering the allocation of food grains, their movement and last-mile delivery to fair price shops
    3. Nutrition initiatives of the department

    Why need such index?

    • NFSA is a crucial policy instrument to ensure food security. It covers nearly 800 million people.
    • However, NFSA’s implementation through TPDS has not been uniform in the country.
    • While some states and Union territories lead, others are yet to pick up in terms of coverage, beneficiary satisfaction, digitisation and overall system efficiency.
    • The index has been developed to create an environment of competition, cooperation and learning among states while addressing matters of food security and hunger.

    Back2Basics: National Food Security (NFS) Act

    • The NFS Act, 2013 aims to provide subsidized food grains to approximately two-thirds of India’s 1.2 billion people.
    • It converts into legal entitlements for existing food security programs of the GoI.
    • It includes the Midday Meal Scheme, Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) scheme and the Public Distribution System (PDS).
    • Further, the NFSA 2013 recognizes maternity entitlements.
    • The Midday Meal Scheme and the ICDS are universal in nature whereas the PDS will reach about two-thirds of the population (75% in rural areas and 50% in urban areas).
    • Pregnant women, lactating mothers, and certain categories of children are eligible for daily free cereals.

    Key provisions of NFSA

    • The NFSA provides a legal right to persons belonging to “eligible households” to receive foodgrains at a subsidised price.
    • It includes rice at Rs 3/kg, wheat at Rs 2/kg and coarse grain at Rs 1/kg — under the Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS). These are called central issue prices (CIPs).

     

     

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    https://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/governance/odisha-tops-first-ever-nfsa-state-ranking-index-83549

     

  • Status of China’s Belt and Road Initiative in South Asia

    China has felt a need to re-visit the various projects under the BRI in different South Asian countries.

    Why in news?

    • At the recently concluded summit of G-7 leaders in Germany, US and his allies unveiled their $600 billion plan called the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Intelligence.
    • This is being seen as a counter to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), valued at a trillion U.S. dollars by some experts.

    What is China’s Belt and Road Initiative?

    • In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping, during his visits to Kazakhstan and Indonesia, expressed his vision to build a Silk Road Economic Belt and a 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.
    • He then aimed to break the “bottleneck” in Asian connectivity. This vision led to the birth of the BRI.
    • The initiative envisioned a Chinese-led investment of over $1 trillion in partner countries by 2025.
    • More than 60 countries have now joined BRI agreements with China, with infrastructure projects under the initiative being planned or under construction in Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America.

    How does BRI work?

    • To finance BRI projects, China offers huge loans at commercial interest rates that countries have to pay within a fixed number of years.
    • The west has accused China of debt-trapping by extending “predatory loans” that force countries to cede key assets to China.
    • However, research indicates that low and middle-income countries are often the ones to approach China after not being able to secure loans from elsewhere.
    • In recent years, the BRI seems to have experienced a slowing down as annual Chinese lending to countries slimmed from its peak of $125 billion in 2015 to around $50 to 55 billion in 2021.

    What have been the BRI’s investments in Pakistan?

    • On his 2015 visit to Pakistan, Xi unveiled the BRI’s flagship project and its biggest one in a single country — the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).
    • The CPEC envisioned multiple projects involving energy, transport and communication systems.
    • At the centre of the CPEC was the $700 million development of the city of Gwadar into a smart port city that would become the “Singapore of Pakistan”.
    • Other major projects are the orange line metro, coal power plants to tackle energy shortages and the Main Line 1 rail project from Peshawar to Karachi.

    Pace of progress in Pakistan

    • Multiple reports have shown that shipping activities at the Gwadar Port is almost negligible so far, with only some trade to Afghanistan.
    • Gwadar residents have also protested against the large security force deployed to protect Chinese nationals involved in projects.
    • Chinese nations has also became the target of multiple deadly attacks by Baloch freedom fighters.
    • Coal plants were set up and managed by Chinese firms to improve the power situation in Pakistan.
    • Chinese power firms closing down their operations as the latter did not pay dues worth 300 billion in Pakistani rupees (approximately $1.5 billion).

    What about Sri Lanka?

    • In Sri Lanka, multiple infrastructure projects that were being financed by China came under the fold of the BRI after it was launched in 2013.
    • In 2021, Colombo ejected India and Japan out of a deal to develop the East Container Terminal at the Colombo port and got China to take up the project.
    • Some BRI projects in Sri Lanka have been described as white elephants — such as the Hambantota port.
    • The port had always been secondary to the busy Colombo port until the latter ran out of capacity.
    • Other key projects under BRI include the development of the Colombo International Container Terminal, the Central Expressway and the Hambantota International Airport among others.

    Projects in Afghanistan

    • Afghanistan has not comprehensively been brought into the BRI, despite a MoU being signed with China in 2016.
    • China had promised investments worth $100 million in Afghanistan which is small in comparison to what it shelled out in other South Asian countries.
    • The projects have not materialised so far and uncertainties have deepened after the Taliban takeover last year.

    Projects in Maldives

    • Situated in the middle of the Indian Ocean, Maldives comprises two hundred islands, and both India and China have strategic interests there.
    • One of the most prominent BRI projects undertaken in the Maldives is the two km long China-Maldives Friendship Bridge — a $200 million four lane bridge.
    • Most of China’s investment in the Maldives happened under former President Abdullah Yameen, seen as pro-China.

    Projects in Bangladesh

    • Bangladesh, which joined the BRI in 2016, has been promised the second-highest investment (about $40 billion) in South Asia after Pakistan.
    • It has been able to benefit from the BRI while maintaining diplomatic and strategic ties with both India and China.
    • It has managed to not upset India by getting India to build infrastructure projects similar to BRI in the country.
    • BRI projects include Friendship Bridges, special economic zones, the $689.35 million-Karnaphuli River tunnel project, upgradation of the Chittagong port, and a rail line between the port and China’s Yunnan province.
    • However, multiple projects have been delayed owing to the slow release of funds by China.

     

     

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  • Malnutrition in India

    Context

    More than seven decades after independence, India still suffers from the public health issues such as child malnutrition attributing to 68.2% of under-five child mortality.

    What is malnutrition?

    • Malnutrition refers to deficiencies, excesses or imbalances in a person’s intake of energy and/or nutrients.
    • The term malnutrition covers 2 broad groups of conditions.
    • One is ‘undernutrition’—which includes stunting (low height for age), wasting (low weight for height), underweight (low weight for age) and micronutrient deficiencies or insufficiencies (a lack of important vitamins and minerals).
    • The other is overweight, obesity and diet-related non-communicable diseases (such as heart disease, stroke, diabetes, and cancer).

    Marginal improvement on Stunting and Wasting

    • The National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5) has shown marginal improvement in different nutrition indicators, indicating that the pace of progress is slow.
    • This is despite declining rates of poverty, increased self-sufficiency in food production, and the implementation of a range of government programmes.
    • Children in several States are more undernourished now than they were five years ago.
    • Increased stunting in some states: Stunting is defined as low height-for-age.
    • While there was some reduction in stunting rates (35.5% from 38.4% in NFHS-4) 13 States or Union Territories have seen an increase in stunted children since NFHS-4.
    • This includes Gujarat, Maharashtra, West Bengal and Kerala.
    • Wasting remains stagnant: Wasting is defined as low weight-for-height.
    • Malnutrition trends across NFHS surveys show that wasting, the most visible and life-threatening form of malnutrition, has either risen or has remained stagnant over the years.

    National Nutrition Mission (NNM): Focus on essential nutrition interventions

    • Government appears determined to set it right — with an aggressive push to the National Nutrition Mission (NNM), rebranding it the Prime Minister’s Overarching Scheme for Holistic Nutrition, or POSHAN.
    • Window of opportunity: The Ministry of Women and Child (MWCD) continues to be the nodal Ministry implementing the NNM with a vision to align different ministries to work in tandem on the “window of opportunity” of the first 1,000 days in life (270 days of pregnancy and 730 days; 0-24 months).
    • POSHAN Abhiyaan (now referred as POSHAN 2.0) rightly places a special emphasis on selected high impact essential nutrition interventions, combined with nutrition-sensitive interventions, which indirectly impact mother, infant and young child nutrition, such as improving coverage of maternal-child health services, enhancing women empowerment, availability, and access to improved water, sanitation, and hygiene and enhancing homestead food production for a diversified diet.

    Key findings of NHFS-5 data

    • Data from the National Family Health Survey (NFHS)-5 2019-21, as compared to NFHS-4 2015-16, reveals a substantial improvement in a period of four to five years in several proxy indicators of women’s empowerment.
    • No progress on nutritional intervention: Alarmingly, during this period, the country has not progressed well in terms of direct nutrition interventions.
    • Preconception nutrition, maternal nutrition, and appropriate infant and child feeding remain to be effectively addressed.
    • India has 20% to 30% undernutrition even in the first six months of life when exclusive breastfeeding is the only nourishment required.
    • Neither maternal nutrition care interventions nor infant and young child feeding practices have shown the desired improvement.

    Suggestions

    • Child undernutrition in the first three months remains high. Creating awareness on EBF, promoting the technique of appropriate holding, latching and manually emptying the breast are crucial for the optimal transfer of breast milk to a baby.
    • Complementary feeding: NFHS-5 also confirms a gap in another nutrition intervention — complementary feeding practices, i.e., complementing semi-solid feeding with continuation of breast milk from six months onwards.
    • The fact that 20% of children in higher socio- economic groups are also stunted indicates poor knowledge in food selection and feeding practices and a child’s ability to swallow mashed feed.
    • Creating awareness: So, creating awareness at the right time with the right tools and techniques regarding special care in the first 1,000 days deserves very high priority.
    • Revisit nodal system for nutrition program: There is a need to revisit the nodal system for nutrition programme existing since 1975, the Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) under the Ministry of Women and Child and examine whether it is the right system for reaching mother-child in the first 1000 days of life.
    • Alternative way to distribute ICDS supplies: There is also a need to explore whether there is an alternative way to distribute the ICDS supplied supplementary nutrition as Take- Home Ration packets through the Public Distribution (PDS) and free the anganwadi workers of the ICDS to undertake timely counselling on appropriate maternal and child feeding practices.

    Conclusion

    It is time to think out of the box, and overcome systemic flaws and our dependence on the antiquated system of the 1970s that is slowing down the processes.

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  • The perils of multilateralism

    Context

    At a time when the world is trying to grapple with the impact of unprecedented problems which arose in the first two decades of the 21st century, the various intergovernmental organisations and groupings, which are undergoing fundamental changes, may not be fertile places for building peace.

    Contradiction in the BRICS

    • The 14th virtual BRICS summit hosted by China (June 23-24) was a clear attempt by China to hijack the grouping, going by a blueprint it has prepared for the new world order.
    • Not a political grouping: BRICS was not meant to be a political grouping when the acronym, BRIC, was coined by Goldman Sachs economist Jim O’Neill in 2001.
    • Economic grouping: Seeing the possibility of developing a non-western global economic system, China welcomed the idea of BRICS as the nucleus of a new economic grouping and invested energy and resources in building it.
    •  Two permanent members of the Security Council together with three aspirants to permanent membership underscored the contradictions in composition.
    • No support for permanent membership: The fundamental question of support for the three countries to secure permanent membership was fossilised on China’s position that the role of the developing countries should be enhanced, implying that there shall be no expansion of the permanent membership of the Security Council.
    • But the grouping focused on possibilities of cooperation among them by developing institutions such as the New Development Bank, the BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement and cooperation in certain sectors.
    • India-China relations: The entire fragile framework of limited cooperation was shattered with the bloodshed at Galwan, when China unilaterally sought to alter the situation on the Line of Actual Control (LAC).
    • China showed no enthusiasm to bring India into the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) even after India met the criteria of a liberalised economy.
    • Expansion for friends: The way China brought in 13 like-minded countries through the back door for a high-level dialogue on global development smacked of unfair means to expand the group with their friends.

    What was achieved by India at G7 meeting

    • India’s presence at G7 meetings are not rare and Germany invited the India to attend the G7 summit in Bavaria.
    • The G7 made its own statement on the Ukraine war on expected lines and India was only involved in other issues such as environment, energy, climate, food security, health, gender equality and democracy.
    • Since it was a war summit, it did not produce any results on other major issues.
    • Curtailing energy supplies from Russia would hurt Germany, France, Japan and others, but they could not get any exemption.
    • India’s gain has been the opportunity it got to interact with world leaders, though it was tinged with the disappointment that India, as a Quad member, did not condemn Russia’s action in Ukraine.

    Conclusion

    Multilateral negotiations will be increasingly difficult in the present chaotic global situation. It is only by working bilaterally with potential allies that India can attain the status of a pole in the new world with steadfast friends and followers.

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