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GS Paper: GS2

  • Amid din, LS passes Bill to set up panel to select chiefs and members of tribunals

    Why in the news

    The Lok Sabha passed the Tribunals Reforms Bill, 2026 by voice vote without debate, creating a National Tribunals Commission (NTC) to select chairpersons and members of various tribunals. The Bill follows the Supreme Court striking down parts of the Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021 for violating separation of powers and judicial independence. It reopens the settled question of who controls tribunal appointments, the executive that the tribunals adjudicate against, or an independent body insulated from it.

    What is the National Tribunals Commission (NTC)?

    1. Purpose: The NTC is a proposed statutory body to conduct the selection of chairpersons and members of tribunals through a single, uniform process. It centralises appointments that were earlier run separately for each tribunal.
    2. Composition: It will have a chairperson and four members, two judicial and two technical. A retired Supreme Court judge or a retired Chief Justice of a High Court will be eligible to head it.
    3. Seat and scope: It will be headquartered in New Delhi and will prescribe qualifications, selection, appointment, salaries, allowances, tenure, resignation, removal, and other service conditions of tribunal members.
    4. Origin: The Supreme Court itself directed the creation of an independent commission with professional expertise, transparent selection, and an oversight mechanism for appointments.

    What is the current status of tribunal appointments in India?

    1. Statutory basis: Tribunals were introduced through the 42nd Constitutional Amendment, 1976, which added Part XIV-A and Articles 323A and 323B. They function as specialised adjudicatory bodies outside the regular court hierarchy.
    2. Bodies covered by the Bill: The selection process applies to the Central Administrative Tribunal, Armed Forces Tribunal, National Green Tribunal, Income Tax Appellate Tribunal, and the National Consumer Disputes Redressal Commission.
    3. Rationalisation drive: The Union government began rationalising tribunals in 2015 and Parliament passed the Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021 to that end. Parts of that Act were struck down by the Supreme Court.
    4. Existing safeguard: Judicial review of tribunal decisions by High Courts under Articles 226 and 227 remains, since the Court has held this power to be part of the basic structure.

    Constitutional Provisions Related to Tribunals

    1. Article 323A: Empowers Parliament to establish administrative tribunals for service matters of public servants.
    2. Article 323B: Empowers appropriate legislatures to set up tribunals for other matters such as taxation, land reforms, and industrial disputes.
    3. 42nd Amendment, 1976: Inserted Part XIV-A and the two tribunal Articles into the Constitution.
    4. Article 226 and Article 227: Vest High Courts with writ jurisdiction and power of superintendence over tribunals, a check the Supreme Court has ruled cannot be ousted.
    5. Article 136: Retains the Supreme Court’s power to grant special leave to appeal against tribunal orders.
    6. Article 50: Directive Principle requiring separation of the judiciary from the executive, the value the appointment dispute turns on.

    Why did the Supreme Court strike down parts of the 2021 Act?

    1. Separation of powers: The Court held that several provisions were contrary to separation of powers, as they gave the executive dominant control over appointments to bodies that adjudicate against the executive.
    2. Judicial independence: Provisions were found to undermine the independence of tribunal members whose tenure and removal the executive influenced.
    3. Conflict with precedent: The provisions were inconsistent with earlier judgments laying down standards for the appointment, tenure, and functioning of tribunal members.
    4. Short tenures and search committees: Earlier versions prescribed a four-year term and search-cum-selection committees weighted towards government nominees, which the Court repeatedly rejected as diluting judicial character.

    How does the Bill respond to the Court’s concerns?

    1. Uniform process: The Law Minister stated the Bill brings uniformity to selection and appointment and improves efficiency, transparency, and independence.
    2. Judicial presence: A retired Supreme Court judge or retired High Court Chief Justice heading the commission answers the Court’s demand for professional and judicial expertise in selection.
    3. No jurisdictional change: The Minister clarified the legislation does not alter the jurisdiction of any tribunal, keeping the substantive powers of each body intact.
    4. Institutional oversight: A permanent commission replaces ad hoc, tribunal-by-tribunal appointment machinery, matching the oversight mechanism the Court directed.

    Major debates surrounding tribunalisation in India

    1. Curtailment of ordinary courts: Tribunals divert cases from High Courts, raising the concern that they curtail the jurisdiction and constitutional role of the regular judiciary.
    2. Executive control versus independence: The core dispute is whether the government, a frequent litigant before tribunals, should dominate the appointment and service conditions of members who judge it.
    3. Effectiveness versus multiplicity: Tribunals were meant to reduce pendency, yet vacancies, poor infrastructure, and appeals routed back to constitutional courts have blunted that promise.
    4. Competing rulings: The line of Madras Bar Association cases and Rojer Mathew (2019) repeatedly set standards on tenure and composition that successive laws failed to meet, driving the current Bill.
    5. Access to justice: Whether specialised, low-cost adjudication genuinely widens access, or whether weak tribunals leave litigants worse off than in ordinary courts.

    Challenges to the National Tribunals Commission

    1. Composition balance: Two technical members alongside two judicial members can still tilt selection towards executive preference if the technical members are serving or retired bureaucrats.
    2. Vacancy backlog: A new selection body does not by itself clear the large pending vacancies that have crippled tribunals such as the National Green Tribunal and Debt Recovery Tribunals.
    3. Infrastructure and funding: Tribunals depend on the parent ministry for premises, staff, and budget, which the commission does not address.
    4. Fresh litigation risk: Any residual executive dominance in the composition invites another round of constitutional challenge, extending the cycle of struck-down laws.
    5. Uniformity versus specialisation: A single commission for bodies as varied as the Armed Forces Tribunal and the consumer commission may struggle to weigh domain-specific expertise.
    6. Independence of secretariat: Day-to-day functioning still routes through executive-controlled staff, which can dilute the intended insulation.

    Conclusion

    The central question is not whether tribunals should exist but who controls the people who staff them, since executive dominance over appointments compromises the independence that specialised adjudication requires. The 2026 Bill responds to the Supreme Court’s direction by creating a judicially headed National Tribunals Commission with a uniform process. Its success depends on whether the composition genuinely insulates members from the executive they adjudicate against, and on whether vacancies and infrastructure gaps are addressed alongside the appointment reform.

    What is the Separation of Powers Doctrine?

    1. About: It is the principle that legislative, executive, and judicial functions are distributed among distinct organs so that no single organ concentrates power.
    2. Rationale: It exists to prevent tyranny and protect liberty through mutual checks, and in India it underpins judicial independence as part of the basic structure.
    3. Indian form: India follows a functional, not rigid, separation, with checks and balances rather than watertight compartments, reinforced by Article 50 and judicial review.

    Key Concerns Regarding Separation of Powers in India

    1. Executive encroachment on judiciary: Control over appointments, tenure, and funding of tribunals lets the executive influence bodies meant to be independent.
    2. Delegated legislation: Wide rule-making powers transfer effective law-making to the executive with limited legislative scrutiny.
    3. Judicial overreach: Expansive judicial activism blurs the line between adjudication and policy-making.
    4. Appointment tussles: Recurring friction between the executive and judiciary over the collegium and tribunal selections reflects an unsettled balance.

    Statutory Framework Governing Tribunals

    1. Article 323A: Basis for administrative tribunals in service matters.
    2. Article 323B: Basis for tribunals in taxation, land reforms, and other listed matters.
    3. Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985: Established the Central Administrative Tribunal and State Administrative Tribunals.
    4. Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021: Rationalised tribunals and set service conditions, parts of which the Supreme Court struck down.
    5. Tribunals Reforms Bill, 2026: Proposes the National Tribunals Commission and repeals the 2021 Act once enacted.

    Back2Basics: Landmark rulings on tribunals

    1. L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India (1997): Held that judicial review by High Courts under Articles 226 and 227 is part of the basic structure and cannot be excluded; tribunals are supplementary, not substitutes, for courts.
    2. Union of India v. R. Gandhi (Madras Bar Association, 2010): Laid down that tribunal members must have judicial character and that executive dominance in selection is unconstitutional.
    3. Rojer Mathew v. South Indian Bank (2019): Struck down rules on tribunal appointments and service conditions for compromising independence.
    4. Madras Bar Association v. Union of India (2021): Reaffirmed minimum tenure and search committee composition standards, directly shaping the 2026 Bill.

    Way Forward

    1. Insulated composition: Weight the selection body towards judicial members and independent experts rather than serving bureaucrats.
    2. Fill vacancies promptly: Use the commission to clear the standing backlog of member vacancies across tribunals on a time-bound basis.
    3. Single nodal ministry: Route tribunal administration and funding through a single, arm’s-length authority to end dependence on the litigating ministry.
    4. Fixed tenure and security: Guarantee tenure, salary, and removal protections consistent with the Supreme Court’s standards to prevent renewed litigation.
    5. Periodic performance audit: Institute an independent review of tribunal pendency, disposal, and infrastructure to keep them a genuine complement to courts.

    “[2018, GS2, 15 marks] How far do you agree with the view that tribunals curtail the jurisdiction of ordinary courts? In view of the above, discuss the constitutional validity and competency of the tribunals in India.”

  • India-Israel defence ties under scrutiny

    Why in the News

    An Amnesty International report alleges India sent at least 2,596 shipments of military equipment and components to Israel since the Gaza war began. An opinion piece argues the disclosure reflects the depth of a quarter-century strategic partnership rather than a sudden shift.

    What anchors the India-Israel defence partnership?

    • Kargil origin: The relationship’s foundation was the 1999 Kargil War, when Israel rapidly supplied ammunition, drones and precision-guided munitions.
    • Technology transfer: Unlike many Western suppliers, Israel has been willing to transfer sophisticated military technology to India.
    • Platforms: Israel is a major source of drones, missiles, radars and surveillance systems for India’s armed forces.

    Why does the Amnesty report matter if it signals no policy change?

    • Customer to contributor: The report suggests India is no longer only a buyer but a contributor to Israel’s defence supply chain.
    • Timing: The shipments occurred during one of Israel’s most internationally criticised military campaigns, sharpening the scrutiny.
    • No rupture: The disclosure underscores an existing trajectory rather than marking a new departure in policy.

    How has the partnership evolved beyond buyer and seller?

    • Make in India: Under the Make in India initiative, Israeli defence firms have set up joint ventures and local manufacturing in India.
    • Localised production: Drones, electronics, missile systems and components are now produced within India’s defence industrial base.
    • Two-way flow: Localisation lets India supply components back into Israel’s supply chain, not just import finished systems.

    What are the domestic and external consequences?

    • Domestic politics: Opposition elements sceptical of closer ties with Israel’s government may use the disclosures to embarrass the ruling party.
    • Limited traction: Public attention is focused elsewhere, on the student agitation over exam paper leaks, blunting the political impact.
    • Arab reaction: Some Gulf displeasure is likely, but Arab partners were probably already aware of the expanding links, and there is no unified Arab stance on Israel today.
    • Wider Muslim world: States such as Turkey and Malaysia may voice diplomatic outrage, but New Delhi is unlikely to change policy in response.

    Does the partnership pose an ethical dilemma?

    • Strategic value versus ethics: The report raises the ethics of joint weapons production with a government whose conduct in Gaza drew widespread global disapproval.
    • Palestinian cause: Deep defence ties sit against India’s traditional support for a two-state solution and the Palestinian cause.
    • Gulf balance: India must weigh the partnership against its energy, trade and diaspora interests across the Gulf.

    Conclusion

    The report confirms a mature strategic partnership rather than a rupture, and India is unlikely to change course. The unresolved question is the ethics of contributing to a defence supply chain during a condemned campaign, and how India squares this with its stated support for the Palestinian cause and its Gulf interests.

    Back2Basics: India-Israel relations

    • Multilateral track: India and Israel cooperate through the I2U2 grouping (India, Israel, UAE, US) and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).
    • Full ties: India established full diplomatic relations with Israel in 1992, four decades after recognising it in 1950.
    • Strategic partnership: Ties were elevated to a Strategic Partnership in 2017, the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister to Israel.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2018] India’s relations with Israel have, of late, acquired a depth and diversity, which cannot be rolled back.” Discuss.

    Linkage: The PYQ examines the growing depth and strategic importance of India-Israel relations. Defence cooperation, technology partnerships and the Gaza conflict highlight both the opportunities and diplomatic challenges in the relationship.

  • India invites Bangladesh to BRICS amid a Dhaka reset

    Why in the News

    India has invited Bangladesh’s Prime Minister to the BRICS summit as the current BIMSTEC chair, even as tension persists over the Sheikh Hasina extradition. A parallel opinion piece urges a Delhi-Dhaka reset.

    What is BIMSTEC?

    1. Definition: The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) links South and Southeast Asian states around the Bay of Bengal.
    2. Members: India, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Nepal, and Bhutan.

    Why is a reset needed?

    1. Political friction: The extradition dispute over the former Bangladesh premier strains ties.
    2. Connectivity stakes: The Maitree Super Thermal Power Plant and the India-Bangladesh Friendship Pipeline anchor an energy and trade partnership worth protecting.
    3. Neighbourhood First: Bangladesh is central to India’s Neighbourhood First and Act East bridge, so drift carries strategic cost.

    Conclusion

    India is using multilateral platforms to keep a strained bilateral relationship functional. The next milestone is whether the extradition dispute is contained.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2022, GS2, 10 marks] Do you think that BIMSTEC is a parallel organisation like the SAARC? What are the similarities and dissimilarities between the two? How are Indian foreign policy objectives realized by forming this new organisation?”

  • Xi Jinping’s doctrine for a self-governing party

    Why in the News

    An opinion piece analyses the Communist Party of China’s doctrine of party self-governance, its anti-corruption drive, and the incoming 15th Five-Year Plan.

    What is China’s Five-Year Plan?

    1. Definition: A Five-Year Plan is China’s central blueprint setting economic and strategic priorities for a five-year cycle.
    2. 15th plan: The upcoming plan will set targets for technology self-reliance, growth, and security amid external pressure.

    Why does party self-governance matter?

    1. Centralised control: Tighter party discipline concentrates authority and reduces internal dissent.
    2. Anti-corruption as tool: The campaign doubles as a mechanism to enforce loyalty and remove rivals.
    3. Policy continuity: Party control over planning shapes China’s industrial and strategic trajectory that India must track.

    Conclusion

    China’s model fuses party discipline with long-range planning to sustain one-party control. The takeaway is that policy direction is set by the party, not the state.

  • The Makkah Joint Defence Agreement reshapes Gulf security

    Why in the News

    The Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, a Saudi Arabia-Pakistan-Turkey mutual-defence pact signed on 7 August 2026, is framed as a NATO-style collective-security bloc. It carries stakes for the Strait of Hormuz and Indian energy security.

    What is a collective defence pact?

    1. Definition: A collective defence pact treats an armed attack on one member as an attack on all, obliging mutual assistance.
    2. Model: The template is NATO’s Article 5, which the new pact echoes for the Gulf and West Asia.

    Why does it matter for India?

    1. Nuclear linkage: It ties a nuclear-armed neighbour, Pakistan, to a Gulf power and a NATO member, altering the regional balance.
    2. Energy chokepoint: Instability around the Strait of Hormuz threatens India’s crude and LNG imports.
    3. Strategic autonomy: India must balance ties with Gulf states, Israel, and Iran without being drawn into bloc politics.

    Conclusion

    A new security triangle in West Asia complicates India’s balancing act in an energy-critical region. The next milestone is whether it acquires an operational command structure.

    “[2023, GS2, 15 marks] The expansion and strengthening of NATO and a stronger US-Europe strategic partnership works well in India. What is your opinion about this statement? Give reasons and examples to support your answer.”

  • FCRA Amendment Bill, 2026 faces demand for JPC scrutiny

    Why in the News

    The Opposition, the Mizoram Chief Minister, and Christian bodies are pressing for the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2026 to be referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) before the coming session.

    What is the FCRA?

    1. Definition: The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010 (FCRA) governs the receipt and use of foreign funds by individuals, associations, and NGOs in India.
    2. Registration regime: Organisations need FCRA registration or prior permission to receive foreign donations, with periodic renewal.

    Why is the amendment contested?

    1. Compliance burden: Critics argue tighter conditions could choke funding for civil society and faith-based organisations.
    2. Federal and minority concern: State governments and church bodies see the changes as targeting specific organisations.
    3. Scrutiny demand: Referral to a JPC is sought to allow detailed clause-by-clause examination before passage.

    Requirement for JPC Referral

    A Bill can be referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) when:

    1. Either House proposes referral: The Lok Sabha or Rajya Sabha may move a motion to refer the Bill to a JPC.
    2. House approval: The motion must be approved by the concerned House.
    3. Agreement of both Houses: Since a JPC includes members from both Houses, the other House must also agree to the referral.
    4. Government or Opposition request: Referral can be proposed by the government or opposition, but Parliament decides.
    5. No constitutional compulsion: There is no mandatory constitutional requirement that a Bill must be sent to a JPC.

    Note: A Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) is not a constitutional body, as the Constitution of India does not explicitly provide for or mandate its creation. Instead, a JPC is an ad-hoc (temporary) parliamentary committee established by the Parliament of India under the Rules of Procedure of the houses for a specific purpose, duration, and mandate

    [2025, GS2, 10 marks] Civil Society Organizations are often perceived as being anti-State actors rather than non-State actors. Do you agree? Justify.”

    [2014] Which one of the following is the largest Committee of the Parliament?

    [A] The Committee on Public Accounts

    [B] The Committee on Estimates

    [C] The Committee on Public Undertakings

    [D] The Committee on Petitions.

  • Lok Sabha clears Bankers’ Books Evidence Bill, 2026

    Why in the News

    The Lok Sabha has cleared the Bankers’ Books Evidence Bill, 2026, replacing the colonial Bankers’ Books Evidence Act, 1891. It modernises how bank records are admitted as evidence in court, amid data-privacy concerns.

    What does the Bill change?

    1. Digital records: It recognises electronic and digital bank records as admissible evidence, aligning with modern banking.
    2. Officer powers: It empowers a senior-rank officer to certify records and use hash values to verify integrity.

    Why do concerns remain?

    1. Data privacy: Wider access to digital bank records raises questions on safeguards for customer financial data.
    2. Certification standards: The reliability of hash-based verification depends on tamper-proof audit trails.
    3. Overlap with new codes: The Bill must sit consistently with the recently enacted evidence and criminal law framework.

    Conclusion

    The Bill updates a 19th-century evidence law for a digital banking era. The next milestone is Rajya Sabha clearance and rules on data safeguards.

  • Explainer: the stakes in India’s delimitation debate

    Why in the News

    The first delimitation after the 2027 Census could alter the distribution of Lok Sabha seats among States, raising concerns over political representation and federal balance.

    What is Delimitation?

    1. Definition: Readjustment of the number and boundaries of constituencies based on population.
    2. Constitutional basis: Article 82 provides for readjustment after each Census; Article 81 deals with Lok Sabha composition.
    3. Authority: Conducted by an independent Delimitation Commission constituted by Parliament.

    Why is it Contested?

    1. Seat freeze: Inter-state allocation has been frozen using the 1971 Census until the first Census after 2026.
    2. North-South divide: Population-control States fear reduced political representation relative to high-growth States.
    3. Federalism: Unequal demographic growth creates tension between population-based representation and federal balance.
    4. Lok Sabha size: Any major increase in seats raises questions about Parliament’s size and effective representation.

    Value Addition

    • Delimitation Commission: Its orders have the force of law and generally cannot be challenged in court.
    • Key challenge: Achieving “one person, one vote” without penalising States that successfully controlled population growth.

    “[2024] How many Delimitation Commissions have been constituted by the Government of India till December 2023?

    (a) One

    (b) Two

    (c) Three

    (d) Four.

  • Ladakh to begin Census 2027 caste enumeration first

    Why in the News

    Ladakh is set to be the first to begin the Population Enumeration phase of Census 2027, from 17 August, with an open-ended caste column. It is the first full caste count in independent India’s Census.

    What is Population Enumeration?

    1. Definition: Population Enumeration is the second phase of the Census, when detailed data on every individual, including caste, is collected.
    2. First phase: It follows Houselisting, which records housing and household amenities.

    Why does caste enumeration matter?

    1. Policy base: Caste data underpins reservation, welfare targeting, and sub-categorisation debates that currently rely on 1931 caste figures.
    2. Open-ended column: An open caste field captures self-reported identity rather than a fixed dropdown, raising classification and comparability challenges.
    3. Security-sensitive geography: Ladakh’s enumeration near the China and Pakistan borders is being geo-tagged, adding a strategic dimension.

    Conclusion

    The caste column makes Census 2027 a landmark data exercise for social policy. The next milestone is the nationwide enumeration schedule.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “No direct PYQ traced in the provided files. Closest microtheme: Census / Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India.”

  • [10th August 2026] The Hindu OpED: The fiscal cost of unconditional cash transfers to women

    PYQ Relevance
    [UPSC 2022]
    Reforming the government delivery system through the Direct Benefit Transfer Scheme is a progressive step, but it has its limitations too. Comment.
    Linkage: The PYQ Examines DBT-based welfare delivery, fiscal sustainability, and the trade-off between welfare transfers and human-capital expenditure. The article highlights the trade-off between cash transfers and spending on education, health and development.

    Mentor’s Comment

    Delhi rolled out the Lakshmi Yojana on August 1, an unconditional cash transfer (UCT) of ₹2,500 a month for eligible women, joining a rapidly growing list of States running similar schemes since 2023. Fresh State-wise expenditure data show that in several States this spending already exceeds the entire education or health budget, reopening the question of what these transfers displace. The concern is set against the 16th Finance Commission’s award period.

    What is an unconditional cash transfer?

    • Definition: A UCT is a direct income payment to a beneficiary with no work, attendance, or behaviour condition attached, unlike a conditional transfer or an in-kind subsidy.
    • This wave: The current schemes target women with a fixed monthly sum, framed as income support rather than a service.

    Why are states rushing to launch women’s UCT schemes?

    • Electoral promise: Most schemes were pledged at assembly elections and rolled out immediately, drawing the label of a pre-poll dole.
    • Near-universal spread: From 2023 onward almost every major state added a scheme, making it politically hard for any state to abstain.
    • Compensation framing: Some argue the transfers compensate women for the state’s failure to create broad opportunity and services.

    Are these transfers a benefit to women or a burden on states?

    • Used productively: Evaluations show women mostly spend the money on food, health and education, so the transfer reaches real welfare needs.
    • Fiscal pressure: The same spending expands a recurring liability that presses on existing health and education budgets.
    • Genuine trade-off: The tension is real, the cash is used well by recipients yet competes with the public services those recipients depend on.

    How much fiscal space do states actually have?

    • Committed spending: The 16th Finance Commission notes almost 44% of state expenditure is locked in interest payments, pensions and salaries.
    • Shrinking social share: Social sector revenue expenditure has stayed stable as a share of total spending since 2011-12 but has declined as a share of GDP since 2020-21.
    • Little room: With most of the budget pre-committed, new UCT outlays crowd against fresh investment in services and infrastructure.

    How large are these schemes across states?

    • Share of total spending: UCT outlays range from 10.03% of total expenditure in Jharkhand and 7.84% in West Bengal down to 0.97% in Goa and 0.26% in Himachal Pradesh.
    • Share of education spending: In the largest-scheme states the UCT bill exceeds half the entire education budget, near 74% in Jharkhand and Karnataka and 54% in West Bengal.
    • Named schemes and amounts: Karnataka Gruha Lakshmi (Rs 2,000), Madhya Pradesh Ladli Behna (Rs 1,500), Tamil Nadu Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thogai (Rs 1,000), Maharashtra Majhi Ladki Bahin (Rs 1,500), Jharkhand Maiya Samman (Rs 2,500), Odisha Subhadra (Rs 10,000 a year), Assam Orunodoi (Rs 1,250), and Delhi Lakshmi Yojana (Rs 2,500).

    Do the transfers reach the poorest, or do barriers exclude them?

    • Rationalisation cuts: Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh have reduced beneficiary numbers in the name of rationalisation.
    • Gatekeeping criteria: Delhi’s scheme requires a recommendation from the local MLA or MP, plausibly to cap numbers before rollout.
    • Access barriers: Lack of documents, weak bank access and errors in digital records still exclude eligible women.

    Conclusion:

    The transfers are used well by the women who receive them, but states have little fiscal room, since most spending is pre-committed and the social sector share of GDP is already falling. Without new resource mobilisation, the schemes are financed by squeezing the very education and health services their beneficiaries rely on. The unresolved question is whether states raise revenue to fund them or let public services erode.

    Back2Basics: 16th Finance Commission

    • Award period: The 16th Finance Commission’s recommendations cover the five years beginning 2026-27.
    • What it is: A constitutional body under Article 280, constituted every five years.
    • Mandate: Recommends the sharing of central taxes between the Centre and states (vertical devolution) and among states (horizontal devolution), plus grants-in-aid.

    [2022, GS2, 10 marks] Reforming the government delivery system through the Direct Benefit Transfer Scheme is a progressive step, but it has its limitations too. Comment.