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GS Paper: GS2

  • [Burning Issue] Russia-Ukraine Crisis

    [Burning Issue] Russia-Ukraine Crisis

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    Context

    Recently, a report stated that the tension on the Russia-Ukraine border represents a major security crisis for the region. The massive mobilization of Russian troops on the Ukraine border and occasional outbreak of violence in the contested Donbass region has pushed both countries to the brink of an open conflict.

    History of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia

    Annexation of Crimea

    • Ukraine was one of the republics within the USSR during the cold war days, and has remained a strong ally of Russia till 2013.
    • While it was planning to sign an association agreement with the European Union in 2013, Russia sternly objected to it leading to tensions.
    • Russia subsequently annexed “Crimea” (Russian speaking province in Ukraine) by force and declared its sovereignty over it with people’s support.
    • The resultant conflict has so far claimed about 10,000 lives and displaced millions with no lasting resolution in sight.

    The naval skirmish over the Sea of Azov

    • After Crimea’s annexation in 2014, Russia gained control over both sides of the Kerch strait.
    • In May 2018, Russian opened a 12-mile-long bridge over the Kerch Strait, which has also become the physical gateway to the Sea of Azov.
    • To prevent the Ukrainian boats from passing under the bridge, Russia placed a cargo ship below it.
    • Later, the Ukrainian vessels’ attempt to travel from the Black Sea to the Sea of Azov was denied by the Russian coast guard.
    • However, Ukraine insists that the patrol of the Kerch Strait was authorized under a bilateral agreement with Moscow.
    • Thus the naval skirmish over the Sea of Azov proves again the Russia’s irreversibility of its annexation of Crimea.

    Russian backed rebels

    • Russia has been criticized for its involvement in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions in eastern Ukraine.
    • There, Russian-backed separatists have been fighting with Ukrainian troops.
    • In May 2021, Moscow has allegedly deployed thousands of troops as well as tanks and artillery near Ukraine’s eastern border and has mobilized troops in the annexed Black Sea region of Crimea.
    • Current conflict – Belarus, a Russian ally was blamed for the migration crisis in the EU’s Polish border.
    • Russia flew bombers near Poland’s borders earlier this month.
    • In the Black Sea, Russian President Vladimir Putin dispatched vessels to shadow U.S. warships.

    Cause of Conflict

    (1) Shared history

    • Ukraine and Russia share hundreds of years of cultural, linguistic and familial links. 
    • As part of the Soviet Union, Ukraine was the second-most powerful Soviet republic after Russia, and was crucial strategically, economically and culturally. 

    (2) Emotional Exploitation of People

    • For many in Russia and in the ethically Russian parts of Ukraine, the shared heritage of the countries is an emotional issue that has been exploited for electoral and military purposes.

    (3) Balance of Power

    • Ever since Ukraine split from the Soviet Union, both Russia and the West have vied for greater influence in the country in order to keep the balance of power in the region in their favour.

    (4) Acts as a buffer

    • For the United States and the European Union, Ukraine is a crucial buffer between Russia and the West. 
    • As tensions with Russia rise, the US and the EU are increasingly determined to keep Ukraine away from Russian control.

    What is Euromaidan Movement?

    Origin of the movement

    • November 2013 saw the start of mass protests across Ukraine, but particularly in Kiev’s Maidan, or central square. 

    Protest

    • Protesters were angry at Ukraine’s then pro-Russia President Viktor Yanukovych’s decision to join the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union instead of the EU. 
    • The protests, known as the Euromaidan movement, saw massive clashes between the protesters and security forces that reached their peak in February 2014 and led to the ouster of Yanukovych.

    Annexing Crimea

    • Amid fears of growing Western influence in Ukraine, Russia decided to take action by invading Crimea, which was a part of Ukraine. 
    • It also began fomenting a separatist movement in eastern Ukraine, which is home to many who are ethnically Russian.

    Result of this annexation

    • The invasion and subsequent annexation of Crimea have given Russia a maritime upper hand in the region. 
    • It also gave Russia’s President a significant boost in popularity ratings inside Russia. 

    Criticism received globally

    • It was widely condemned by world powers and resulted in the US and EU imposing sanctions on Moscow. 
    • It also resulted in a strengthened commitment by both the US and the EU to protect the integrity of Ukraine’s borders.

    Separatist Movement

    • The Donbass region (the Donetsk and Luhansk regions) of eastern Ukraine has been facing a pro-Russian separatist movement since 2014.
    • According to the Ukrainian government, the movement is actively supported by the Russian government and Russian paramilitaries make up between 15% to 80% of the separatists fighting against the Ukraine government.

    How big is the risk of invasion?

    • Russia says it has no plans to attack Ukraine.
    • But tensions are high and President Vladimir Putin has threatened “appropriate retaliatory military-technical measures” if what he calls the West’s aggressive approach continues.
    • Russia has offered no explanation for the troops posted close to Ukraine – and Russian troops and tanks have

    What are Russia’s and the West’s interests in Ukraine?

    • Ukraine and Russia share hundreds of years of cultural, linguistic and familial links.
    • As part of the Soviet Union, Ukraine was the second-most powerful Soviet republic after Russia, and was crucial strategically, economically and culturally.
    • Ever since Ukraine split from the Soviet Union, both Russia and the West have vied for greater influence in the country in order to keep the balance of power in the region in their favour.
    • For many in Russia and in the ethically Russian parts of Ukraine, the shared heritage of the countries is an emotional issue that has been exploited for electoral and military purposes.
    • For the US and the EU, Ukraine is a crucial buffer between Russia and the West. As tensions with Russia rise, the US and the EU are increasingly determined to keep Ukraine away from Russian control.
    • Efforts to induct Ukraine into NATO have been ongoing for many years and seems to have picked up pace recently.

    What does Russia want from NATO?

    • Russia do not want Ukraine to become a member of NATO.
    • Moscow accuses NATO countries of “pumping” Ukraine with weapons and the US of stoking tensions.
    • It demands no more eastward expansion and an end to NATO military activity in Eastern Europe.
    • That would mean combat units being pulled out of Poland and the Baltic republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, and no missiles deployed in countries such as Poland and Romania.
    • Russia has also proposed a treaty with the US barring nuclear weapons from being deployed beyond their national territories.
    https://www.civilsdaily.com/news/north-atlantic-treaty-organisations-nato-and-funding/

    What does Russia want with Ukraine?

    • Russia seized Crimea in 2014 arguing it had a historic claim to it.
    • Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union, which collapsed in December 1991 and Russia said it was the “disintegration of historical Russia”.
    • Russia has also become frustrated that a 2015 Minsk peace deal for eastern Ukraine is far from being fulfilled.

    Minsk Agreements

    Minsk I

    • Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatists agreed a 12-point ceasefire deal in the capital of Belarus in September 2014.
    • Its provisions included prisoner exchanges, deliveries of humanitarian aid and the withdrawal of heavy weapons.
    • The agreement quickly broke down, with violations by both sides.

    Minsk II

    • In 2015, an open conflict was averted after the ‘Minsk II’ peace agreement was signed, under the mediation of France and Germany.
    • It was designed to end the fighting in the rebel regions and hand over the border to Ukraine’s national troops.
    • It was signed by Representatives of Russia, Ukraine, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the leaders of two pro-Russian separatist regions.
    • OSCE is the world’s largest security-oriented intergovernmental organisation. Its mandate includes issues such as arms control, promotion of human rights, freedom of the press, and fair elections.

    Concerns for ‘Nord Stream 2’ gas pipeline’s future

    • The US threatened to halt the opening of a key pipeline that would send Russian gas to Western Europe, if Russia invades Ukraine.
    • Nord Stream 2 would run from Russia to Germany.

    What is Nord Stream 2?

    • The 1,225km (760-mile) pipeline took five years to build and cost $11bn (£8bn). The energy project, which would run under the Baltic Sea, is designed to double Russia’s gas exports to Germany.
    • If it comes to fruition, the pipeline will be able to pump 55 billion cubic metres of gas to Germany each year.

    So why is it so controversial?

    • The pipeline is a tool of Russian foreign policy – and there has been strong opposition from the US, Ukraine and Poland.
    • The US fears the pipeline makes Europe much more dependent on Russian energy, handing significant power over Berlin and the EU to Russian President Vladimir Putin.
    • Russia sends much of its gas to Europe through Ukraine. But Nord Stream 1 and 2 bypass the country.
    • That means that with the new pipeline Kyiv could lose out on €1.8bn in “transit” fees it earns on gas passing through its territory. Ukraine says it is being punished for its warm relations with the West.
    • Poland is unhappy about being overlooked as a transit country for Russian gas supplies into Europe.

    So what happens if it doesn’t open?

    • Europe is already grappling with soaring energy prices and lower-than-usual supplies of Russian gas.
    • Germany badly needs the pipeline’s gas. It could warm 26 million German homes and ease the nation’s transition to renewable energy.
    • But the bigger danger would come from Russia halting gas supplies from existing pipelines through Ukraine.

    India’s Stand

    • During a UNSC meeting in May 2021, India signaled its backing for traditional partner Russia on the Ukraine issue.
    • India has advocated political and diplomatic solutions that protect the legitimate interests of all countries in the region and ensure long term peace and stability in Europe and beyond.
    • The path forward can only be through peaceful dialogue for a lasting solution acceptable to all concerned.
    • Last November India voted against a Ukraine-sponsored resolution in the UN that condemned alleged human rights violations in Crimea thereby backing old ally Russia on the issue.

    Way Forward

    • Ukraine’s reluctance to implement the agreement and its growing military, economic and political ties with the West seem to have prompted Russia to put Ukraine under direct military pressure.
    • Ukraine lacks the military resources to deter its giant neighbor and there is no guarantee that the West would come to its help in the event of a Russian invasion.
    • Russia might make tactical gains from an invasion but such a move could further deteriorate its already ruptured ties with the West.
    • The practical solution is to revive the Minsk peace process.
    • The West should push both sides to resume talks and live up to their commitments as per the Minsk agreement to restore relative peace on the border.
    • International cooperation is needed to solve the ever-increasing conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Both the countries should restrain from any move leading to escalation of the tension.

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  • Missed opportunity to opportunity of employment-centred and inclusive growth

    Context

    India continues to rank poorly in various global indices that reflect the quality of life, human capital or human development in the country. In this context, it was expected that the current Budget would see an expansion in government spending on the social sector.

    Need for greater spending on social sector

    • In Human Development Index, India ranks 131 out of 189 countries and on the Global Hunger Index, it ranks 101 out of 116 countries.
    • The pandemic over the last two years has had a severe impact on the health, education and food security of the poor and informal sector workers.
    • The country has been experiencing increasing inequality over the last couple of decades.

    Marginal increase in allocation for school education

    • In the budget, the government announced that it will expand its ‘one class, oneTVchannel’ scheme instead of announcing enhanced allocations for schools  the government announced that it will expand its ‘one class, oneTVchannel’ scheme instead of announcing enhanced allocations for schools so that they can reopen with vigour.
    •  The budget for school education at ₹63,449 crore is a slight improvement over last year’s ₹54,873 crore (2021-22 budget estimates, BE) and a mere increase of 6% in nominal terms compared to 2020-21 BE of ₹59,845 crore.
    • After rechristening the school mid-day meal scheme as Pradhan Mantri Poshan Shakti Nirman, simply called PM Poshan, the allocation for the scheme has reduced from ₹11,500 crore last year to ₹10,233 crore this year.

    Low allocation for health

    • Despite repeated statements about strengthening the public health system, the overall budget for the Department of Health and Family Welfare at ₹83,000 crore has gone up by only 16% over the BE for 2021-22 and by less than ₹1,000 crore compared to the RE for 2021-22, which is ₹82,921 crore.
    • However, by including water and sanitation in the budget for health, there is an increase being shown in health spending as a proportion of GDP.
    • Also, even though the budget for the Jal Jeevan Mission has increased from ₹50,000 crore to ₹60,000 crore, only 44% of the allocated funds to the Department of Water and Sanitation for 2021-22 has been spent as on end December 2021.

    No indication of plan to extend the PMGKAY

    • 60% of the population are covered by ration cards currently under the National Food Security Act.
    • Those who were eligible benefited from the additional free foodgrains that they have been given under the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY).
    • However, the food subsidy (BE) for 2022-23 at ₹2.06 lakh crore is only enough to cover the regular NFSA entitlements.
    • The indication is that there is no plan to extend the PMGKAY.
    • The food subsidy RE for 2021-22 is ₹2.86 lakh crore.

    Other schemes

    • Budgets for important schemes such as Saksham Anganwadi, maternity entitlements and social security pensions are around the same as the allocations for last year.
    • The allocation for MGNREGA at ₹73,000 crore also does not reflect the increased demand for work or thethe pending wages of ₹21,000 crore.

    Continued negligence

    • The resources allocated for crucial government schemes in the fields of health, education, nutrition, and social protection have remained stagnant or show negligent increase.
    • In fact, the budgets for these schemes have been declining in real terms since 2015.
    • The World Social Protection Report 2020-22, brought out by the International Labour Organization, shows that the spending on social protection (excluding health) in India is 1.4% of the GDP, while the average for low-middle income countries is 2.5%.

    Conclusion

    This continued negligence does not bode well for inclusive development in India.

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  • The Supreme Court fails to decide key constitutional cases in time-bound manner

    Context

    Unless the Court strives in every possible way to assure that the Constitution, the law, applies fairly to all citizens, the Court cannot be said to have fulfilled its custodial responsibility.

    Landmark judgments

    • In the last few years, the Indian Supreme Court has delivered some judgments of far-reaching consequence.
    • It declared the right to privacy a fundamental right; decriminalized consensual sexual conduct between adults of the same sex; recognized transgender persons as the third gender; and outlawed triple talaq.
    • These decisions shore up the belief in republican values like liberty and equality reified in our Constitution.

    Important cases pending in the Supreme Court

    • Constitutionality of CAA: Many petitions were filed before the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019, that provides non-Muslim communities from Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Afghanistan a fast-track route to Indian citizenship.
    • More than two years later, the matter continues to languish in the apex court.
    • Dilution of Article 370: Innumerable petitions have been filed challenging the Presidential Order of August 5, 2019, that effectually diluted Article 370 of the Constitution.
    • To date, the court has done precious little to decide this vexed question of law.
    • Constitutionality of 103rd amendment: Petitions challenging the constitutionality of the Constitution(One Hundred and Third Amendment)Act,2019 that provides reservations in public educational institutions and government jobs for economically weaker sections are also languishing in the Supreme Court.
    • Challenges to the electoral bond scheme: The Supreme Court has failed to accord proper hearing in the last four years to the constitutional challenge to the electoral bonds scheme.

    Conclusion

    Unless the Court strives in every possible way to assure that the Constitution, the law, applies fairly to all citizens, the Court cannot be said to have fulfilled its custodial responsibility”.

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  • Why UNSC joint statement on nuclear weapons is important

    Context

    The leaders of five nuclear-weapons States — the US, Russia, China, the UK, and France, also known as the P5 issued a joint statement on preventing nuclear war and avoiding the ongoing global arms race.

    Overview of the P5 statement

    • It is not a binding resolution and reiterates some of the core obligations of the NPT.
    • The P5 statement reaffirms that a “nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought” because of its “far-reaching consequences”.
    • The statement also expresses a commitment to the group’s Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) obligations and “to prevent the unauthorized or unintended use of nuclear weapons”.
    • Declaring that an arms race would benefit none and endanger all, the P5 have undertaken to:
    • (1) work with all states to create a security environment more conducive to progress on disarmament with the ultimate goal of a world without nuclear weapons.
    • (2) continue seeking bilateral and multilateral diplomatic approaches to avoid military confrontations, strengthen stability and predictability, increase mutual understanding and confidence”.
    • (3) pursue “constructive dialogue with mutual respect and acknowledgment of each other’s security interests and concerns”.

    Bold action on 6 measures

    • Bold action on six fronts is necessary.
    • 1) Chart a path for nuclear disarmament: That member states should chart a path forward on nuclear disarmament.
    • 2) Transparency and dialogue: They should agree to new measures of “transparency and dialogue”.
    • 3) Address nuclear crises: They should address the “simmering” nuclear crises in the Middle East and Asia.
    • 4) Strengthen global bodies: They should strengthen the existing global bodies that support non-proliferation, including the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
    • 5) Peaceful use of nuclear technology: They should promote the peaceful use of nuclear technology.
    • 6) Elimination of nuclear weapons: they should remind “the world’s people that eliminating nuclear weapons is the only way to guarantee that they will never be used.

    Peace education and the right to peace

    • Peace is necessary for rights, freedom, equality, and justice, and for that reason, we need what Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. called “education in the obvious”— namely, peace education.
    • This is required at multiple levels, ranging across the planetary, global, supranational, regional, national, and local levels of social cognition and action.
    •  UN Resolution 39/11 (November 12, 1984) proclaims that the peoples of our planet have a sacred right to peace and equally solemnly declares that the “preservation of the right of peoples to peace and the promotion of its implementation constitute a fundamental obligation of each State”.
    • The subsequent UN Resolution 53/243 B, declaring a program of action for a culture of peace (1999) also owes a great deal to Gandhi’s legacy and mission.

    Conclusion

    The statement is politically significant given the unimaginable danger posed by the 13,000 nuclear weapons currently believed to be held by a handful of countries, and the growing specter of loose nukes, which may be deployed by armed terrorist groups for nefarious purposes.

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  • How India can adapt to global geoeconomic churn

    Context

    As India returns to a high growth path after a slowdown in the last decade, its geopolitical salience in the world will continue to rise.

    India’s growth story

    •  Today, India’s GDP is $3.1 trillion and could cross, according to some estimates, $8 trillion by the end of this decade.
    •  India’s total trade, which was about $38 billion in 1991-92, is expected to touch $1.3 trillion this year.
    •  This is about 40 percent of India’s GDP and underlines the fact that India is more deeply tied to the world than ever before.
    • The world itself is in a geo-economic churn making the transition to $8 trillion a challenging one.

    Geo-economic and geopolitical changes in the global order

    Geo-economic changes

    • It was Edward Luttwak, the well-known American strategist, who triggered a global discourse on the idea of geoeconomics in a seminal article in 1990 amidst the end of the Cold War.
    • Using economic dominance for political gain: The rapid economic rise of China in the last three decades and Beijing’s success in leveraging its growing economic clout for political gain is widely seen as a classic example of geoeconomics.
    • Economic interdependence: Luttwak’s warning against illusions of economic interdependence and globalization have been borne out by major changes in US-China relations in recent years.
    • The dramatic expansion of economic interdependence between China and America over the last four decades — what some called “Chimerica” — was the principal evidence for the thesis that geopolitics and ideology no longer mattered.
    • Chimerica was held up as an efficient economic fusion that underscored the virtues of economic globalization.
    • However, economic nationalism has re-emerged in both countries today.
    • The US is also strengthening domestic research and industrial capabilities to compete more effectively with China.
    • China too has adopted the economic strategy of “dual circulation” that focuses on strengthening domestic capabilities and reducing exposure to external factors.

    How geopolitical and geoeconomic changes are influencing India’s free trade policies

    • At the end of 2019, India has walked out from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) suggesting that the costs of joining a China-centered regional economic order are unacceptable.
    • Deepening engagement with complementary economies: India’s move towards free trade agreements with countries like Australia, Britain, UAE, and Israel.
    • Domestic orientation: Much like the US and China, India is now taking a number of initiatives to promote domestic manufacturing in a range of sectors under the banner of “Atmanirbhar Bharat”.

    Way forward for India

    • Until now, India had the luxury of treating its foreign, economic, and strategic policies as separate domains.
    • An integrated approach to policies: Adapting to the current global geo-economic churn demands that Delhi finds better ways to integrate its financial, trade, technological, security, and foreign policies.
    • Above all India needs a strategy that can respond to the imperatives of building domestic capabilities, developing geo-economic partnerships, and constructing geopolitical coalitions with like-minded countries.

    Consider the question “How the current geo-political and geo-economic policies are shaping India’s trade policies? Suggest the approach India need to adapt to the structural changes taking place in the global order?” 

    Conclusion

    India’s selective trade arrangements and the policies to promote domestic manufacturing have drawn much criticism. While those arguments must continue, they must be related more closely to the structural changes in the international economic order.

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  • How the Budget can push India’s health system transformation

    Context

    After decades of low government expenditure on health, the Covid pandemic created a societal consensus on the need to strengthen our health system.

    Steps to strengthen our health system

    • The Fifteenth Finance Commission recommended greater investment in rural and urban primary care, a nationwide disease surveillance system extending from the block-level to national institutes, a larger health workforce and the augmentation of critical care capacity of hospitals.
    • The Union budget of 2021 reflected these priorities in a proposed Pradhan Mantri Aatmanirbhar Swasth Bharat Yojana (PMASBY) to be made operational over six years, with a budget of Rs 64,180 crore.
    • Broader vision of health: The Finance Minister also projected a broader vision of health beyond healthcare by merging allocations to water, sanitation, nutrition and air pollution control with the health budget.
    • Under the Ayushman Bharat umbrella the Digital Health Mission was launched in September 2021.
    • The Health Infrastructure Mission, launched in October 2021, was a renamed and augmented version of the PMASBY.
    • These missions join the two other components of Ayushman Bharat launched in 2018.
    • The Comprehensive Primary Health Care (CPHC) component is nested in the National Health Mission (NHM) while the Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PMJAY) is steered by the National Health Authority (NHA).

    Way forward

    • While much of the following needs to be done by the states, the Centre should incentivise and support such efforts by the states.
    • Link synergically: Primary healthcare services under the CPHC and linkage with water, sanitation, nutrition and pollution control programmes will strengthen the capacity of the health system for health promotion and disease prevention.
    • The budget of 2022 must not only fund these missions adequately but indicate how they will link synergically while functioning under different administrative agencies.
    • Allocate more funds: The NHM received only a 9.6 per cent increase in the 2021 budget.
    • PMJAY did not see an increase in allocation last year, because its utilisation for non-Covid care declined sharply in the previous year.
    •  More importantly, limiting cost coverage to hospitalised care reduces the PMJAY’s capacity to significantly lower out-of-pocket expenditure (OOPE) on health, which is driven mostly by outpatient care and expenditure on medicines.
    • Focus on Digital Heath Mission: The Digital Health Mission can enhance efficiency of the health systems in a variety of ways.
    • These include better data collection and analysis, improved medical and health records, efficient supply chain management, tele-health services, support for health workforce training, implementation of health insurance programmes, real time monitoring and sharper evaluation of health programme performance along with effective multi-sectoral coordination.
    • Improve the skill and number of healthcare workers:  We need to increase the numbers and improve the skills of all categories of healthcare providers.
    • While training specialist doctors could take time, the training of frontline workers like Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs) and Auxiliary Nurse Midwives (ANMs) can be done in a shorter time.
    • Upgrade district hospitals: District hospitals need to be upgraded, with greater investment in infrastructure, equipment and staffing.
    • In underserved regions, such district hospitals should be upgraded to become training centres for students of medical, nursing and allied health professional courses.

    Conclusion

    The expanded ambit of health, as defined in last year’s budget, must continue for aligning other sectors to public health objectives. The Union budget of 2022 can add further momentum to our health system transformation.

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  • 30 years of India-Israel Diplomatic Relations

    A recent speech by the PM Modi has marked three decades since New Delhi established formal diplomatic ties with Tel Aviv on January 29, 1992, when P.V. Narasimha Rao was the Prime Minister.

    India-Israel Relation: A Backgrounder

    (I) Recognition of Israel

    • Both nations became independent almost at the same time, in the late 1940s, following a long struggle against British Colonialism.
    • Though India had recognized Israel on September 17, 1950, full-fledged diplomatic relations between the countries were established on January 29, 1992.
    • Their diplomatic relationship was previously based on popular consensus and only much later became official.

    (II) India’s reluctance for extending ties

    • The popular perception of Israel was negative as it was a state formed on religion and analogous to Pakistan.
    • This was because during that time India was a young state that needed to take into account Arab states’ numerical impact at the United Nations.
    • Furthermore, it could not afford to antagonize its Muslim population by establishing ties with a Jewish state.
    • Sympathizing the Palestinian cause is a by-product of these motives.

    (III) India’s shift towards Israel

    • Though India voted against a UN resolution for the creation of Israel, once Israel is created, India officially recognized Israel (in 1950).
    • But full diplomatic ties were established only in 1992.

    Reasons for India prioritizing Israel

    • India’s exclusion from OIC: The formation of an Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in 1969 which neglected the sentiments of Indian Muslims by blocking India’s membership to this group by Pakistan is one of the primary triggers for the change instance.
    • Backing of Kashmir: India has received no backing from the Arab countries on the Kashmir Issue. There have been no serious attempts by the Arab world to put pressure on Pakistan to reign in the cross-border insurgency in Kashmir.
    • Support in crucial wars: Israel supported India during the Indo-Pak wars even before full diplomatic ties were established.
    • India’s US allegiance: With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of the US as a superpower, India started aligning itself with the US, and this further added to our improved relations with Israel.
    • Deviation from NAM: After decades of Non-Alignment and Pro-Arab policy, in 1992 India changed its stance and established full diplomatic ties with Israel.
    • Support at global forums: Israel has always been a vocal supporter of India’s permanent seat in the UNSC.
    • Technology: India’s world-class institutes of higher education could benefit from the strong culture of research and high-end innovation that thrives in Israel.

    Israeli interests in India

    • India presents a massive market for Israel’s manufactured goods and technology.
    • India has for long enjoyed great goodwill among Israel’s citizens as the only country in the world where Jews have not faced anti-Semitism.
    • There are many instances of Jews under Hitler’s persecution finding shelter in India including some that were said to have been facilitated by Nehru.
    • The minuscule Jew community was able to rise to eminence in various fields.
    • Israel cherishes its admirers in India for its ability to thrive in spite of very adverse situations in its short history as an independent nation.

    Collaborations between India and Israel

    [A] Military collaboration

    • Against terrorism: India and Israel have increased collaboration in military ventures since both nations face the threats of rising radical terrorism and separatism.
    • Arms trade: India is the largest buyer of Israeli military equipment and Israel is the second-largest defense supplier to India after Russia.
    • Security: Working groups in areas of border management, internal security and public safety, police modernization, and capacity building for combating crime, crime prevention, and cybercrime were established.
    • Defence R&D: IAI is developing the Barak 8 missile for the Indian Navy and Indian Air Force which is capable of protecting sea vessels and ground facilities from aircraft and cruise missiles.

    [B] Political collaboration

    • Since the up-gradation of relations in 1992, defense and agriculture have become the two main pillars of the bilateral engagement.
    • The political ties have become especially cordial under the Modi Government.
    • In 2017, Prime Minister Modi became the first-ever Indian Prime Minister to visit Israel.

    [C] Agriculture collaboration

    • India has chosen Israel as a strategic partner (G2G) in the field of agriculture.
    • This partnership evolved into the Indo-Israel Agricultural Project (IIAP), under the Indo-Israel Action Plan, based on an MOU signed by Indian and Israeli ministers of Agriculture in 2006.
    • The partnership aims to introduce crop diversity, increase productivity & increase water use efficiency.
    • India has a lot to learn from the dryland agriculture of Israel. The Economic Survey 2016-17 batted for Indo-Israel cooperation in drip-irrigation technologies.

    [D] Economic collaboration

    • India is Israel’s third-largest trading partner in Asia after China and Hong Kong.
    • In recent years, bilateral trade has diversified to include several sectors like pharmaceuticals, agriculture, IT and telecom, and homeland security.
    • Major exports from India to Israel include precious stones and metals, chemical products, textiles, etc.
    • Major imports from Israel include chemicals and mineral products, base metals and machinery, and transport equipment. Potash is a major item of Israel’s exports to India.

    Various deterrents in ties

    • Bilateral Trade and investment still below potential: From just $200 million in 1992, bilateral trade (excluding defense) peaked at about $5 billion in 2012 but since then it has dropped to about $4 billion. Also, bilateral trade has not diversified much—diamonds and chemicals still make up for the large chunk of the pie.
    • Connectivity between the two countries is still poor with just one direct flight from Mumbai 3 times a week and no direct flights from Delhi.
    • Historical retrenchment: India’s consistent support for a sovereign, independent, viable, and united Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, living within secure and recognized borders, side by side, and at peace with Israel and Pro-Arab stance has been a sticky point.
    • Limited People to People ties and cultural differences: Israelis and Indian approach business differently and often find it difficult to get on the same page.
    • India’s support for Palestinian Cause: Though formal ties were established in 1992, the ideological divide resurfaces time and again due to India’s affinity for Palestine.

    Way forward

    • Indian policy appears to be guided primarily by strategic considerations.
    • There is a strong need to use soft power diplomacy to build people-to-people bridges and to add to economic benefits through robust inter-country tourism.
    • The Indian and Israeli markets do not compete with one another but complete one another.
    • A potential quadrilateral with US and UAE can help this relationship soar to new heights.

     

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    Also read:

    Indo-Abrahamic Accord: A new QUAD

  • India-Oman Relations

    India is laying out the red carpet for Oman’s top defence official Mohammed Nasser Al Zaabi, who will be in India for a four-day official visit.

    India-Oman Relations: A Backgrounder

    • The Sultanate of Oman is a strategic partner of India in the Gulf.
    • Both nations are linked by geography, history and culture and enjoy warm and cordial relations.
    • An Indian consulate was opened in Muscat in February 1955 which was upgraded to a consulate general in 1960 and later into a full-fledged embassy in 1971.
    • The first ambassador of India arrived in Muscat in 1973.

    History of the ties

    • Oman, for many years, was ruled by Sultan Qaboos bin Said al Said, who was a friend of India.
    • Sultan Qaboos, the longest-reigning leader of the modern Arab world, died in January ‘2020 at the age of 79.
    • He was a man who was, as a student, taught by Shankar Dayal Sharma who went on to become the President of India.
    • Sultan Qaboos’s father, an alumnus of Ajmer’s Mayo College, sent his son to study in Pune for some time, where he was former President Shankar Dayal Sharma’s student.

    Economic ties

    • Expatriate community: Oman has over five hundred thousand Indian nationals living there making them the largest expatriate community in Oman. They annually remit $780 million to India.
    • Bilateral trade: In 2010, bilateral trade between India and Oman stood at $4.5 billion. India was Oman’s second-largest destination for its non-oil exports and its fourth-largest source for Indian imports.
    • Energy: India has been considering the construction of a 1,100-km-long underwater natural gas pipeline from Oman called the South Asia Gas Enterprise (SAGE).

    Defense cooperation

    Oman is the first Gulf nation to have formalized defense relations with India.

    • Naval cooperation: The Indian Navy has berthing rights in Oman, and has been utilizing Oman’s ports as bases for conducting anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden.
    • Tri-services base: In February 2018, India announced that it had secured access to the facilities at Duqm for the Indian Air Force and the Indian Navy. Duqm had previously served as a port for the INS Mumbai.
    • Arms trade: The standard issue rifle of the Royal Army of Oman is India’s INSAS rifle.
    • Bilateral exercises: Naseem al-Bahr (Arabic for Sea Breeze) is a bilateral maritime exercise between India and Oman. The exercise was first held in 1993.

    Significance of Oman for India

    • Oman is India’s closest defense partner in the Gulf region and an important anchor for India’s defense and strategic interests.
    • It is the only country in the Gulf region with which all three services of the Indian armed forces conduct regular bilateral exercises and staff talks, enabling close cooperation and trust at the professional level.
    • It also provides critical operational support to Indian naval deployments in the Arabian sea for anti-piracy missions.

    Duqm port and its strategic imperative

    • In a strategic move to expand its footprint in the Indian Ocean region, India has secured access to the key Port of Duqm in Oman for military use and logistical support.
    • This is part of India’s maritime strategy to counter Chinese influence and activities in the region.
    • The Port of Duqm is strategically located, in close proximity to the Chabahar port in Iran.
    • With the Assumption Island being developed in Seychelles and Agalega in Mauritius, Duqm fits into India’s proactive maritime security roadmap.
    • In recent years, India had deployed an attack submarine to this port in the western Arabian Sea.

    Deterrent in ties: Chinese influence in Oman

    • China started cultivating ties with the Arab countries following the former Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan.
    • Beijing has cultivated close ties with Oman and the latter was, in fact, the first country to deliver oil to China.
    • As of today, 92.99 per cent of Oman’s oil exports go to China, making China Oman’s largest oil importer.
    • Oman and China signed an agreement to establish an Oman-China Industrial Park at Duqm in 2016.
    • China has identified Oman as a key country in the region and has been enhancing defence ties with it steadily.

    Way forward

    • India does not have enough energy resources to serve its current or future energy requirements. The rapidly growing energy demand has contributed to the need for long term energy partnerships with countries like Oman.
    • Oman’s Duqm Port is situated in the middle of international shipping lanes connecting East with West Asia.
    • India needs to engage with Oman and take initiatives to utilise opportunities arising out of the Duqm Port industrial city.

     

  • Anganwadis should provide early childhood care and education

    Context

    The National Education Policy, 2020 has rightly highlighted the importance of early childhood care and education (ECCE), vital for the young child’s early cognitive, social, and emotional development.

    Need for focus on early childhood care and education (ECCE)

    • The National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) finds only 13.6 per cent of children enrolled in pre-primary schools.
    • With its overriding focus on health and nutrition, ECCE has hitherto been the weakest link of the anganwadi system.
    • Multiple administrative duties have left anganwadi workers with little time for ECCE.
    • A child’s early learning begins at birth, initially through stimulation, play, interactions, non-verbal and verbal communication.
    • Unfortunately, due to a lack of parental awareness compounded by the daily stresses of poverty, disadvantaged households are unable to provide an early learning environment.
    • The existing system at best serves the age group of 3-6 years, ignoring infants and toddlers.

    Way forward

    1] A meaningful ECCE programme in anganwadis

    • A meaningful ECCE programme in anganwadis is not only a more intelligent and cost-effective strategy but is also feasible to implement through seven concerted actions.
    • 1)Activity-based framework which reflect local context: To design and put in place a meaningful activity-based ECCE framework that recognises the ground realities with autonomy to reflect the local context and setting.
    • 2) Remove non-ICDS work: Routine tasks of anganwadi workers can be reduced and non-ICDS work, such as surveys, removed altogether.
    • 3)Extend Anganwadi time: Anganwadi hours can be extended by at least three hours by providing staff with an increase in their present remuneration, with the additional time devoted for ECCE.
    • Karnataka has already taken the lead; its anganwadis work from 9.30 am to 4 pm.
    • This will have the added benefit of serving as partial daycare, enabling poor mothers to earn a livelihood.
    • 4) Change in policy mindset: ICDS needs a change in policy mindset, both at central and state levels, by prioritising and monitoring ECCE.
    • 5) Engagement with parents: Anganwadi workers must be re-oriented to closely engage with parents, as they play a crucial role in the cognitive development of young children.
    • Responsive parenting requires both parents to play an active role in ECCE activities at home; therefore, anganwadi workers should be asked to consciously engage with fathers too.
    • Appropriate messaging and low-cost affordable teaching materials can be designed and made accessible to parents.
    • 6) Activity-based play material: ICDS must supply age-appropriate activity-based play material in adequate quantities regularly, and anganwadi workers encouraged to utilise them in a liberal manner.
    • 7) Invest in research and training: States should invest in research and training to support early childhood education, and ensure that the ECCE programme is not a downward extension of school education.

    2] Pre-primary sections in government primary schools

    • Some educationists have suggested that owing to the high workload of anganwadi workers, ECCE in anganwadis would remain a non-starter.
    • Therefore, all government primary schools should open pre-primary sections, with anganwadis limiting themselves to the 0-3 age group.
    • Challenges: It would require a massive outlay to build over a million classrooms with a million nursery teachers and helpers — even a conservative estimate would put the additional annual outlay at over Rs 30,000 crore.
    • Moreover, with child stunting levels at 35 per cent in India, would children enrolled in pre-schools would require supplementary nutrition and health monitoring.
    • This would overburden the nursery teacher.

    Conclusion

    Nearly 1.4 million anganwadis of the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) across India must provide ECCE for the millions of young children in low-income households.

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  • Electoral bond scheme

    Context

    Ever since its introduction, the electoral bond scheme has envenomed the democratic process, by destroying altogether any notion of transparency in political funding.

    Issue of anonymity in electoral bond

    • The electoral bond scheme is designed to allow an individual, or any “artificial juridical person”, including body corporates, to purchase bonds issued by the State Bank of India during notified periods of time.
    • These instruments are issued in the form of promissory notes, and in denominations ranging from ₹1,000 to ₹1 crore.
    • Once purchased, the buyer can donate the bond to any political party of their choice and the party can then encash it on demand.

    Supreme Court’s opinion

    • The Supreme Court has allowed the scheme to continue unabated and has denied an interim stay on its operation.
    • In one such provisional order, the Court asserted that the bonds were not, in fact, anonymous.
    • According to the Court, since both the purchase and the encashment of bonds are made through banking channels, all it would take for a person to glean the identity of a donor was for her to look through every corporation’s financial statement — these records, the Court said, ought to be available with the Registrar of Companies.
    • What the order ignored was that there is no attendant obligation on political parties to provide details to the public on each donation received by them through electoral bonds.
    • Companies are also under no obligation to disclose the name of the party to whom they made the donation.

    Violation of voter’s right

    •  The Supreme Court has consistently held that voters have a right to freely express themselves during an election and that they are entitled to all pieces of information that give purpose and vigour to this right.
    • Surely, to participate in the electoral process in a meaningful manner and to choose one’s votes carefully, a citizen must know the identity of those backing the candidates.

    Electoral bond does not eliminate the role of black money in funding elections

    • As affidavits filed by the Election Commission of India in the Supreme Court have demonstrated, the scheme, if anything, augments the potential role of black money in elections.
    • It does so by, among other things, removing existing barriers against shell entities and dying concerns from donating to political parties.
    • Moreover, even if the bonds were meant to eliminate the presence of unaccounted currency, it is difficult to see what nexus the decision to provide complete anonymity of the donor bears to this objective.
    • It is for this reason that the Reserve Bank of India reportedly advised the Government against the scheme’s introduction.

    Conclusion

    The worries over the electoral bond scheme, however, go beyond its patent unconstitutionality. This is because in allowing anonymity it befouls the basis of our democracy and prevents our elections from being truly free and fair.

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