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GS Paper: GS2

  • TB’s steep socio-economic cost to women

    Context

    As India steadily steers its way through the pandemic to safer shores, we must foreground a disease which has been impacting our country for years, and disproportionately affecting women –  tuberculosis.

    Toll of TB

    • In India, the TB case fatality ratio increased from 17 per cent in 2019 to 20 per cent in 2020.
    • According to a joint report (2010-13) of the Registrar General of India and the Centre for Global Health Research, TB was the fifth-leading cause of death among women in the country, accounting for nearly 5 per cent of fatalities in women aged 30–69.

    How TB affects women more than men

    • Much steeper socio-economic price: While both men and women suffer the consequences of this debilitating disease, women patients pay a much steeper socio-economic price.
    • Beyond clinical metrics: From social ostracisation and lack of family support to the negative impact on marital prospects, women absorb the repercussions of TB beyond the clinical metrics.
    • Stigma also acts as a strong deterrent when it comes to health-seeking behaviour.
    • Fewer women, therefore, get included in the available cascade of care for TB.

    Measures by government

    • In 2019, the Health Ministry-Central TB Division developed a national framework for a gender-responsive approach to TB in India.
    • The document takes cognisance of the challenges faced by women in accessing treatment and offers actionable solutions.
    • Gender-responsive policy interventions: In December 2021, a parliamentary conference on ‘Women Winning Against TB’ was organised by the Ministry of Women and Child Development where gender-responsive policy interventions were discussed.
    • The Vice-President of India urged states to take proactive steps such as ensuring nutritional support to women and children and the doorstep delivery of TB services, especially for women from socio-economically weaker backgrounds.

    Suggestions

    1] Highlight the issue at the relevant forum

    • One, as elected representatives, we need to come together more to highlight the issue at all relevant forums and spaces.
    • These meetings see increased participation of women leaders from all walks of life in the community going forward.

    2] Strengthen counselling network

    • We need to strengthen counselling networks for women patients and their families.
    • Irrespective of where the patient seeks care – public or private sector – build the capacity of healthcare workers to educate the patient’s family about the importance of providing her a supportive environment during the course of her treatment.

    3] Nutritional needs

    • We need to ensure that the nutritional needs of women are being met.
    • Undernutrition is a serious risk factor for TB and research indicates such risks are higher for women.
    • It is commendable that the government, through Nikshay Poshan Yojana, has effectively provided a monthly benefit of Rs 500 to enable a nutritious diet for TB patients in the last few years.
    • For the 2020 cohort, the total amount paid under NPY via DBT has been over  Rs 200 crore.
    • Additionally, we can look to further strengthen inter-departmental coordination, wherein the Public Distribution System can explore appropriate linkages with relevant departments of the MoHFW and even include a protein-rich diet for TB patients.

    4] Amplify accurate TB messaging

    • At a community level, we must amplify accurate TB messaging and showcase how gender plays a role in determining the course of action on the ground.

    Conclusion

    These are universal problems that must transcend gender binaries. Only when equitable solutions are offered to vulnerable sections of society will we be able to realise the dream of TB-Mukt Bharat.

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  • Western sanctions on Russia are like none the world has seen

    Context

    Economic measures to cut Russia off from the world’s financial arteries are the most powerful implements a West unwilling to meet a nuclear adversary on the battlefield has dared wield in response to the invasion of Ukraine.

    Use of sanctions

    • The use of sanction has boomed over the past few decades.
    • Since 2000 the number of individuals and entities on America’s sanctions list has risen more than tenfold to 10,000.
    • Ever more governments, keen to punish military aggression or human-rights abuses but reluctant to go to war over them, have embraced the tactic.

    Sanctions against Russia

    •  After debating whether to make it much harder for Russian banks to process international payments by shutting them out of SWIFT—some European countries feared it would hurt their own banks, too—Western allies agreed to try targeting seven of them, though it has steered clear of Sberbank, Russia’s largest by assets, which plays a big role in processing energy payments. 
    • The most potent financial sanctions, though, have been aimed not at Russia’s commercial banks but at its central bank.
    • In the eight years since annexing Crimea made Russia the target of a first wave of sanctions, Russia has built up reserves (they now total $630bn) and shifted their composition away from dollars to help insulate the economy from further punishment.
    • But reserves become moot, whatever the currency in which they are held, if they cannot be used.
    • America, acting with Europe, has banned a range of parties from transactions with Russia’s central bank.
    • The West has also frozen most of the bank’s assets outside Russia.

    How it will affect Russian economy

    • Within hours of the sanctions taking effect, Russia’s central bank raised its main interest rate from 9.5% to 20% in an attempt to shore up the currency.
    •  Export controls will limit the components Russia can buy for its military and high-tech sectors, denying it goodies ranging from cutting-edge machinery to microchips.
    • The measures apply not just to goods made in America, but to those containing American technology that are made in and shipped from third countries, such as China.
    • For now, consumer goods dear to ordinary Russians like smartphones and home appliances are exempted from such measures.
    • But Apple is no longer selling iPhones or other kit in Russia. It is one of a fast-growing number of Western companies getting out.

    Effectiveness of sanctions

    • Measuring sanctions’ success is hard, not least because of the difficulty of disentangling their effects from other economic, and on occasion military, forces, but there have been few outright successes.
    • A recent success was the squeeze on Libya by America and allies in the 1990s and early 2000s.
    • A mix of sanctions and financial inducements persuaded Muammar Qaddafi to end his wmd programme and stop funding terrorism.
    • The apparent failures of sanctions are many.
    • Sometimes this is because they are fundamentally symbolic, or weakened by interest groups in the countries imposing them.
    • Though the point of sanctions is to exploit asymmetries, doing much more harm to the adversary than to yourself, there are always burdens to be borne by some.
    • There is also a loss to the economy as a whole.
    • The cost of compliance with sanctions for banks and companies has rocketed over the past decade.
    • Financial institutions alone spent over $50bn worldwide in 2020 on screening clients for sanctions risks, according to LexisNexis, a data firm.
    • One thing which weakens sanctions is leakiness. Despite America’s maximum-pressure measures, Iran manages to export an estimated 1m barrels of oil per day as middlemen find ways to disguise the origin of shipments.

    Risks associated with sanctions

    • Collateral damage: The more powerful sanctions are, the greater the risk of collateral damage, particularly when targeted regimes are indifferent to the suffering of citizens.
    • Work in favour of regime: Increasing the harm done can work at least in part in the government’s favour.
    • In Venezuela, a significant number of those opposed to President Nicolás Maduro and his henchmen also oppose the American sanctions putatively aimed at dislodging them.
    • Increase the closeness between countries: Sanctions can also push countries they target into each other’s arms.
    • Russia and China—hit with American sanctions over its mistreatment of Uyghurs as well as its suspected tech-spying—are enjoying their friendliest relations for decades.
    • Alternative infrastructure: It encourages those who fear them to develop alternative financial and technological infrastructures.
    • China is pushing hard in that direction.
    • As well as trying to boost its chip-making, it is creating its own version of swift, called cips, which simplifies cross-border payments in yuan, and developing a digital currency.
    • It has a long way to go.
    • Though usage of the yuan as a currency for international payments is at an all-time high, at just over 3% of the total it still pales beside the dollar, at 40%.
    • As the world economy reels from financial crises, nationalism, trade wars and a global pandemic, sanctions are aggravating existing tensions within globalisation.

    Conclusion

    When used in earnest, sanctions can inflict heavy economic costs on both sides on top of the deprivation inflicted in targeted countries. Even then, they do not always work.

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  • A missile misfiring and its trail of poor strategic stability

    Context

    The accidental firing of an Indian missile into Pakistan highlights the sorry state of bilateral mechanisms for crisis management between the two nuclear adversaries where there is a missile flight time of barely a few minutes.

    Balance response from both side

    • The Pakistani response to the accidental firing of the missile was a balanced one.
    • While New Delhi maintained a silence over the issue until it was brought up on March 11, the Indian response was also far from denial.
    • In that sense then, the Indian and Pakistani responses to the missile (mis)firing were the best possible outcome under the circumstances given that there is little bilateral mechanism for crisis management.
    • The two sides do not have high commissioners on the other side, there is no structured bilateral dialogue, and, most importantly, the two sides have not held ‘Expert Level Talks on Nuclear Confidence Building Measures’ or ‘Expert Level Talks on Conventional Confidence Building Measures’ for several years now.

    Lack of strategic stability regime

    Following are the reasons why the strategic stability regime in South Asia is hardly prepared for dealing with accidents such as the one that just happened, or enhancing effective crisis management and deterrence stability.

    1] Pre-notification agreement does not include cruise missiles

    • For one, although India and Pakistan signed a ‘Pre-Notification of Flight Testing of Ballistic Missiles’ agreement in October 2005, it does not include cruise missiles.
    • Notably, the missile that was misfired by the Indian side earlier this month, suspected to be the BrahMos, was a cruise missile (even though it was a misfire, and not a flight test).
    • Way forward: Given the many sophisticated cruise missiles that are now a part of each side’s arsenal, it is important to include them in the pre-notification regime.

    2] No structured meetings on nuclear confidence-building measures (CBMs)

    • The two sides have not held their structured meetings on nuclear confidence building measures (CBMs) and conventional CBMs for several years now.
    • Given the nature of the India-Pakistan relationship — adversarial, nuclear-armed, crisis prone, and suffering from trust deficit — there is an urgent need, especially in the wake of the recent incident, to revive these two dialogue mechanisms.

    3] China has so far refused to engage in strategic stability discussions with India

    • The third state with nuclear weapons in the region, China, has so far refused to engage in strategic stability discussions with India even though China today is involved in the India-Pakistan conflict more than ever before, apart from being in a military standoff with India.

    Way forward: Mechanisms for communicating sensitive information during crisis periods

    • India and Pakistan should consider setting up mechanisms such as nuclear risk reduction centres (NRRCs), established between the U.S. and the Soviet Union during the Cold War.
    • The primary objective of NRRCs, or similar structures that can be set up on either side, is risk reduction by providing a structured mechanism for timely communication of messages and proper implementation of already agreed-upon confidence-building measures.
    • Such a body could routinely exchange messages, provide timely clarifications, and review compliance to agreements, among others.

    Consider the question “The incident of the accidental firing of a missile by India highlights the issues with the strategic stability regime in South Asia. Discuss the issues and suggest the measures needed? 

    Conclusion

    New Delhi should provide assurances to Pakistan that efforts will be made to avoid such mistakes in the future. And both sides should use risk reduction mechanisms.

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  • Wearing hijab is not essential part of religion: Karnataka HC

    The Karnataka High Court has upheld the ban on the wearing of hijab (head scarf) by students in schools and colleges in the State.

    [Burning Issue] Freedom of religion and attire

    The Judgment

    • The judgment was delivered by a three-judge bench comprising Chief Justice Ritu Raj Awasthi, Justice Krishna S. Dixit and Justice J.M. Khazi.
    • It rejected all the petitions filed by girl students of pre-university colleges in Udupi district.

    Key takeaways

    • The HC held that wearing hijab is not an essential religious practice in Islam and is not, therefore, protected under by the right to freedom of religion guaranteed by Article 25 of the Constitution.
    • The court said it was a reasonable restriction that was constitutionally permissible.
    • The Bench also upheld the legality of the order prescribing guidelines for uniforms in schools and pre-university colleges under the provisions of the Karnataka Education Act, 1983.
    • The court said that school uniform will cease to be a uniform if hijab is also allowed.

    What else did the court observe?

    • The Bench also spoke about the possibility of some “unseen hands” behind the hijab row to engineer social unrest and disharmony.
    • It expressed dismay over the issue being blown out of proportion by the powers that be.

    Reactions on the Judgment

    • Some factions have said that the order is a blow to right to education for Muslim women.
    • Other see it as an empowerment of women.
    • Feminists says that it’s not about an item of clothing, it’s about the right of a woman to choose how she wants to dress.
    • The Leftists perceived it as a blow against the universal right to education without discrimination, guaranteed by the law and the Constitution of India.

     

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  • SC averse to ‘Sealed Cover Jurisprudence’

    Two separate Benches of the Supreme Court tore into the “sealed cover jurisprudence” practiced by the government in courts.

    What is the news?

    • The Supreme Court has allowed the Malayalam TV news channel MediaOne to resume broadcast, nearly six weeks after the government revoked its security clearance forcing it to shut down.
    • The channel was given security clearance by the MHA in February 2011 following which it obtained a licence to operate the channel in September 2011.
    • On January 5 this year, the channel was issued notice to revoke permission on the ground of “national security and public order”.
    • In February 2020, the channel’s licence was briefly suspended by MHA following its coverage of the Delhi riots.

    What did the court observe?

    • The court was critical about how the government and its agencies file reports in sealed envelopes directly in court without sharing the contents with the opposite party.
    • Being kept in the dark about the material contained in a sealed cover report, the petitioners are crippled in mounting a defence, not knowing what they are supposed to defend against.
    • At times, their cases, mostly involving fundamental rights such as personal liberty, are dismissed on the basis of the secret contents ensconced in the sealed covers.

    What is Sealed Cover Jurisprudence?

    • It is a practice used by the Supreme Court and sometimes lower courts, of asking for or accepting information from government agencies in sealed envelopes that can only be accessed by judges.
    • A specific law does not define the doctrine of sealed cover.
    • The Supreme Court derives its power to use it from Rule 7 of order XIII of the Supreme Court Rules and Section 123 of the Indian Evidence Act of 1872.

    Nature of the power: Upholding Secrecy

    • If the Chief Justice or court directs certain information to be kept under sealed cover or considers it of confidential nature, no party would be allowed access to the contents of such information.
    • There is an exception to this if the Chief Justice himself orders that the opposite party be allowed to access it.
    • It also mentions that information can be kept confidential if its publication is not considered to be in the interest of the public.
    • As for the Evidence Act, official unpublished documents relating to state affairs are protected and a public officer cannot be compelled to disclose such documents.

    Grounds of such secrecy

    Other instances where information may be sought in secrecy or confidence is when its publication:

    1. Impedes an ongoing investigation
    2. Details which are part of the police’s case diary or
    3. Breaches the privacy of an individual

    Prominent cases of sealed jurisprudence

    Sealed cover jurisprudence has been frequently employed by courts in the recent past.

    (1) Rafale Deal

    • In the case pertaining to the controversial Rafale fighter jet deal, a Bench headed by CJI Ranjan Gogoi in 2018, had asked the Centre to submit details related to deal’s decision making and pricing in a sealed cover.
    • This was done as the Centre had contended that such details were subject to the Official Secrets Act and Secrecy clauses in the deal.

    (2) Bhim Koregaon Case

    • In the Bhima Koregaon case, in which activists were arrested under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act.
    • The Supreme Court had relied on information submitted by the Maharashtra police in a sealed cover.

    Criticism of such acts

    • Critics of this practice contend that it is not favorable to the principles of transparency and accountability of the Indian justice system.
    • It stands in contrast to the idea of an open court, where decisions can be subjected to public scrutiny.
    • It is also said to enlarge the scope for arbitrariness in court decisions, as judges are supposed to lay down the reasoning for their decisions.
    • Besides, it is argued that not providing access to such documents to the accused parties obstructs their passage to a fair trial and adjudication.

    How has the judiciary responded to this?

    • In the 2019 judgment in the case of P Gopalakrishnan V. The State of Kerala, the Supreme Court had said that disclosure of documents to the accused is constitutionally mandated.
    • This is possible even if the investigation is ongoing and said documents may lead to breakthroughs in the investigation.

     

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  • Fragmenting world order, untied nations

    Context

    The outcome that should worry us apart from the devastating consequences for the Ukrainian nation, is the impact the Ukraine crisis is having on the global world order, which is fragmenting in every respect of global interconnectedness — in terms of international cooperation, security, military use, economic order, and even cultural ties.

    Implications of war for global order

    1] Question mark on the relevance of the UN and Security Council

    • Russia’s actions in Ukraine may, in terms of refusing to seek an international mandate, seem no different from the war by the United States in Iraq in 2003, Israel’s bombing of Lebanon in 2006 and the Saudi-coalition’s attacks of Yemen in 2015.
    • But Ukraine is in fact a bigger blow to the post-World War order than any other.
    • It run counter to the UN Charter preamble, i.e. “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war…”, “to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours”, as well as Articles 1 and 2 of the ‘Purposes and Principles’ of the United Nations (Chapter 1).
    • Meanwhile, in their responses, other P-5 members such as the United States, the United Kingdom and France did not seek to strengthen the global order either, imposing sanctions unilaterally rather than attempting to bring them to the UN.

    2] Declining nuclear safeguards

    • Russian military’s moves to target areas near Chernobyl and shell buildings near the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant show an alarming nonchalance towards safeguards in place over several decades.
    • The world must also consider the cost to the nuclear non-proliferation regime’s credibility: Ukraine and Libya that willingly gave up nuclear programmes have been invaded, while regimes such as Iran and North Korea can defy the global order because they have held on to their nuclear deterrents.

    3] Use of non-state actors

    • There are also the covenants agreed upon during the global war on terrorism, which have been degraded, with the use of non-state actors in the Ukraine crisis.
    • For years, pro-Russia armed militia operated in the Donbas regions, challenging the writ of the government in Kyiv.
    • With the arrival of Russian troops, the Ukrainian President, Volodymyr Zelensky, has invited all foreign fighters to support his forces to the country.

    4] Fragmentation of global financial order

    • While analysts have pointed out that the sanctions announced so far do not include some of Russia’s biggest banks in order to avoid the disruption of oil and gas from Russia, the intent to cut Russia out of all monetary and financial systems remains.
    • The arbitrary and unilateral nature of western sanctions rub against the international financial order set up under the World Trade Organization (that replaced the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, or GATT).
    • The obvious fallout of this “economic cancel culture” will, without doubt, be a reaction — a pushback from Russia and an exploration of alternative trading arrangements with countries such as China, India and much of the Eastern Hemisphere which continue to trade with Moscow.
    • For the S-400 missile defence deal, for example, New Delhi used a rupee-rouble mechanism and banks that were immunised from the U.S.’s CAATSA sanctions (or Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act) for advance payments.

    5] Isolation of Russia

    • While several governments including the U.S., the U.K. and Germany have persistently said that their quarrel is not with Russian citizens but with their leadership, it is clear that most of their actions will hurt the average Russian citizen.
    • Some of this isolation of its citizens will work to the favour of an increasingly authoritarian Kremlin.
    • Mr. Putin’s response to the banning of Russian channels in Europe and its allies has been to use the western media ban as a pretext to ban opposition-friendly Russian channels as well.

    Takeaways for India

    • India’s abstentionist responses and its desire not to be critical of any of the actions taken by the big powers might keep Indians safe in the short term.
    • But in the long term, it is only those nations that move proactively to uphold, strengthen and reinvent the global order that will make the world a safer place.

    Conclusion

    The events over the past two weeks, set in motion by Russia’s declaration of war on Ukraine, have no doubt reversed many of the ideas of 1945 and 1990, fragmenting the international order established with the UN, ushering in an era of deglobalisation and bringing down another Iron Curtain.

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  • Ukraine invasion and the great geopolitical reset

    Context

    Major wars have significant consequences for the internal and international politics of the combatant nations. Wars between great powers are far more consequential.

    Geopolitical changes triggered by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine

    1] New dynamism in great power triangle

    •  Biden hoped to distance Russia from China and focus all of America’s energies on the Indo-Pacific.
    • But Putin chose to align with China and confront the US and Europe with an impossible set of demands including a sphere of influence in Central Europe and turning Ukraine into Moscow’s protectorate.
    • China’s public articulation has underlined “rock-solid” support for Moscow but it is under some pressure to balance between its Russian alliance “without limits” and its deep economic interdependence with the US and Europe.
    • Whichever way this plays out, the current crisis has revealed America’s pole position in the great strategic triangle.

    2] Reinforced US primacy amongst the great powers

    • The US primacy amongst the great powers has been reinforced by the restoration of strategic unity within the West.
    • While many trans-Atlantic differences remain on the nature and extent of sanctions against Russia, the crisis has revealed the enduring sources of Western unity.

    3] Disciplining of Europe

    • Third is the American disciplining of Europe, especially Germany, where illusions of normative soft power and the faith in mercantilism had blinded the continent to geopolitical challenges presented by Russia and China.
    • Europe’s belief that it can enrich itself in the Russian and Chinese markets while expecting Washington to do all the heavy lifting on security is no longer sustainable.
    • The German decision on rearmament announced in the wake of the Russian aggression marks a definitive geopolitical turn in Europe.

    4] EU’s dilemma in energy domain

    • Nowhere is the EU’s Russian dilemma more visible than in the energy domain where Europe is deeply tied to Russian imports of oil, natural gas, and coal.
    • The EU pays $110 billion a year to Moscow for these imports.
    • While stepping up pressure on Europe to drastically reduce energy imports from Russia, Washington is reaching out to Venezuela, Saudi Arabia, and Iran to fill the gap created by the planned blockade of Russian energy supplies.

    5] Asia is adapting to the change

    • Sensing the dangers from a Sino-Russian axis and fearing that Europe could distract America, Japan is rethinking its nuclear abstinence.
    • South Korea’s president-elect, Yoon Suk-Yeol wants to strengthen ties with the US, and explore potential cooperation with the Quad.
    •  While the ASEAN remains torn between the US and China, many in the region are waking up to the dangers of betting that Beijing’s rise is irreversible, and that the Western decline is terminal.

    Lessons for India

    • The first major conflict amongst the great powers in the 21st century has presented India with multiple challenges, including its long-standing reliance on Russian military supplies.
    •  More immediately, the crisis in Ukraine demands that Delhi move on a war-footing towards a rapid modernisation and expansion of its domestic defence industrial base that is so critical for sustaining India’s strategic autonomy.

    Conclusion

    Unless there is an early diplomatic breakthrough, the conflict between Russia and the West is likely to sharpen in the coming days. But this hinge moment in world politics is also an opportunity for Delhi to increase its heft in the changing global balance.

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  • Government seeks law on Rights of Foreigners

    The Union government has urged the Supreme Court to help lay down a law with a “long–lasting” implication for the country on the subject of Foreigners’ Right to approach local courts for relief after violating their visa conditions.

    Why in news?

    • The government’s request came during the hearing of petitions filed by foreign nationals who were charged with violating COVID-19 guidelines by participating in a religious congregation in New Delhi during peak COVID outbreak.

    Citizens vs. Foreigners Rights

    Fundamental Rights available to both Citizens and Foreigners (except enemy aliens)

    Fundamental Rights Available Only to Citizens of India
    • Article 14 – Equality before the law and equal protection of laws
    • Article 20 – Protection in respect of conviction for offences
    • Article 21 – Protection of life and personal liberty
    • Article 21A – Right to elementary education
    • Article 22 – Protection against arrest and detention in certain cases
    • Article 23 – Prohibition of traffic in human beings and forced labour
    • Article 24 – Prohibition of employment of children in factories etc
    • Article 25 – Freedom of conscience and free profession, practice and propagation of religion
    • Article 26 – Freedom to manage religious affairs
    • Article 27 – Freedom from payment of taxes for promotion of any religion
    • Article 28 – Freedom from attending religious instruction or worship in certain educational institutions
    • Article 15 – Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth
    • Article 16 – Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment
    • Article 19 – Protection of six rights related to freedom – (a) of speech and expression; (b) to assemble peaceably and without arms; (c) to form associations or unions; (d) to move freely throughout the territory of India; (e) to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India; and (f) to practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business
    • Article 29 – Protection of language, script and culture of minorities
    • Article 30 – Right of minorities to establish and administer educational institutions

     

     

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  • Maternal Mortality in India

    Kerala has yet again emerged on top when it comes to maternal and child health, with the State recording the lowest Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) of 30 (per one lakh live births) in the country.

    What is Maternal Mortality?

    • Maternal mortality refers to deaths due to complications from pregnancy or childbirth.
    • The maternal mortality ratio (MMR) is defined as the number of maternal deaths during a given time period per 100,000 live births during the same time period.
    • It depicts the risk of maternal death relative to the number of live births and essentially captures the risk of death in a single pregnancy or a single live birth.

    Trends in India

    • India’s maternal mortality ratio (MMR) has improved to 103 in 2017-19, from 113 in 2016-18.
    • Seven Indian states have very high maternal mortality. These are Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Odisha and Assam.
    • The MMR is ‘high’ in Punjab, Uttarakhand and West Bengal. This means 100-130 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births.
    • It is ‘low’ in Haryana and Karnataka.
    • The states of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Bihar have seen the most drop in MMR.
    • West Bengal, Haryana, Uttarakhand and Chhattisgarh have recorded an increase in MMR over the last survey.

    Various determinants of maternal health in India

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  • Analysing India’s stand on the war on Ukraine

    Context

    Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has placed considerable moral responsibility on India. However, at the United Nations (UN), India has refused to condemn the violation of the rights of the Ukrainians.

    Issues involved in India’s vote

    1] Commitment to principles

    • National interest: One of the arguments justifying India’s stance is that in international affairs, a country must be guided by its national interest and not some abstract principles.
    • It is pointed out that due to the very high dependence of India on the Soviet Union for defence equipment and the likely need of support on the Pakistan issue in the Security Council, India must not offend Russia by condemning the invasion.
    • Why India should condemn Russia: If a people’s principles are their most deeply held beliefs about how the world must be ordered, then their interest lies in ensuring that their principles prevail in international relations.
    • Thus, if India does not want to see itself to be the victim of territorial aggression in the future, it must communicate strongly on the world stage that it condemns the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

    2] India-West relations

    • In the 1950s the West was clearly unsympathetic to India, playing its card openly on the Kashmir issue at the UN as early as 1947.
    • On the other hand, the Soviet Union, the precursor to the present-day Russian state, had rescued India several times by exercising its veto in the UN Security Council.
    • Now, close to 75 years later, the situation has changed.
    • Public opinion in the West does not favour unconditional support of Pakistan vis-à-vis India while Russia encourages Pakistan.
    • Moreover, we know by now that some limited support at the UN matters little, as taking the Kashmir issue to the UN Security Council has not got Pakistan to withdraw from the territory it occupied.

    3] India’s dependence on Russia for defence supplies

    •  It is indeed correct that India relies on the Russians for such equipment and their spare parts.
    • At the same time there is a global market for arms. It is not evident that anything withheld by the Russians cannot be sourced from that market.
    •  For India to base its public stance on the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the assured supply of armaments is to really drag ourselves down to the bottom of the pit in terms of ethics.

    4] East-West conflict argument

    • Another argument is that this is a conflict between the east and the west, and India should stay out of it.
    • To say that this is just another east-west conflict from which India should stay out is tantamount to seeing the Russian invasion and the brave defence of their country by the Ukrainians as a mere marital squabble.
    • India had refused in 1956 to condemn the Soviet invasion of Hungary, its action today is much worse.

    Conclusion

    India must take a long view of how it wants to engage with it. Its actions so far leave it in the company of Russia and China.

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