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GS Paper: GS2

  • Judiciary and criminalisation in politics

    This article discusses the issue of criminalisation in politics and the reasons for its persistence despite several judgements by the Supreme Courts to deal with the issue.

    The Feb 2020 SC order

    • In a February 2020 judgement the Supreme Court has asked the political parties to state the reasons for the selection of candidates.
    • The Court also asked to specify as also as to why other individuals without criminal antecedents could not be selected as candidates.
    • If a political party fails to comply, it would be “… in contempt of this Court’s orders/directions.”
    • The political party and its leadership would for the first time have to publicly own up to criminalisation of politics.
    • The judgment notes that “ in 2019 as many as 43% of MPs had criminal cases pending against them”.
    •  India is the only democratic country with a free press where we find a problem of this dimension.

    What did the earlier orders require?

    • (a) each candidate shall submit a sworn affidavit giving financial details and criminal cases.
    • (b) each candidate shall inform the political party in writing of criminal cases against him or her.
    • (c) the party shall put up on its website and on social media as well as publish in newspapers the names and details of such candidates.

    Why the problem persists

    • Survey after survey show that people around the country are unhappy with the quality of governance.
    • Given limited choices, they vote as best as they can.
    • Meanwhile, electoral bonds bring secrecy back into political funding.
    • Several laws and court judgments have not helped much, as the data show.
    • There lack of enforcement of laws and judgments.
    • It is also not clear what penalty would be imposed if the recent orders are not followed.

    Way forward

    •  Monitoring the affidavits of candidates can help in compliance.
    • Working with the EC to ensure that information is promptly available on their websites.
    • Widely circulating this information to voters using all the social media tools available.
    • Monitoring the compliance with the Supreme Court judgment to see if details of tainted candidates are promptly put up on their websites, and on their social media handles, along with proper reasons for giving them ticket.
    • Voters also need to be vigilant about misuse of money, gifts and other inducements during elections.
    • The waters will be muddied with fake news, trolling, and fanciful claims, concerted efforts to tackle the menace of fake news are required.

    Consider the question “Despite several judgements from the Supreme Court the issue of criminalisation in politics still persists. Examine the reasons for the persistence of the issues. Suggest the measures to deal with the issues.”

    Conclusion

    we may not see dramatic changes in the quality of candidates. Campaigns may continue to be more and more personal and even abusive. But all these steps are required, however insignificant they may seem.

    Original link

    https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/owning-up-to-criminalisation-in-politics/article32035186.ece

  • International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)

    United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteurs have made public their third communication forwarded to India expressing concern over alleged excessive use of force, ill-treatment during arrests and detentions.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.There is an urgent need for reforming the criminal justice system in India in light of rising cases of custodial torture and killings. Comment.

    What is the issue?

    The UN urged the Indian government to conduct a prompt and impartial investigation into the allegations of arbitrary killings, torture and ill-treatment and to prosecute suspected perpetrators under articles 6 and of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and articles 7 and 12 of the Committee Against Torture (CAT).

    What are the conventions cited by the UN?

    1) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)

    • The ICCPR is a multilateral treaty adopted by UN General Assembly Resolution on 16 December 1966, and in force from 23 March 1976.
    • The covenant commits its parties to respect the civil and political rights of individuals, including the right to life, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, electoral rights and rights to due process and a fair trial.
    • As of September 2019, the Covenant has 173 parties and six more signatories without ratification.
    • It is part of the International Bill of Human Rights, along with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).
    • It is monitored by the UN Human Rights Committee (a separate body to the UN Human Rights Council).

    2) United Nations Convention Against Torture (UNCAT)

    • The UNCAT is an international human rights treaty, under the review of the UN and was adopted in 1984.
    • It aims to prevent torture and other acts of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment around the world.
    • The convention requires states to take effective measures to prevent torture in any territory under their jurisdiction and forbids states to transport people to any country where there is reason to believe they will be tortured.
    • Since the convention’s entry into force, the absolute prohibition against torture and other acts of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment has become accepted as a principle of customary international law.

    3) The Committee against Torture (CAT)

    • It is a body of human rights experts that monitors implementation of the Convention by State parties.
    • The Committee is one of eight UN-linked human rights treaty bodies.
    • All state parties are obliged under the Convention to submit regular reports to the CAT on how rights are being implemented.
    • Upon ratifying the Convention, states must submit a report within one year, after which they are obliged to report every four years.
    • The Committee examines each report and addresses its concerns and recommendations to the State party in the form of “concluding observations.”
    • Under certain circumstances, the CAT may consider complaints or communications from individuals claiming that their rights under the Convention have been violated.

  • UAE in support of Open Skies Agreement with India

    The UAE is keen to have an open sky agreement with India.

    Open Skies Agreement! Look how confusing does it sound compared to the Open Skies Treaty between the US and Russia.

    What is the Open Skies Agreement?

    • The National Civil Aviation Policy, 2016, allows the government to enter into an ‘open sky’ air services agreement on a reciprocal basis with SAARC nations as well as countries beyond a 5,000-kilometre radius from New Delhi.
    • This implies that nations within this distance need to enter into a bilateral agreement and mutually determine the number of flights that their airlines can operate between the two countries.
    • India has open sky agreements with Japan, Greece, Jamaica, Guyana, Czech Republic, Finland, Spain and Sri Lanka.
    • India also has an open sky agreement with the US, among other countries.

    Why UAE wants such an agreement with India?

    • There are about 1,068 flights a week between India and the UAE operated by the airlines of the two countries under the bilateral Air Service Agreement.
    • India has open skies policy with SAARC countries and those beyond the 5,000-km radius.
    • UAE wants India to revisit this policy.

    Must read:

    U.S. set to exit the ‘Open Skies Treaty’ Copy

  • Rewriting the social contract to deal with the pandemic

    The article examines the theoretical basis on which the governments exercise power. That basis is encapsulated in the ‘social contract theory’. The role of government, however, came under the scanner in the pandemic in which the impact of pandemic was different for the different people.

    Social contract theory: Then and now

    • In the course of evolution, formed the concept of social groups and resultant rules they would abide by.
    • This is the most rudimentary form of what is known as the ‘social contract theory’.
    • When monarchies and empires prevailed, it was easy to understand a social contract.
    • But democratically elected governments have found it more difficult to derive the same legitimacy.
    • Modern society and modern governments also use the social contract theory to claim legitimacy for their actions.
    • The social contract comprises people agreeing to live as one under common laws and in enforcing those common laws justly.

    Modern-day governments’ approach

    • Modern-day governments fundamental credo is that society is best served if a government takes on an executive or sovereign power, with the consent of the people.
    • Governments also use the power democratically invested in them to decide what is in the best interest of the people.
    • Thus, there is a bending of individual free will towards the collective will.
    • So, the social contract is being used by modern governments to justify greater aggrandisement of power in the hands of the sovereign.

    Governments role in pandemic and social contract

    • The novel coronavirus pandemic has laid bare the falsity of this image.
    • Access to information about this pandemic has not been equal.
    • Access to resources to avoid the disease has not been equal.
    • And, of course, access to treatment has not been equal.
    • All this led to uneven impact of the pandemic on people belonging to the different strata of the society.

    Inequality and the impact of pandemic

    •  All societies have some measure of inequality.
    • However, in deeply unequal societies, where the Gini Coefficient exceeds 0.4, for instance, different strata of society will have very different needs to deal with a crisis of this nature.
    • We have seen societies with lower Gini Coefficients deal with the crisis far better.
    • This is because a uniform approach works perfectly when society is perfectly equal.

    Centralised or decentralised approach: Which is better to deal with pandemic?

    • The social contract which imbues a centralised sovereign with overreaching powers has clearly failed on this occasion.
    • The centralised sovereign will work well against a mighty external aggressor, but not against a microscopic pathogen.
    • What is required is not just a decentralised approach but also a state which is sensitive.

    Consider the question “The COVID pandemic has impacted the people with varying intensity and its impact was more on societies with more inequality. This highlights the centrality of the government. Critically examine.”

    Conclusion

    The novel coronavirus cannot be defeated by a centralised government. COVID-19 can only be defeated by an empowered populace. The social contract requires to be rewritten. It does not require anything drastic such as a revolution or anarchy. Rather, it only needs fundamental introspection and rethinking by the governing classes including bureaucrats.

    Oped-snap

    https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/the-social-contract-needs-to-be-rewritten/article32025342.ece

  • Postal Ballots in Elections

    The Election Commission has announced that it will allow those above the age of 65 as well as those under home or institutional quarantine to vote using postal ballots during the Bihar elections. Opposition parties are unhappy with the move and termed it unconstitutional.

    Try this question from CSP 2017:

    Q.Consider the following statements:

    1. The Election Commission of India is a five-member body.
    2. Union Ministry of Home Affairs decides the election schedule for the conduct of both general elections and bye-elections.
    3. Election Commission resolves the disputes relating to splits/mergers of recognized political parties.

    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) 2 only

    (c) 2 and 3 only

    (d) 3 only

    What is Postal Voting?

    • A restricted set of voters can exercise postal voting.
    • Through this facility, a voter can cast her vote remotely by recording her preference on the ballot paper and sending it back to the election officer before counting.

    Who can avail of this facility?

    • Members of the armed forces like the Army, Navy and Air Force, members of the armed police force of a state (serving outside the state), government employees posted outside India and their spouses are entitled to vote only by post.
    • In other words, they can’t vote in person. Voters under preventive detention can also vote only by post.
    • Special voters such as the President of India, Vice President, Governors, Union Cabinet ministers, Speaker of the House and government officers on poll duty have the option to vote by post.
    • But they have to apply through a prescribed form to avail this facility.

    What about absentee voters?

    • Recently, the Law Ministry, at the Election Commission’s behest, introduced a new category of ‘absentee voters’, who can now also opt for postal voting.
    • These are voters employed in essential services and unable to cast their vote due to their service conditions.
    • Currently, officials of the Delhi Metro Rail Corporation, Northern Railway (Passenger and Freight) Services and media persons are notified as absentee voters.
    • Last month, senior citizens above the age of 65 and voters who test positive for COVID19 or are suspected to be COVID-affected were allowed to cast their vote by post.

    How are votes recorded by post?

    • The Returning Officer is supposed to print ballot papers within 24 hours of the last date of nomination withdrawal and dispatch them within a day.
    • This is done so that the ballot papers reach the concerned voter well before the polling date and she has enough time to send it back before the counting day.
    • Postal ballot papers for members of the Armed Forces are sent through their record offices.
    • For members of the armed police force of a state (serving outside the state), government employees posted outside India and their spouses, the ballot paper can be sent through post or electronically.
    • For remaining categories ballot papers can be delivered personally or through the post.

    Why political parties are divided over postal ballots?

    • Opposition parties are not against postal ballots.
    • They have objected to the EC’s decision to allow voters aged 65 and above and those infected or suspected to be infected with COVID19 to vote via postal ballots.
    • This change was effected without consulting political parties.
    • They fear that the move will lead to malpractices and foul play by those parties which are in power and having resources.

    Issues with the recent move

    • Allowing those aged 65 and above to vote by postal ballot violates secrecy in voting as a large segment of the population is uneducated and they might seek assistance from others.
    • This will end up disclosing their preferred candidate.
    • This also exposes them to “administrative influence or influence by the Government or the ruling party”.

  • Patrolling Points along LAC

    The standoffs between Indian and Chinese troops in Ladakh on the Line of Actual Control (LAC), where initial steps towards disengagement have taken place, are around a number of patrolling points or PPs in Galwan, Hot Springs and Gogra areas.

    Do you know?

    The Galwan River flows from the Aksai Chin region occupied by China in the UT of Ladakh.  It originates in the area of Samzungling on the eastern side of the Karakoram Range and flows west to join the Shyok River.  It is one of the upstream tributaries of the Indus River.

    What exactly are Patrolling Points?

    • PPs are patrolling points identified and marked on the LAC, which are patrolled with a stipulated frequency by the security forces.
    • They serve as a guide to the location of the LAC for the soldiers, acting as indicators of the extent of ‘actual control’ exercised on the territory by India.
    • By regularly patrolling up to these PPs, the Indian side is able to establish and assert its physical claim about the LAC.

    Are all the Patrolling Points numbered?

    • Some of the PPs are prominent and identifiable geographical features, such as a pass, or a nala junction where no numerals are given.
    • Only those PPs, where there are no prominent features, are numbered as in the case of PP14 in Galwan Valley.

    Do all Patrolling Points fall on the LAC?

    • Mostly, yes. Except for the Depsang plains in northern Ladakh, where PP10, PP11, PP11A, PP12 and PP13 – from Raki Nala to Jivan Nala – do not fall on the LAC.
    • These are short of the LAC, on the Indian side.

    Are these Patrolling Points not manned?

    • The PPs are not posts and thus not manned. Unlike on the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan, the border with China is not physically held by the Army all along.
    • They are just physical markers on the ground, chosen for their location and have no defensive potential or tactical importance for the Army.

    How is the claim asserted on LAC?

    • The claim is asserted by the Army or joint Army-ITBP patrols as they show more visible presence in these areas.
    • This is done by physically visiting PPs with a higher frequency, as the deployment has moved closer to the LAC and due to improved infrastructure.
    • As the Chinese may not see when the Indian patrols visit these PPs, they will leave come cigarette packets or food tins with Indian markings behind.
    • That lets the Chinese know that Indian soldiers had visited the place, which indicates that India was in control of these areas.

    Who has given these Patrolling Points?

    • These PPs have been identified by the high-powered China Study Group, starting from 1975 when patrolling limits for Indian forces were specified.
    • It is based on the LAC after the government accepted the concept in 1993, which is also marked on the maps with the Army in the border areas.
    • But the frequency of patrolling to PPs is not specified by the CSG – it is finalised by the Army Headquarters in New Delhi, based on the recommendations made by the Army and ITBP.

    PP under dispute

    • PPs 10 to 13 in Depsang sector, PP14 in Galwan, PP15 in Hot Spring, and PP17 and PP17A in Gogra are currently being disputed by both sides, where the standoffs have taken place in the past nine weeks.

  • [pib] Affordable Rental Housing Complexes (AHRCs) for Urban Migrants / Poor

    The Union Cabinet has given its approval for developing of Affordable Rental Housing Complexes (AHRCs). for urban migrants  / poor.

    Try this question from CSP 2015:

    “Pradhan Mantri Jan-Dhan Yojna’ has been launched for

    (a) Providing housing loan to poor people at cheaper interest rates

    (b) Promoting women’s Self-Help Groups in backward areas

    (c) Promoting financial inclusion in the country

    (d) Providing financial help to the marginalized communities

    AHRC

    • It is a sub-scheme under PM Awas Yojana – Urban.
    • Under the scheme, existing vacant government-funded housing complexes will be converted in ARHCs through Concession Agreements for 25 years.
    • The concessionaire will make the complexes livable by repair/retrofit and maintenance of rooms and filling up infrastructure gaps like water, sewer/ septage, sanitation, road etc.
    • States/UTs will select concessionaire through transparent bidding.
    • Complexes will revert to ULB after 25 years to restart next cycle like earlier or run on their own.

    Beneficiaries of the scheme

    • A large part of the workforce in manufacturing industries, service providers in hospitality, health, domestic/commercial establishments, and construction or other sectors, labourers, students etc. who come from rural areas or small towns seeking better opportunities will be the target beneficiary under ARHCs.

    Benefits of AHRCs

    • Usually, these migrants live in slums, informal/ unauthorized colonies or peri-urban areas to save rental charges.
    • They spend a lot of time on roads by walking/ cycling to workplaces, risking their lives to cut on the expenses.
    • ARHCs will create a new ecosystem in urban areas making housing available at affordable rent close to the place of work.
    • Investment under ARHCs is expected to create new job opportunities.
    • ARHCs will cut down unnecessary travel, congestion and pollution.

    Back2Basics: Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY)

    PMAY-Urban

    The PMAY- Urban Programme launched by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation (MoHUPA), in Mission mode envisions provision of Housing for All by 2022. The Mission seeks to address the housing requirement of urban poor including slum dwellers through following programme verticals:

    • Slum rehabilitation of Slum Dwellers with participation of private developers using land as a resource
    • Promotion of Affordable Housing for weaker section through credit linked subsidy
    • Affordable Housing in Partnership with Public & Private sectors
    • Subsidy for beneficiary-led individual house construction /enhancement.

    PMAY-Rural

    • In pursuance to the goal – Housing for all by 2022, the rural housing scheme Indira Awas Yojana has been revamped to Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana – Gramin and approved during March 2016.
    • Under the scheme, financial assistance is provided for construction of a pucca house to all houseless and households living in dilapidated houses.
    • It is proposed that one crore households would be provided assistance for construction of pucca house under the project during the period from 2016-17 to 2018-19.
    • The scheme would be implemented in rural areas throughout India except for Delhi and Chandigarh. The cost of houses would be shared between the Centre and States.

  • [pib] Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana

    The Union Cabinet has approved the extension of Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY) as part of Economic Response to COVID-19, for another five months from July to November 2020.

    Practice question for mains:

    Q.Discuss how the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana has helped to ensure food security to the vulnerable sections of India during the Covid-19 induced lockdown period.

    PM- Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana

    • Under the scheme it is proposed to distribute 9.7 Lakh MT cleaned whole Chana to States/UTs for distribution to all beneficiary households under the National Food Security Act, 2013 (NFSA).
    • Thus it would 1kg per month free of cost under for the next five months -July to November 2020.
    • All expenses on the extended PMGKAY are to be borne by the Central Government.
    • About 19.4 crore households would be covered under the Scheme.

    Benefits of the scheme

    • Extension of the scheme is in line with the commitments of the GOI to allow anybody, especially any poor family, to suffer on account of non-availability of food grains due to disruption during next five months.
    • Free distribution of whole Chana will also ensure adequate availability of protein to all the above-mentioned individuals during these five months.

  • What India should do as a stakeholder in South China Sea

    There is growing pushback from the South China Sea littoral countries against Chinese aggressive behaviour. And as a stakeholder, India should consider the options to assert its rights there.

    Legality of China’s ‘nine-dash line’

    • The Philippines invoked the dispute settlement mechanism of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in 2013.
    • Philippines contest the legality of China’s ‘nine-dash line’ regarding the disputed Spratlys.
    • In response, the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) at The Hague decreed that the line had “no legal basis.”
    • China dismissed the judgment as “null and void.”
    • China dismissed the award as “a political farce under the pretext of law.”

    Let’s analyse the PCA verdict

    • Verdict held that none of the features of the Spratlys qualified them as islands.
    • There was no legal basis for China to claim historic rights.
    • The UNCLOS provides that islands must sustain habitation and the capacity for non-extractive economic activity.
    • Verdict implied that China violated the Philippines Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).

    How ASEAN countries are dealing with China

    • Given the power equations, the Philippines did not press for enforcement of the award and acquiesced in the status quo.
    • Not one country challenged China, which agreed to settle disputes bilaterally, and to continue work on a Code of Conduct with countries of the ASEAN.
    • In reality, there is a growing discontent against China.
    • While avoiding military confrontation with China, they are seeking political insurance, strengthening their navies, and deepening their military relationships with the U.S.
    • The Philippines and the ASEAN’s protest is new for China.
    • This does China little credit, and points to its growing isolation.

    Instances of  pushback from ASEAN countries

    • Indonesia protested to China about Chinese vessels trespassing into its waters close to the Nantua islands.
    • The Philippines protested to China earlier this year about violations of Filipino sovereignty in the West Philippine Sea.
    • It also extended the Visiting Forces Agreement with the U.S. which is a strategic setback for China.
    • The Philippines also wrote to the UN Secretary-General (UNSG) in March disputing China’s claim of “historic rights in the South China Sea.”
    • Indonesia too wrote to the UNSG on this issue.
    • It expressed support for compliance with international law, particularly the UNCLOS, as also for the PCA’s 2016 ruling.

    India as a stakeholder

    • India’s foreign and security policy in its larger neighbourhood covers the entire expanse of the Asia-Pacific and extends to the Persian Gulf and West Asia.
    • India straddles, and is the fulcrum of, the region between the Suez and Shanghai.
    • The South China Sea carries merchandise to and from India.
    • It follows that India has a stake in the SCS, just as China has in the Indian Ocean.

    What should be India’s response

    • India must continue to actively pursue its defence diplomacy outreach in the Indo-Pacific region.
    • As a part of this outreach, India should increase military training and conduct exercises and exchanges at a higher level of complexity.
    • India should extend Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief activities.
    • India should share patrolling of the Malacca Strait with the littoral countries.
    • The Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships could be extended to Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Singapore.
    • India must also strengthen the military capacity of the tri-service Andaman and Nicobar Command. 

    Consider the question “The South China Sea is important not just to its littoral countries but to the others as well. But China’s growing inclination to change the status quo there harms the interests of other stakeholders. In light of this suggest the relevant options that India could exercise.”

    Conclusion

    As a stakeholder in the South China Sea India must explore all the options at its disposal and try to foster respect for international law and rules-based global order.

    Back2Basics: Nine-dash line

     

  • Analysing the impact of reservation

    Provision of reservation has helped in correcting the historical injustice in some way. However, the recent decline in government jobs and policy changes could undermine the provision of reservation.

    How reservation helped SCs and OBCs: Some figures

    • In the Central Administrative Services, SCs reached 14 per cent of the Class C in 1984.
    • They reached 14.3 per cent of Class B in 2003.
    • In Class C,13.3 per cent in 2015.
    • In the Central Public Sector Enterprises (CPSEs), their proportion rose from 14.6 per cent in 2004 to 18.1 per cent in 2014.
    • In parallel, the SCs’ literacy rate jumped from 21.38 per cent in 1981 to 66.1 per cent in 2011.
    •  After the Mandal Commission report was implemented, OBCs started to benefit from it.
    • In 2013, OBCs – 52 per cent of India’s population according to the Mandal report – represented 8.37 per cent of Class A in the Central Government Services, 10.01 per cent of Class B and 17.98 per cent of Class C.
    • Their percentage in the CPSEs jumped from 16.6 per cent in 2004 to 28.5 per cent in 2014.

    Number of jobs declining

    • First, the number of vacancies has surged, from 5.5 lakh in 2006 to 7.5 lakh in 2014 so far as central government employment is concerned.
    • Second, the total number of employees has dropped between 2003 and 2012, from 32.69 lakh to 26.30 lakh in the Central Government Services.
    • The number of Dalits benefiting from reservations has been reduced by 16 per cent from 5.40 lakh to 4.55 lakh.
    • While the number of OBCs benefiting from reservations had jumped from 14.89 lakh in 2008 to 23.55 lakh in 2012, it has dropped to 23.38 lakh the year after.
    • Reservations have also been undermined by lateral entry into the bureaucracy.
    • This new procedure undermined the reservations system because the quotas did not apply.

    Judgements that affect the idea of reservation

    • In one judgment the UGC was allowed to shift the unit of provision of reservations from a university as a whole to the departmental level.
    • Such a shift has reduced the quantum of reserved seats and restricted the entry of lower castes.
    • Small departments, where vacancies are few, would be indivisible — thereby no seats would be reserved.
    • As a result, only 2.5 per cent posts were reserved for SCs, none for STs and 8 per cent for OBCs.
    • However, the impact of the ordinance and the subsequent Bill passed by the Parliament in March and July 2019, reversing the Supreme Court’s judgment, is yet to be seen.
    • In another judgement, Supreme Court ruled that reservation in job promotions was not a fundamental right.
    • This ruling undermined the effect of an amendment to the Constitution that had been introduced by the Narasimha Rao government in 1995 and that had resulted in article 16(4A).
    • Article 16(4A) had circumvented a facet of the 1992 decision of the Supreme Court to allow reservation for SCs and STs in promotions.
    • In 2001 the 85th amendment extended the benefit of reservations in favour of the SCs/STs in matters of promotion with consequential seniority.
    • This time, in 2020, the Government of India has decided not to contest the decision of the Supreme Court.

    Policy changes that affect the reservation

    • The National Commission for Backward Classes has issued a notice to the health ministry complaining that the post-Mandal 27 per cent quota was not implemented systematically.
    • The funds earmarked for Dalit education in the Indian budget were reduced by the previous government.
    • While this budget item, within the Special Component Plan is supposed to be proportional to the demographic weight of the Dalits, 16.6 per cent, it fluctuated between 9 and 6.5 per cent.

    Conclusion

    Reservations have been one of the most effective techniques of positive discrimination in India and helped in the goal of delivering social justice. So, any policy that affects it must be reconsidered.

    Original link

    https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/reservation-in-india-privatisation-push-nirmals-sitharaman-backward-castes-6494931/