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GS Paper: GS2

  • [10th December 2025] The Hindu OpED: Charting an agenda on the right to health

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2021]“Besides being a moral imperative of a Welfare State, primary health structure is a necessary precondition for sustainable development.” Analyse. 

    Linkage: This question is relevant to GS II (Social Justice – Health) as it focuses on the state’s welfare responsibility through primary healthcare. It links to the right to health and sustainable development, highlighting the need for strong public health systems over market-led models.

    Mentor’s Comment

    This article analyses the National Convention on Health Rights and its significance in reframing health care as a rights-based public good. It highlights systemic failures in public health financing, privatisation-driven inequities, medicine access barriers, and workforce distress, while foregrounding the demand for a legally enforceable right to health in India.

    Why in the News

    The National Convention on Health Rights (December 11-12) is being held in New Delhi, coinciding with Human Rights Day and Universal Health Coverage Day, bringing together 400+ health professionals, community leaders, and activists from over 20 states. It is significant as it attempts a post-COVID national reset of India’s health policy discourse, challenging the long-standing trend of commercialisation and privatisation of health care. The convention highlights a stark contradiction: while health crises have intensified, public health spending remains at just 2% of the Union Budget, with per capita public spending at only ₹25 per day, forcing households into high out-of-pocket expenditure. The event is notable for explicitly framing health as a justiciable right, not merely a welfare objective.

    Introduction

    India’s health system stands at a crossroads where rising private sector dominance, weak public provisioning, and inequitable access coexist with constitutional commitments to dignity and equality. The National Convention on Health Rights seeks to reclaim health care as a public responsibility by addressing structural distortions exposed during the COVID-19 pandemic and by proposing an alternative rights-based framework.

    Privatisation and the Erosion of Public Health Systems

    1. Privatisation of Services: Expansion of public-private partnerships has transferred medical colleges and health facilities to private entities, weakening public capacity and oversight.
    2. Cost Escalation: Commercial health care has made treatment unaffordable for large sections dependent on public provisioning.
    3. Regional Resistance: Movements in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat highlight citizen-led opposition to health sector privatisation.
    4. Regulatory Gaps: The Clinical Establishments Act, 2010 remains weakly implemented, allowing opaque pricing and unnecessary medical procedures, including excessive caesarean sections.

    Inadequate Public Financing and Insurance-Centric Models

    1. Budgetary Allocation: Public health receives only 2% of the Union Budget, insufficient for universal access.
    2. Out-of-Pocket Expenditure: Low public spending results in high household health costs, deepening poverty.
    3. Insurance Dependence: Government-sponsored insurance schemes prioritise hospitalisation rather than preventive and primary care.
    4. Structural Limitation: Insurance-based models fail to strengthen health systems or reduce systemic inequities.

    Health Workforce Crisis and Structural Injustice

    1. Pandemic Exposure: COVID-19 highlighted the indispensable role of doctors, nurses, paramedics, and support staff.
    2. Workplace Insecurity: Health workers face inadequate social security, unsafe working conditions, and poor remuneration.
    3. Justice Deficit: The convention stresses the absence of legal and institutional mechanisms to protect health workers’ rights.
    4. Systemic Link: Workforce distress directly undermines service quality and system resilience.

    Access to Medicines and Regulatory Barriers

    1. Household Burden: Medicines constitute nearly 50% of household medical spending, making them the most significant cost driver.
    2. Market Distortions: Irrational fixed-dose combinations, unethical marketing, and high retail mark-ups inflate prices.
    3. Policy Barriers: Patent regimes, regulatory gaps, and GST on medicines limit affordability.
    4. Public Manufacturing: Strengthening public sector drug production is identified as critical for universal access.

    Social Discrimination and Health Inequities

    1. Structural Exclusion: Caste, gender, disability, and sexuality shape access to health care.
    2. Marginalised Groups: Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims, LGBTQ+ persons, persons with disabilities, and those living with HIV face systemic discrimination.
    3. Intersectional Determinants: Food security, environmental pollution, and climate change exacerbate health vulnerabilities.
    4. Rights Framework: Non-discrimination is positioned as central to the right to health.

    Reimagining Health Care as a Fundamental Right

    1. Public Provisioning: Emphasis on strong, decentralised, community-led public health systems.
    2. Participatory Governance: Inclusive planning and local accountability mechanisms strengthen service delivery.
    3. Legal Anchoring: Health care framed as an enforceable fundamental right rather than a discretionary policy choice.
    4. Political Engagement: Parliamentary dialogue sought to translate convention outcomes into policy reform.

    Conclusion

    The National Convention on Health Rights articulates a coherent alternative to market-driven health care by grounding access, affordability, and equity within a rights-based public framework. It reinforces the principle that health systems must serve people rather than profits.

  • Why India is not ‘dumping’ rice in the US as Trump says

    Introduction

    The claim that India is “dumping” rice in the US market has resurfaced amid renewed India-US trade negotiations. However, trade data, export composition, and tariff structures indicate that India’s rice exports to the US are neither large in volume nor price-distorting. The issue assumes significance as it intersects with US protectionism, agricultural trade sensitivities, and India’s broader export strategy.

    Nature of the Allegation and Its Context

    1. Political Assertion: The allegation of rice dumping was raised by US President Donald Trump while justifying potential tariff actions against Indian exports.
    2. Negotiation Backdrop: The statement coincides with the restart of India-US trade talks involving the US Trade Representative and India’s chief negotiator.
    3. Trade Sensitivity: Agricultural trade remains among the most politically sensitive sectors in US trade policy.

    Scale of India’s Rice Exports to the US

    1. Limited Export Share: The US accounts for a marginal share of India’s rice exports.
    2. Export Value: India exported rice worth $337.1 million to the US in 2024-25.
    3. Global Comparison: Major destinations include Saudi Arabia, Iran, UAE, Yemen, and African countries, all importing far larger volumes than the US.
    4. Import Dependence: The US is not a major rice producer but exports more rice than it imports.

    Composition of Exports and Price Dynamics

    1. Premium Product Profile: India’s exports to the US are dominated by basmati rice, a high-value, niche product.
    2. Price Differential: Basmati rice exported to the US is priced at $900-1,125 per tonne, compared to $700-800 per tonne for non-basmati.
    3. Market Positioning: Such pricing negates the economic logic of dumping, which requires below-cost sales.
    4. Consumer Segment: Exports cater primarily to ethnic and gourmet markets rather than mass consumption.

    Non-Basmati Exports and Market Structure

    1. Negligible Share: Non-basmati rice exports to the US are minimal, accounting for a small fraction of total exports.
    2. Primary Markets: Africa and parts of Asia dominate India’s non-basmati rice trade.
    3. Trade Pattern: Countries such as Benin, Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, and Bangladesh import substantially larger volumes.

    Tariff Structure and Impact on Indian Exports

    1. Existing Tariffs: Indian rice already faces US tariffs, limiting competitiveness.
    2. Potential Tariff Hike: Trump has reiterated the possibility of imposing additional tariffs across sectors.
    3. Marginal Impact: Analysts predict note that tariffs may not significantly affect rice exports due to their niche positioning.
    4. Trade Balance Shift: India’s trade surplus with the US has declined from $35.7 billion (FY23) to $31.7 billion (FY25).

    Broader Trade Negotiations and Strategic Signals

    1. Negotiation Progress: Both sides expect a breakthrough due to sustained engagement.
    2. Strategic Context: The trade talks are also shaped by US efforts to rebalance supply chains and counter China.
    3. Indian Leverage: India’s diversified export basket and regulated agricultural exports strengthen its negotiating position.

    Conclusion

    The allegation of rice dumping lacks empirical support when examined against export volumes, pricing structures, and product composition. India’s rice exports to the US are limited, premium-priced, and non-disruptive. The issue reflects broader protectionist pressures rather than a genuine trade distortion, underscoring the importance of data-driven engagement in India-US trade negotiations.

    Rice in India: Key Value-Addition Statistics 

    Area, Production and Yield

    1. Area under rice: ~ 44 million hectares, about 23-24% of India’s gross cropped area.
    2. Production: ~ 135-138 million tonnes (record levels in recent years).
    3. Yield: ~ 3.9-4.1 tonnes per hectare, lower than China but improving due to HYVs and irrigation.
    4. Seasonal spread: Dominantly kharif crop, with rabi rice significant in eastern and southern India.

    Basmati vs Non-Basmati Rice

    • Basmati rice:
    • Area: ~ 1.5-1.6 million hectares
    • Share in production: ~ 4-5%
    • Share in export value: 25-30% (premium pricing)
    • Price: Significantly higher than non-basmati
    • Non-basmati rice:
    • Area: ~ 42 million hectares
    • Backbone of domestic food security
    • Accounts for bulk of export volume, especially to Africa and Asia

    Major Rice-Producing States

    1. West Bengal: largest producer
    2. Uttar Pradesh: second largest
    3. Punjab: high productivity; major surplus state
    4. Andhra Pradesh & Telangana: export-oriented surplus
    5. Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, Assam: major contributors.
    6. Basmati-specific states: Punjab, Haryana, Western Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, parts of J&K.

    Rice in India’s Agricultural Trade

    • Rice = India’s single largest agri export commodity by value.
    1. Basmati exports: High-value, niche, quality-driven.
    2. Non-basmati exports: Volume-driven, price-competitive.
    3. Policy role: Central to debates on MSP, food security, buffer stocks, and WTO subsidy limits.

    UPSC-Relevant Analytical Points

    1. Food security vs exports: Non-basmati supports PDS and buffer stock; basmati supports farmer income and forex.
    2. WTO relevance: Rice is central to India’s public stockholding and subsidy notifications under AoA.
    3. Environmental concern: Rice cultivation linked to groundwater depletion and stubble burning in north-west India.
    4. Strategic leverage: Dominance in global rice trade gives India bargaining power but invites protectionist scrutiny.

    WTO Dispute & Legal Hooks

    1. WTO angle: India’s farm subsidies (especially MSP + public stockholding for rice & wheat) have been repeatedly challenged through US “counter-notifications” at the WTO, alleging India breaches the 10% de-minimis limit for product-specific support under the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA, Article 6). 
    2. Peace clause use: India itself notified breaching the rice subsidy cap in 2018–19 and invoked the Bali “peace clause” on public stockholding for food security, shielding it (temporarily) from legal action even if limits are crossed. 
    3. Related dispute: A 2018 WTO case on India’s sugar and sugarcane support saw a panel ruling (2021) that parts of India’s domestic support violated AoA rules; India appealed into the non-functional Appellate Body, so the case remains unresolved.

    India-US Trade Share (Official Source)

    1. Overall trade: As per USTR (official US data), total US–India goods and services trade was about $212.3 bn in 2024, with goods trade at $128.9 bn (US exports $41.5 bn; imports from India $87.3 bn).
    2. Agriculture slice: A recent brief on India–US agricultural trade notes India’s agri exports to the US are about $5.7 bn annually, a small share of both India’s total exports and overall bilateral trade.

    UPSC RELEVANCE

    [UPSC 2021] What are the direct and indirect subsidies provided to farm sector in India? Discuss the issues raised by the World Trade Organization (WTO) in relation to agricultural subsidies.

    Linkage: It is relevant to GS Paper III as WTO concerns over farm subsidies underpin dumping allegations against India, including in rice trade with the US. It helps assess whether export competitiveness is subsidy-driven or market-based.

  • Care as disability justice, dignity in mental health

    Introduction

    Mental health systems globally and in India continue to prioritise biomedical treatment and functional integration. They often overlook lived experiences of distress, social exclusion, and structural vulnerability. There is a need for a fundamental shift: from care as a technical service to care as disability justice, grounded in dignity, equity, and relational accountability.

    Reframing Mental Health Care Beyond Treatment

    1. Dignity-Centred Care: Positions dignity, rather than cure or productivity, as the primary objective of mental health systems.
    2. Disability Justice Lens: Recognises mental illness as shaped by intersecting social, economic, and political structures.
    3. Relational Accountability: Frames care as embedded in relationships, not limited to institutional or clinical settings.

    Limits of Dominant Psychosocial Disability Models

    1. Productivity Bias: Prioritises economic functionality and independence as markers of recovery.
    2. Reductionist Integration: Treats community inclusion as an end-state without addressing exclusionary social norms.
    3. Invisible Chronic Distress: Marginalises individuals whose suffering does not conform to biomedical recovery trajectories.

    Structural Determinants of Mental Distress

    1. Material Deprivation: Highlights housing insecurity, income precarity, and food scarcity as persistent stressors.
    2. Social Abandonment: Identifies shame, rejection, and relational breakdown as under-recognised drivers of distress.
    3. Political and Cultural Loss: Notes erosion of cultural meaning, safety nets, and social identity as contributory factors.

    Multiplicity of Explanations for Mental Illness

    1. Biological Factors: Includes neurotransmitter alterations and inflammatory markers.
    2. Psychological Factors: Covers trauma, grief, and interpersonal loss.
    3. Socio-Structural Factors: Integrates caste, gender, class, and institutional neglect into causation analysis.
    4. Intersectionality: Emphasises overlapping vulnerabilities rather than single-cause explanations.

    Care as Relational and Material Practice

    1. Everyday Care Practices: Includes shelter, nutrition, social connection, and safety as therapeutic.
    2. Non-Linear Recovery: Rejects uniform timelines and outcome metrics.
    3. Shared Responsibility: Frames care as a collective moral obligation rather than individual compliance.

    Justice-Oriented Mental Health Engagement

    1. Recognition of Harm: Acknowledges that distress often arises from unjust social arrangements.
    2. Ethical Accountability: Asks what society owes to those it has marginalised.
    3. Transformative Focus: Shifts emphasis from symptom management to social repair.

    Implications for Education, Research, and Practice

    1. Curricular Reorientation: Calls for training that values lived experience and contextual care.
    2. Practice Diversity: Recognises non-specialist and community-based care providers.
    3. Interdisciplinary Learning: Supports integration of social theory, ethics, and practice.
    4. Systemic Support: Emphasises that professional competence requires institutional backing, not credentials alone.

    Conclusion

    Mental health care must be reimagined as an ethical, relational, and justice-oriented practice rather than a narrowly clinical intervention. By centering dignity and disability justice, the article calls for a paradigm shift that recognises suffering as socially produced and care as a shared societal responsibility.

    Mental Health in India

    1. About 10.6% of Indian adults, roughly 11 out of every 100 adults, were living with a diagnosable mental health disorder, according to a 2015-16 National Mental Health Survey (NMHS) conducted by the National Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences (NIMHANS).
    2. The survey also revealed:
      1. 15% of India’s adult population experiences mental health issues requiring intervention
      2. The lifetime prevalence of mental disorders was 13.7%, indicating that around 14 out of every 100 people in India have experienced a mental disorder at some point in their lives
      3. Mental health disorders are more prevalent in urban areas (13.5%), compared to rural areas (6.9%).

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2024] In a crucial domain like the public healthcare system, the Indian State should play a vital role to contain the adverse impact of marketisation of the system. Suggest measures through which the State can enhance the reach of public healthcare at the grassroots level.

    Linkage: The article directly links to GS-II (Social Justice, Health) by highlighting the limitations of market-centric and outcome-driven public healthcare in addressing mental health and disability. It also enriches GS-IV by framing mental health care as an ethical obligation grounded in dignity, compassion, and justice rather than mere service delivery.

  • [9th December 2025] The Hindu OpED: Democracy’s paradox, the chosen people of the state

    UPSC Relevance

    [UPSC 2022] ‘‘While the national political parties in India favour centralisation, the regional parties are in favour of State autonomy.’’ Comment

    Linkage: This question directly relates to GS-2 Federalism. It links to issues of Centre-State powers, identity-based politics, and recent debates like citizenship verification/NRC/SIR, where states contest central authority.

    Mentor’s Comment

    This article examines the constitutional, legal and administrative paradox emerging from India’s ongoing attempts to verify citizenship through the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. The debate highlights the tension between documentation vs. status, state power vs. individual rights, and democracy vs. exclusion. For UPSC aspirants, this issue is significant because it intersects with federalism, citizenship law, administrative reforms, constitutional morality, and voter rights.

    Introduction

    India’s constitutional framework treats citizenship as a matter determined solely by law and Parliament, not routine administration. However, the recent use of SIR to verify electoral rolls has created friction between constitutional citizenship (status) and documentation-based citizenship (evidence). The article argues that the burden of proof is being pushed onto individuals despite ambiguities in law, unclear Census-NPR linkages, and historical inconsistencies in Assam’s NRC. This creates a paradox in which the state constructs legitimacy but simultaneously demands individuals prove they belong to that very state.

    Why in the News?

    The Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls has reignited India’s long-running citizenship debate by shifting the burden of proving citizenship onto individuals, something the Constitution never intended. For the first time since independence, a nationwide administrative exercise mirrors the logic of NPR-NRC processes without legislative mandate, raising fears of wrongful exclusions, ethnic profiling, and contradictions between constitutional citizenship and administrative citizenship. This marks a sharp and controversial departure from earlier electoral roll revisions that assumed all residents are citizens unless proven otherwise.

    How does citizenship verification create a conflict between status and evidence?

    1. Constitutional Citizenship:
      1. Citizenship status is determined only by Parliament under Articles 5–11, not by administrative bodies like the Election Commission.
      2. Substantiation: The Home Ministry alone has the authority to decide citizenship; EC cannot adjudicate it.
    2. Evidence vs. Status Conflict:
      1. Documents like passports, Aadhaar, NPR data are not conclusive proof of citizenship.
      2. Substantiation: Passports can be forged; Aadhaar is given to all residents; NPR data’s legal basis remains unclear.
    3. Presumption Principle: EC’s SIR breaks with the established assumption that all residents on electoral rolls are citizens unless proven otherwise.

    What legal inconsistencies arise while proving Indian citizenship?

    1. No Clear Proof Mechanism: India lacks a single definitive document that proves citizenship. Example: A person may hold a passport but still be unable to prove citizenship in court.
    2. Ambiguity in NPR and NRC linkage: NPR 2010 & 2015 updates used Census infrastructure but lacked stable legal clarity on how citizenship data would be used.
    3. Birth-Based Citizenship Limits: Citizenship by birth is restricted after 1987 and 2004, parental citizenship must also be established. Example: Post-2003 rules exclude “illegal migrants” even if born in India.

    How do historical precedents shape current anxieties?

    1. Assam NRC Experience: 19 lakh+ residents excluded, many of whom were ethnic Assamese or Bengali Hindus.
    2. Pilot Projects of 2008 & 2010: Early verification exercises in border states showed high error rates and mass exclusions.
    3. Legacy Documents Problem: Citizenship linked to pre-1971 documents (Assam Accord) created practical hardships for ordinary people.

    How does state authority expand through documentation?

    1. Shift of Burden to Individual: SIR and NPR-type exercises place responsibility on residents to prove citizenship instead of the state to verify it.
    2. Expansion of Administrative Power: Local officials gain disproportionate authority to decide who is “doubtful.” Electoral officials examine documents and decide eligibility on daily basis.
    3. Security-State Logic: Administrative citizenship becomes aligned with policing, not inclusion.

    Why is this a “Democratic Paradox”?

    1. State Creates People, Not Vice Versa: The state assumes the power to determine who counts as “people,” instead of people creating the state.
    2. Contradiction with Republic’s Founders: Founders envisioned territorial citizenship, not ethnicity-based citizenship.
    3. Democratic Exclusion: Verification processes may disenfranchise genuine citizens, violating equal political rights.

    Conclusion

    India’s citizenship verification debate reflects a deeper constitutional tension between democracy’s inclusive promise and bureaucratic exclusion driven by identity, documentation, and administrative power. A citizenship regime based on presumption of inclusion is now shifting toward suspicion and proof-based inclusion. The article highlights the urgent need for legal clarity, transparent processes, and alignment between constitutional citizenship and administrative citizenship, ensuring that democracy’s foundation, universal franchise, is not undermined.

     

  • Measles  

    Why in the News?

    • According to recent global health reports, measles caused approximately 95,000 deaths in 2024, despite the presence of a highly effective vaccine.
    • Most deaths occurred among unvaccinated children under five, highlighting concerns about declining immunization coverage, vaccine hesitancy, and disruptions in routine immunization services in several regions.
    • The spike has raised alarms globally, making measles a significant public health priority in 2025.

    About Measles

    • Type: Highly contagious airborne viral disease.
    • Causative Agent: Measles virus (family Paramyxoviridae, genus Morbillivirus).
    • Severity: Can lead to pneumonia, encephalitis, blindness, and death.

    Who Is at Risk?

    • Any non-immune person.
    • Higher risk:
      • Unvaccinated young children
      • Pregnant persons
    • Common in parts of Africa, the Middle East, and Asia.

    Treatment

    • No specific antiviral treatment.
    • Management is supportive (hydration, fever control, nutrition, monitoring complications).

    Prevention

    • Measles-Rubella (MR) vaccine offers long-term protection.
    • India:
      • Measles vaccine included in Universal Immunization Programme (UIP) in 1985.
      • Ongoing campaigns aim to eliminate measles and rubella.

    UPSC Prelims Pointers

    • Measles virus → Paramyxoviridae.
    • Virus survives 2 hours in air/surfaces → high transmission.
    • No antiviral; vaccine is key preventive tool.
    • Koplik spots → diagnostic hallmark.
    • India introduced measles vaccine in Universal Immunization Programme (UIP) → 1985.
    • Recent spike in global deaths makes measles a current affairs hotspot.
    HINI virus is sometimes mentioned in the news with reference to which one of the following diseases? (2015)

    (a) AIDS 

    (b) Bird flu 

    (c) Dengue 

    (d) Swine flu

  • Benin

    Why in the news?

    Benin President Patrice Talon said the security forces stopped a coup attempt by some soldiers in Cotonou on December 7.

    Key Facts

    • Country in West Africa
      Total area about 112622 sq km
       Borders: Niger to the northeast and east, Togo to the west, Burkina Faso to the northwest and the Southern coastline on the Bight of Benin (Gulf of Guinea, Atlantic Ocean)
    • Major rivers:
      • Niger and its tributaries Mékrou, Alibori, Sota (northeast)
      • Mono, Couffo, Ouémé
    • Official capital: Porto Novo
      • Largest city and de facto capital: Cotonou
    • Approx population: 10.87 million (2016)
    • Official language: French
       Widely spoken local languages: Fon, Yoruba
    • Currency: West African CFA franc (XOF)
    • Former French colony; independence in 1960
    • Type of government: Presidential Republic
      • Multi-party democratic system
    In the recent years Chad, Guinea, Mali and Sudan caught the international attention for which one of the following reasons common to all of them? (2023)

    (a) Discovery of rich deposits of rare earth elements 

    (b) Establishement of Chinese military bases 

    (c) Southward expansion of Sahara Desert 

    (d) Successful coups

  • International Big Cat Alliance (IBCA)

    Why in the news?

    India chaired a high level meeting of Big Cat Range Countries in New Delhi, where the Union Environment Minister invited all such countries to join IBCA. India will host the Global Big Cats Summit in 2026.

    What is IBCA?

    A global cooperative initiative launched by India to protect big cats and their habitats worldwide.
     Envisioned by the Prime Minister of India.

    Species covered

    Seven big cats:
    Tiger, Lion, Leopard, Snow Leopard, Cheetah, Jaguar, Puma

    Purpose

    • Strengthen conservation and ecological balance
    • Promote knowledge sharing, capacity building
    • Encourage nature based solutions for green growth
    • Safeguard ecosystems and enhance climate resilience

    Current Status

    • Secretariat: New Delhi, India
    • Members: 18 countries
    • Observer countries: 3
    • Supported by various international organisations
    Consider the following statements: (2016)

    1. The International Solar Alliance was launched at the United Nations Climate Change Conference in 2015. 

    2. The Alliance includes all the member countries of the United Nations. 

    Which of the statements given above is/ are correct? 

    (a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2

  • Operation Sagar Bandhu

    Why in the news

    The Indian Navy has deployed four more warships carrying 1000 tons of Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief stores to cyclone hit regions of Sri Lanka under Operation Sagar Bandhu.

    About the Operation

    • An ongoing Indian Navy initiative to provide urgent assistance to Sri Lanka in the aftermath of a severe cyclone.
       • Focus includes Search and Rescue and supply of essential relief material.

    Indian Ocean Region Significance

    • Reinforces India’s role as a reliable first responder in the region.
       • Strengthens India Sri Lanka people level relations.
       • Showcases India’s naval capability in disaster response and logistics.

    Associated Vision

    • Aligned with India’s commitment to Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) and cooperative maritime outreach in the Indian Ocean Region.
    Consider the following pairs: Country – Important reason for being in the news recently (2022)

    1. Chad — Setting up of permanent military base by China 

    2. Guinea — Suspension of Constitution and Government by military 

    3. Lebanon — Severe and prolonged economic depression 

    4. Tunisia — Suspension of Parliament by President 

    How many pairs given above are correctly matched? 

    (a) Only one pair (b) Only two pairs (c) Only three pairs (d) All four pairs

  • [8th December 2025] The Hindu OpED: Surveillance apps in welfare, snake oil for accountability

    UPSC RELEVANCE

    [UPSC 2023] E-governance, as a critical tool of governance, has ushered in effectiveness, transparency and accountability in governments. What inadequacies hamper the enhancement of these features?

    Linkage: This question links to GS-2 themes of e-governance, transparency, and accountability. The article’s examples of NMMS, Poshan Tracker, and PDS apps directly show how design flaws and exclusion hinder these very objectives.

    Mentor’s Comment

    Surveillance-driven governance is expanding rapidly across India’s welfare programmes. Mobile apps promising “real-time monitoring” and “perfect accountability” are being deployed at scale, often without adequate evidence, capacity, or safeguards. This article critically evaluates the growing reliance on tech fixes in welfare delivery. For UPSC aspirants, it offers an analytical understanding of digital governance, state capacity, accountability frameworks, and ethical concerns, key themes across GS-2 and GS-4.

    Introduction

    Digital tools entered India’s welfare architecture as instruments to modernise attendance, prevent leakages, and strengthen accountability. Over time, however, their use expanded without evaluating field conditions such as connectivity, device access, literacy, and administrative capacity. Surveillance apps have produced limited gains, created new exclusion risks, and shifted the burden of accountability onto frontline workers instead of programme designers and administrators.

    Why in the news

    Welfare programmes across India are increasingly mandating surveillance apps, ranging from biometric attendance to compulsory photo uploads, to improve accountability. But a series of recent failures, especially in schemes like the National Mobile Monitoring System (NMMS) and the Poshan Tracker, has exposed deep flaws. For the first time, governments are publicly acknowledging that these apps are producing unreliable data, penalising genuine beneficiaries, and overburdening frontline workers.

    How did biometric attendance become a dominant tool in welfare programmes?

    1. Biometric punctuality enforcement: Introduced to ensure staff attendance; absenteeism led governments to mandate digital attendance, even threatening punitive action. Example: Block in Uttarakhand where nurses faced punishments for late biometric attendance.
    2. Competing administrative tasks: Conscientious officials stayed back late to complete computerised work, leading to poor next-day biometric compliance.
    3. Impact on health workers: In Rajasthan, RCT evidence showed biometric attendance increased absenteeism, not punctuality.
    4. MGNREGA experience: Wage expenditure tied to digital attendance meant workers paid for tasks they did not perform if supervisors manipulated records.

    Why did the National Mobile Monitoring System (NMMS) generate controversy?

    1. Mandatory photo uploads: Required two geotagged photos daily; failure resulted in wages withheld.
    2. Unrealistic conditions: Poor connectivity in remote areas made uploads impossible.
    3. Limited deterrence of fraud: The app could not confirm whether workers were present all day; supervisors were still able to manipulate attendance.
    4. Excessive burden on workers: Workers anxious about upload deadlines; many were forced to return to worksites simply to capture photos.

    How did the Poshan Tracker create disruptions in nutrition schemes?

    1. Mandatory recognition technology: Ministry required Face Recognition Technology (FRT) for THR pack distribution to children and mothers.
    2. Connectivity problems: Anganwadi worker in Haryana, crowd waiting; app warning: “those who want to eat will continue”, meaning refusal impossible.
    3. Risk of exclusion: Adivasi worker unable to upload photos; THR packs denied to her centre’s beneficiaries.
    4. Extra documentation: Ministry insisted FRT photos must match recorded photographs, adding further layers of control.

    How did ration distribution apps worsen inclusion errors for vulnerable households?

    1. App-based authentication: Some States required biometric or photograph-based verification for the full ration quota.
    2. Penalties for errors: In Jharkhand, uploaded photo mismatch led to partial ration denial.
    3. Burden on elderly/disabled beneficiaries: Those unable to stand for photographs or travel to ration shops lost access entirely.

    Do tech fixes improve accountability in welfare implementation?

    1. Accountability diversion: Apps target frontline workers (anganwadi workers, nurses, teachers) instead of programme designers who control budgets and logistics.
    2. Narrow definition of accountability: Focus limited to procedural compliance rather than service quality.
    3. Over-reliance on automation: Governments assume apps can “prove” honesty or dishonesty; instead, structural gaps remain untouched.
    4. Manipulation persists: Despite apps, fraud, delays, and ghost entries continue, because the administrative ecosystem, not workers, drives corruption patterns.

    Limited effect of tech surveillance

    1. User rejection: Nurses in several states stopped using apps mandated by NHM due to technical and workload issues.
    2. False confidence in data: Administrators felt the ANA tool provided proof of malnutrition despite underlying measurement problems.
    3. Infrastructure mismatch: Apps needed smartphones, servers, data connectivity, conditions often absent in rural welfare ecosystems.
    4. Shifting blame: When NMMS and Poshan Tracker failed, ministries blamed “misuse” instead of app design flaws.

    Accountability Without Capacity: A Flawed Approach

    1. Fragmented accountability: Failures frequently attributed to workers; rarely to poor programme design.
    2. Blame-shifting: Ministries argued NMMS failures were due to workers manipulating apps.
    3. Overproduction of technology: Industries push surveillance apps and governments adopt them without field-testing.
    4. Cost to welfare: Data obsession overshadows quality of service delivery, including nutrition, health outreach, and ration reliability.

    Conclusion

    Surveillance apps in welfare promise transparency but frequently deliver exclusion, burden frontline workers, and create a false sense of accountability. The article shows that technological solutions, when applied without understanding field realities, act like “snake oil”, seductive yet ineffective. Real accountability requires strengthening administrative capacity, improving worker conditions, and focusing on welfare outcomes rather than digital compliance rituals.

  • All about Karnataka’s new Hate Speech Bill, how the issue is regulated across India

    Introduction

    India has long relied on scattered provisions of the IPC to address hate speech. However, these provisions primarily protect “public order” rather than define or penalise hate speech as an independent offence. The Karnataka Hate Speech and Hate Crimes (Prevention) Bill, 2025 attempts to fill this vacuum by clearly defining offences, expanding penalties, and bringing collective responsibility for organisations. The Supreme Court’s own proactive interventions, directing suo motu action on hate speech complaints, highlight both the urgency and the institutional recognition of the problem.

    Why in the news

    The Karnataka government has introduced India’s first state-level Bill focused solely on hate speech and hate crimes. It proposes imprisonment of 2-10 years and collective liability for organisations, something not attempted before. This marks a sharp contrast to India’s earlier fragmented approach relying only on IPC Sections 153A, 295A, and 505. The urgency is underscored by data: despite frequent arrests, conviction rates for analogous offences such as Section 153A IPC stood at only 20.2% in 2020, exposing serious enforcement gaps. The Bill also aligns with the Supreme Court’s growing frustration with non-action in hate speech cases, including contempt warnings to police officers.

    Key Constitutional Angles

    1. Article 19(1)(a): Guarantees free speech but is not absolute.
    2. Article 19(2): Allows restrictions for public order, decency, morality, security of the State, the primary grounds invoked for hate speech laws.
    3. Article 21: Dignity & Privacy (Post-Puttaswamy Expansion)
      1. Protects individuals from:
      2. Psychological harm
      3. Targeted hostility
      4. Dehumanising speech; This forms the modern basis for regulating hate speech beyond mere public order.

    How does India currently regulate hate speech?

    1. No statutory definition: India has no dedicated central law defining “hate speech,” creating ambiguity in enforcement.
    2. Fragmented provisions: IPC Sections 153A, 295A, 505 are used to maintain public order, not specifically to penalise hate speech.
      1. Section 153A: “Promoting enmity between different groups” on grounds such as religion, race, language; punishment includes arrest without warrant.
      2. Section 295A: Deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings.
      3. Section 505: Statements conducing to public mischief, including incitement between groups.
    3. Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023 Provisions:
      1. Section 196 BNS: Criminalizes promoting or attempting to promote disharmony, hatred, or ill-will between different groups (based on religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, caste, or community) through spoken or written words, signs, visible representations, or electronic communication.
      2. Section 197 BNS: Addresses imputations or assertions prejudicial to national integration.
      3. Section 299 BNS: Deals with deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings (previously Section 295A IPC).
    4. Low conviction rate: NCRB shows 20.2% conviction rate under similar provisions in 2020, despite frequent arrests.

    What has been the role of the Supreme Court?

    1. Proactive interventions: Court has shifted from passive stance to active monitoring of hate speech incidents.
    2. 2022 Bench direction: Ordered Delhi, Uttarakhand, and UP police chiefs to take suo motu action without waiting for complaints; warning of contempt for inaction.
    3. 2023 expansion: Directions extended to all States/UTs.
    4. Implementation challenges: Union government noted difficulty in effective execution.
    5. 2023 Vikram Nath-Sandeep Mehta Bench: Emphasised courts must monitor, not simply register FIRs; referred guidelines from Tehseen Poonawalla judgment on mob violence.

    Challenges in regulating hate speech

    Administrative Challenges

    1. Police discretion: It leads to selective enforcement.
    2. Low conviction: Due to weak evidence, hostile witnesses, and poor digital forensics.
    3. Political misuse: hate speech often goes unpunished when linked to ruling coalitions.
    4. Overlapping IPC sections confuse enforcement (153A, 295A, 298, 505, IT Act).

    Digital-Age Problems

    1. Viral dissemination magnifies harm instantly.
    2. Anonymity complicates attribution.
    3. Algorithmic amplification pushes extreme content.
    4. Cross-border servers limit state jurisdiction.
    5. Short-form content (Reels, Shorts) increases inflammatory rhetoric.

    How has hate speech been defined in earlier policy attempts?

    1. 2017 Law Commission (267th Report): Proposed inserting new IPC sections to criminalise incitement to hatred and provocation to violence.
    2. 2022 Private Member’s Bill: Sought explicit definition of hate speech including incitement, justification, promotion of hatred, hostility, discrimination, violence.

    Why States Are Introducing Their Own Laws

    1. Central vacuum: No codified hate speech law.
    2. Rising incidents noted publicly by courts.
    3. Growing digital footprint demanding clear takedown powers.
    4. Administrative uniformity required for police action.

    What does the Karnataka Hate Speech Bill propose?

    1. First state-level dedicated law: Unique attempt to create a specific, standalone statute targeting hate speech and hate crimes.
    2. Clear definition: Treats hate speech as expression that causes injury or discriminatory harm against individuals/groups based on religion, race, caste, gender, sexual orientation, residence, etc.
    3. Collective liability: If hate speech comes from an organisation, persons in positions of responsibility can be held guilty.
    4. Digital control provisions: Empowers State to block or remove online content containing hate speech.
    5. Range of imprisonment: Proposes 2–10 years, signalling stricter penalties.

    Why is the Karnataka Bill significant?

    1. Addresses legislative vacuum: India has no statute explicitly defining hate speech; Karnataka becomes the first mover.
    2. Aligns with SC directions: Reinforces suo motu action and strengthens enforcement capacity.
    3. Targets rising incidents: Attempts to tackle the increasing climate of hate noted by the Supreme Court.
    4. Institutional accountability: Introduces organisational responsibility, previously absent in IPC.

    CONCLUSION

    India’s scattered legal approach to hate speech has led to low conviction rates and inconsistent enforcement. The Karnataka Bill represents a major structural attempt to define, penalise, and prevent hate speech with clearer mechanisms, higher penalties, and organisational accountability. While implementation challenges remain, it aligns the legal landscape with Supreme Court directions and may initiate broader legislative reform across states and the Union.

    PYQ Relevance

    [UPSC 2017] Examine the scope of Fundamental Rights in the light of the latest judgement of the Supreme Court on Right to Privacy.

    Linkage: The Karnataka Hate Speech Bill and the Supreme Court’s suo motu directives derive legitimacy from this expanded interpretation, linking free speech limits under Article 19(2) with protection of dignity and privacy under Article 21.